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OUTLINE 


OF 


JEWISH  HISTORY 


From  Abraham  to  Our  Lord 


I:Y    THK 


Rev.  FRANCIS  E.  GIGOT,  S.S. 

Professor  of  Sacrbd  Scripture,  in  St.  J  ■-■ 

BOSTON,   MASS. 


NEW  YORK,  CINCINNATI,  CHICAGO 

BENZIGER    BROTHERS 

Printers  to  the  Holy  Apostolic  See 
1905 


J.  B.  HOGAN,  S.S.,  D.D. 
Censor 

5m^rimatur : 

^  JOANNES  JOSEPHUS 

A  rchiepiscopiis  Bostonieitsis 

LOAN  STACK 


V 


\' 


Copyright,  1897 
By  Francis  E.  Gigot 


1 106^ 


/<^ 


PREFACE 


The  present  volume  has  been  prepared  for  the  special  use  of 
theological  students,  who,  being  already  acquainted  with  the  lead- 
ing facts  of  the  Biblical  narrative  as  found  in  most  Bible  Histories, 
need  to  be  introduced  to  the  scientific  study  of  Holy  Writ  upon 
which  they  enter,  by  a  more  accurate  and  thorough  knowledge  of 
the  History  of  the  Jews.  Not,  indeed,  that  the  present  work  is 
intended  to  supply  students  with  a  detailed  and  continuous  narra- 
tive of  all  the  historical  facts  recorded  in  the  Bible  such  as  would 
enable  them  to  dispense  with  a  careful  perusal  of  the  Sacred  Books 
themselves.  The  writer  is  fully  persuaded,  on  the  contrary,  that 
the  Inspired  Text  should  ever  remain  pre-eminently  the  text-book 
of  Biblical  students,  and  that  whatever  else  may  be  placed  at  their 
disposal  should  be  only  helps  calculated  to  promote  their  closer 
acquaintance  with  the  Sacred  records.  Whilst  therefore  describ- 
ing the  events  of  Jewish  history  in  such  a  way  as  to  recall  them 
sufficiently  to  the  minds  of  the  careful  readers  of  the  inspired 
books  of  the  Old  Testament,  whilst  also  constantly  referring  to 
the  Bible  for  further  details,  the  writer  has  aimed  at  supplying 
theological  students  with  much  of  what  is  needed  for  a  scientific 
study  of  the  History  of  the  Jews. 

It  is  with  this  distinct  purpose  in  view  that  he  has  embodied 
concisely  in  this  work  the  best  ascertained  results  of  modern  criti- 
cism and  recent  exploration  through  Bible  Lands,  and  has  availed 

180 


IV  PREFACE. 

himself  of  every  source  of  information  to  make  Jewish  history  at 
once  more  intelUgible  and  more  attractive.  It  is  for  the  same  pur- 
pose that  he  has  taken  notice  of  the  principal  difficulties  which 
are  daily  being  made  on  historical  grounds  to  the  facts  narrated  . 
in  the  Bibhcal  records,  and  has  suggested  briefly  the  best  answers 
which  have  been  offered.  It  is  believed  that  the  Bibhcal  student 
will  also  be  greatly  benefited  by  the  references  to  sources,  which 
he  will  constantly  find  in  the  text-book  now  placed  at  his  disposal. 

Whilst  aiming  principally  at  meeting  the  requirements  of  cleri- 
cal students,  the  writer  is  not  without  hopes  of  doing  service  to  a 
much  larger  number  of  readers.  For  example,  teachers  of  Sacred 
History  in  Sunday-schools,  colleges,  academies,  and  the  like,  who 
constantly  feel  the  need  of  something  more  consecutive  and 
methodic  than  is  supplied  by  the  Sacred  Text  itself  or  by  the 
popular  manuals,  wuU  rejoice  to  meet  it  in  the  present  volume. 
Perhaps  even  the  deeper  student  of  Biblical  history  will  occasion- 
ally find  in  its  pages  views  and  suggestions  new  and  helpful. 

Finally,  if  the  writer  of  the  present  work  has  not  dealt  wdth  the 
great  facts  of  the  Creation  of  the  World,  or  the  Fall  of  Man,  etc., 
which  are  narrated  in  the  opening  chapters  of  Genesis,  it  is  chiefly 
because  their  study  is  not  directly  connected  with  the  history  of 
the  Jewish  people  as  a  nation,  for  this  history  begins  strictly  with 
Abraham,  the  first  distinct  ancestor  of  the  chosen  people,  and  also 
because  this  study  may  be  more  profitably  postponed  to  a  later 
period  in  the  Biblical  training  of  theological  students. 

October  19,  1897. 


CONTENTS. 


Pagb 
INTRODUCTION' i 


FIRST  PERIOD, 

The  PatriiDrJhil  .1",-  :    /■^r,>/j/  tlw  Call  of  Ahrahain  to  Afoses. 

Abraham. 
CHAPTER    I. 

Section  I.     A  Summary  Accirnt  of  II  .6 

(   llAl'l  IK    II. 
Section  II.     Social  AND  Rklicious  Aspects  of  His  Life,       17 


CHAPTER   III. 
Jacob 27 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Joseph 37 

CHAPTER   V. 

The  Israelites  in  Egypt 46 


VI  CONTENTS. 

SECOND    OR    TRIBAL    PERIOD. 
Frojfi  Moses  to  the  Institution  of  the  MonarcJiy. 

CHAPTER    VI. 

The  Deliverance  from  Egypt •       5"^ 

CHx\PTER   VII. 
Sinai  and  the  Law 70 

The  Mosaic  Law. 

CHAPTER   VIII. 

Section  I.     General   Remarks.     The  Tabernacle   and 

ITS  Ministers 7S 

CHAPTER    IX. 
Section  II.     Sacrificial  and  Festival  Rites    ...      89 

CHAPTER   X. 
From  Sinai  to  the  Southern  Border  of  Palestine   .        .     100 

CHAPTER   XL 
Geography  of  Palestine 109 

CHAPTER   XIL 
Conquest  of  Eastern  Palestine 117 

CHAPTER   XIII. 
Conquest  of  Western  Palestine 130 

CHAPTER   XIV. 
The  Time  of  the  Judges 14^ 

CHAPTER   XV. 
History  of  the  Judges ,        •     15'J 


CONTENTS.  VU 

THIRD    OR   ROYAL   PERIOD. 

Frojn    the    Institution    of  the    Monarchy    to    the    Babylotiian 

Captivity. 

CHAPTER   XVI. 

The  Beginning  of  the  Monarchy 171 

CHAPTER   XVII. 

The  Reign  of  Saul  and  Youth  of  David      .        .        .        .183 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

'1'he  Keu.n   01    I'.Avii' 196 


The  KiNt;i>oM  of  Solomon. 

CHAPTER   XIX. 

Section  I.    Its  Beginning  and  Prosperous  Period        .     211 

CHAPTER  XX. 
Section  II.    Its  Decline  and  Disruption  ....    228 


CHAPTER   XXL 

The  Kingdom  of  Israei 240 

CHAPTKk   XX 11. 
Thk.  Kingdom  of  Juda \     255 


The  Prophetical  Office  in  the  Old  Testament. 

CHAPTER   XXIII. 
Sec  Hon  I.     Nature  and  History         .... 


CHAPTER   XXIV. 
Section  II.    PREDICTIONS  AND  Influence    ....    284 


Vlll  CONTENTS. 

FOURTH  PERIOD. 
The  Restoratio7i  :  From  the  Babyloniaii  Captivity  to  Our  Lord, 

CHAPTER   XXV. 
The  Babylonian  Captivity. 296 

CHAPTER   XXVI. 
Return  from  the  Exile 310 

CHAPTER   XXVII. 
Rule  of  the  High  PrIests 323 

CHAPTER    XXVIII. 
The  National  Independence  Reconquered    ....    335 

CHAPTER   XXIX. 
The  Last  Jewish  Dynasty 347 

CHAPTER   XXX. 
The  Jews  of  the  Dispersion •   .        .     360 

General  Index        373 


OUTLINES  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY. 


INTRODUCTION. 

I.  Object  of  Jewish  History.  The  history  of  the 
Jews,  like  that  of  all  nations,  is  the  narrative  of  the  past 
events  connected  with  a  particular  people.  Its  object  is  to 
represent  to  the  modern  eye,  in  a  vivid  and  accurate  manner, 
the  several  phases  of  the  actual  existence  of  the  Jewish 
nation.  For  this  purpose,  it  narrates  the  facts  supplied  by 
every  available  source  of  information,  illustrates  the  manners 
and  customs  of  the  Jews,  describes  the  countries  which  they 
have  successively  occupied,  and  taking  notice  of  every  devel- 
opment in  their  literary,  commercial,  political  and  religious 
life,  it  sets  forth  a  faithful  picture  of  the  origin,  growth  and 
decline  of  Jewish  civilization. 

Jewish  history  is  not,  however,  simply  the  picture  of  tiie 
civilization  which  the  Jews  attained  in  the  various  periods 
of  their  national  existence,  it  is  also  the  history  of  the  true 
Religion  from  Abraham  to  the  coming  of  our  Lord.  From 
beginning  to  end,  Israel's  history  is  most  intimately  bound 
up  with  Divine  Revelation.  A  Divine  covenant  with  Abra- 
ham, "  the  Father  "  of  the  Jews,  marks  the  very  beginning  of 
the  chosen  people,  and  the  various  stages  of  this  Divine 
covenant  are  intimately  connected  with  the  social  and  politi- 
cal changes  of  the  Jewish  nation.  Israel  is  ever  God's 
''peculiar  people,"  and  its  judges  and  kings,  its  priests  and 


2  INTRODUCTION. 

prophets,  are  but  the  visible  representatives  of  Jehovah,  the 
Ahnighty  King  of  the  Jews.  National  prosperity  or  public 
calamities  are  meted  out  to  the  theocratic  nation  according 
to  its  faithfulness  or  unfaithfulness  in  keeping  alive  the  pure 
worship  of  the  true  God.  In  fine,  under  God's  special 
guidance,  the  principal  personages  and  leading  events  of 
Jevv^ish  history  foreshadow  the  corresponding  personages  and 
events  of  the  Christian  dispensation.  From  all  this  it  fol- 
lows that  Jewish  histoiy  is  essentially  identical  with  Sacred 
history. 

2.  Importance  of  Jewish  History.  The  religious 
importance  of  the  history  of  the  Jews  has  ever  been  felt  in 
the  Church  of  God.  The  Fathers  of  the  early  centuries,  and 
the  ecclesiastical  writers  of  all  ages,  ever  considered  the 
facts  which  it  records  and  the  predictions  which  it  contains 
as  the  real  preparation  and  the  sure  basis  of  Christianity. 
They  read  the  history  of  Israel  with  the  religious  respect 
which  man  owes  to  the  Word  of  God,  and  they  delighted  in 
drawing  from  the  inspired  records  of  the  Jews  the  instruc- 
tions, encouragements,  warnings,  promises,  etc.,  which  they 
needed  for  their  own  spiritual  welfare  or  for  the  good  of 
those  intrusted  to  their  care.  In  point  of  fact,  to  the 
Christian  mind,  the  main  importance  of  Jewish  history  will 
ever  consist  in  that  religious  character  which  makes  of  it  the 
authentic  record  of  God's  dealings  with  the  children  of 
men. 

Viewed  from  another,  viz.,  from  a  historical,  standpoint, 
Jewish  history  has  also  a  special  importance.  "  It  is  the 
most  complete  history  of  the  Oriental  world  in  our  possession, 
and  is  not  confined  to  one  people,  but  is  full  of  references  to 
many  and  great  Eastern  nations.  It  is  the  beaten  track 
through  Oriental  times,  to  which  and  from  which  numerous 
pathways  lead.  Taking  it  as  a  starting-point,  and  making  it 
our   own,   we   shall   have    little    difficulty  in    increasing    our 


INTRODUCTION.  j 

knowledge  of  the  contemporaneous  history  of  the  surround- 
ing peoples"  (Ira  M.  Price,  Syllabus  of  Old  Testament 
History,  third  edition,  p.  2). 

A  thorough  acquaintance  with  Jewish  history  presents 
another  precious  advantage  :  it  enables  us  to  grasp  the  exact 
meaning  of  the  Sacred  Scriptures,  particularly  of  the  Old 
Testament.  It  makes  us  conversant,  for  instance,  with  those 
Eastern  manners  and  customs  which  are  so  constantly  referred 
to,  but  so  seldom  explained  in  the  Sacred  Scriptures,  and  it 
thereby  furnishes  us  with  a  key  for  the  right  interpretation 
of  countless  passages  of  the  Inspired  volume.  For  the 
prophetical  writings  in  particular,  Jewish  history  has  a  special 
exegetical  importance.  The  exhortations,  threats  and  pre- 
dictions of  the  prophets  are  usually  suggested  by,  and 
natually  connected  with,  the  events  and  conditions  of  the 
time  when  they  were  uttered,  and,  in  consequence,  only  a 
man  really  conversant  with  Jewish  history  has  the  true  data 
by  which  these  important  portions  of  Holy  Writ  can  be 
rightly  interpreted. 

Finally,  the  study  of  Jewish  history  has  acquired  during 
this  century  a  great  apologetical  importance.  On  the  one 
hand,  there  is  hardly  a  book  of  Holy  Writ  whose  authority 
has  not  been  assailed  on  historical  grounds  by  some  of  the 
ablest  scholars  of  the  Rationalistic  school,  and  their  objec- 
tions naturally  demand  to  be  met  with  genuine  historical 
knowledge.  On  the  other  hand,  as  a  careful  study  of  Jewish 
history  shows  that  many  of  these  objections,  once  apparently 
so  formidable,  have  lost  their  force,  chiefly  in  face  of  the 
recent  discoveries  in  Bible  lands,  the  apologist  of  the  present 
day  may  justly  feel  that  the  objections  which  have  not  yet 
been  fully  disposed  of,  will  sooner  or  later  meet  with  a  simi- 
lar fate. 

3.  Sources  of  Jewish  History.  The  Sacred  Books 
of  the  Old  Testament  are  the  first  source  of  Jewish  History. 


4  INTRODUCTION. 

They  all,  in  their  several  degrees,  supply  materials  for  the 
narrative  of  the  events  connected  with  the  chosen  people. 
Those  among  them  which  are  called  Historical  because 
they  detail  directly  and  almost  exclusively  the  events  of  one 
or  several  periods  of  Israel's  existence,  stand  naturally  the 
first  as  sacred  sources  of  Jewish  history.  Next  come  the 
Prophetical  writings  with  their  numerous  references  to 
past  or  present  events,  and  with  their  vivid  descriptions  of 
the  moral,  social,  political  and  religious  condition  of  the 
time.  Lastly,  the  Didactic  works  of  the  Old  Testament  con- 
tain also  precious  indications  about  the  customs  and  civiliza- 
tion of  the  Jews,  and  at  times  they  furnish  detailed  infor- 
mation about  some  great  personages  or  leading  events  of  the 
Jewish  nation. 

Outside  these  authentic  sources  of  Jewish  history,  useful 
materials  may  be  gathered  from  secondary  sources  of  infor- 
mation, such  as  ancient  History  and  Geography,  Archaeology 
and  Ethnography.  By  means  of  the  ancient  history  of  the 
greatest  countries  of  antiquity,  such  as  Egypt,  Assyria,  Baby- 
lonia, Phenicia,  Syria,  Medo-Persia,  and  especially  of  their 
condition  when  Israel  comes  in  contact  with  them,  many 
facts  of  Jewish  history  are  better  realized,  because  viewed  in 
the  light  of  the  actual  circumstances  which  influenced  their 
production.  In  like  manner  a  fair  acquaintance  with  the 
Geography  and  scenery  of  these  great  countries  is  very 
desirable  to  render  more  living  and  more  interesting  the 
events  of  Jewish  history  which  occurred  in  these  ancient 
regions.  Archaeology,  or  the  science  of  the  domestic, 
social,  political,  and  religious  antiquities  of  the  nations  which 
surrounded  or  conquered  Israel,  may  furnish  at  times  the 
best  illustrations  of  the  antiquities  of  the  Jews,  either  by  way 
of  resemblance  or  by  way  of  contrast.  Finally,  ancient  and 
modern  Ethnography,  or  description  of  the  customs  and 
manners  of  the  various  nations,  especially  in  the  form  of 
books  of  Eastern  travel,  can  be  of  the  greatest  use,  because 


INTRODUCTION.  5 

of  the    unchanging  character  of    Oriental    life,   even    in  its 
minutest  details. 

4.  Division  of  Jewish  History.  Tlie  history  of  the 
Jews  from  Abraham  to  Our  Lord  may  be  divided  into  four 
great  periods  of  about  equal  duration,  and  corresponding  to 
the  most  important  political  changes  undergone  by  the  Jew- 
ish nation  : 

(i)  The  Patriarchal  age.  from  the  call  of  Ahrahnni  to 
Moses. 

(2)  The  Tribal  period,  from  Moses  to  the  institution  of 
the  monarchy. 

(3)  The  Royal  period,  from  the  institution  of  the  mon- 
archy to  the  Babylonian  captivity. 

(4)*  The  period  of  the  Restoration,  fmm  the  llahylonian 
captivity  toOurLord. 


^ 


V 


-7'^t.<l-^''«^ 


'VC^<^4^2^     ^ 


Y^^^ 


^y -    yh^-u^^^j,.,.-,^^^^^^- ^^' 27-xxv,  10). 

/7    —    ^^<^  ^   '  J.SecUonI.     A  Summary  Account  of  His  Life. 


I..  Birthplace. 


History 


OF 


Abraham. 


Ur  of  the  Chaldees.-{ 


!      Chaldaea. 


I  Site  of  Ur^  descrip 
[      tion  of  its  rjiins. 


j  I,  Ur,   Haran,   Sichem,   Bethel,  Egypt. 
>.    Wanderings.    \  2.  Bethel  again,  Mambre  near  Hebron. 
!  3.  Gerara,  Bersabee,  Hebron  finally. 


3.  Relations  with-^ 


I  I.   The  Chanaanites. 
2.  Egypt. 


Melchisedech. 


4.  Abimelech. 


[       Agar  and  Tsmael. 
Sara  and  Isaac. 
4.  Dotnestic  Life.\       Eliezer  and  Rebecca. 

Lot  (separation,  rescue). 
Cetura. 


5.  Bnrial- Place. 


xMachpelah  (double  cave)  \ 


['purchase. 


[description. 


[61 


FIRST  PERIOD. 

THE   PATRIARCHAL  AGE:    FROM   THE  CALL   OF 
ABRAHAM   TO   MOSES. 


CHAPTKR  L 

Abraham  (Gen.  xi,  27-xxv,  10). 

Section  L     A  Summary  Account  of  His  Life. 

I.  Birthplace.  The  m^n  selected  by  God  to  be  the 
ancestor  of  the  chosen  people  was  Abraham,  or  as  he  was 
first  called.  Abram.  He  was  the  youngest  son  of  Thare, 
the  ninth  descendant  from  Sem,  and  was  born  in  "the  land 
the  Chaldeans  "  (Acts  vii,  4),  whereby  is  meant  the  southern 
part  of  the  country  fertilized  by  the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates. 
As  Chaldica  is  strictly  an  alluvial  region,  its  aspect  is  that  of 
a  level  plain  whose  monotony  is  unrelieved  by  mountain  or 
hill.  But  its  natural  fertility  is  wonderful,  and  with  its  former 
large  and  industrious  population  (Gen.  x,  10),  it  must  have 
presented  in  Abraham's  time  a  great  contrast  with  its  present 
barren  and  depopulated  condition.  Among  its  many  cities 
was  "  Ur  of  the  Chaldees"  the  birthplace  of  Abraham,  and 
whose  long  disputed  site  has  been  recently  identified  with 
Mugheir,  some  six  miles  distant  from  the  right  bank  of  the 
Euphrates,  and  about  125  miles  northwest  of  the  Persian 
Gulf.  In  the  time  of  Abraham,  Ur  was  most  likely  a  thriving 
seaport,  for  recently  discovered  inscriptions,  whilst  proving 
that    Mugheir  was    formerly  called  Ur,   *•  constantly  speak 

[7] 


8  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

of  the  ships  of  Ur  and  of  the  brisk  commerce  of  its  inhabi- 
tants "  (Blaikie,  Heroes  of  Israel,  p.  9).  The  ruins  of  Ur  are 
extensive,  consisting  mostly  of  low  mounds,  near  the  north- 
ern end  of  which  are  the  remains  of  a  Chaldean  temple  built 
in  brick,  partly  sunburnt  and  partly  baked,  and  dedicated  to 
Hurki,  the  moon-god,  from  whom  the  town  derived  its  name. 
As  Urwas  for  long  centuries  used  as  a  cemetery-city,  because 
of  the  notions  entertained  about  its  great  sanctity,  its  ruins 
present  mainly  the  aspect  of  a  city  of  tombs. 

2.  Wanderings.  The  wanderings  of  Abraham  began 
during  the  lifetime  of  his  father.  For  some  unknown  reason 
—  perhaps  simply  because  of  the  restlessness  natural  to 
nomads  —  the  family  of  Thare  left  their  settlement  at  Ur, 
and  under  his  leadership  started  towards  the  land  of 
Chanaan  (Gen.  xi,  31).  Proceeding  northward,  the  emi- 
grants naturally  followed  the  road  which  is  along  or  near  the 
banks  of  the  Euphrates,  because  it  presented  no  special 
difficulty  for  the  conveyance  of  either  man  or  cattle.  For 
upwards  of  170  miles  .they  moved  along  the  rich  plain  of 
Sennaar  and  passed  by  the  great  cities  of  Arach,  Chalaiiiie 
and  Babylon  ;  next  they  entered  a  highland  region,  and 
about  200  miles  northwest  of  Babylon  crossed  the  river 
Khabur,  whence  they  easily  reached  Haran,  the  frontier 
town  of  Babylonia.  There  the  family  of  Thare  settled,  cap- 
tivated by  the  grent  fertility  of  the  plain  in  the  centre  of 
which  Mara!!  is  built.  There,  also,  after  his  father's  death, 
Abraham  received  the  Divine  call  recorded  in  Genesis  (chap, 
xii,  I,  sq.)  bidding  him  leave  his  own  country  and  the  idola- 
trous house  of  his  father  (Josue  xxiv,  2,  3)  and  repair  to 
another  land  (cfr.  Crelier,  Genese,  p.  153). 

Accordingly,  Abraham,  now  seventy-five  years  old,  leaving 
his  brother  Nachor  in  Haran  (Gen.  xxiv,  10),  proceeded  on 
his  journey  with  his  wife  Sarai,  and  his  nephew  Lot.  Both 
Abraham  and  Lot  had  prospered  in   Haran,  and  their  large 


ABRAHAM. 


possessions  and  retinue  formed  a  long  caravan  which  moved 
slowly  towards  the  Euphrates  (Gen.  xii,  4,  5).  Having 
crossed  this  river  —  probably  at  the  ford  still  in  use  near 
Zeugma  —  they  naturally  took  the  old  track  or  road  to 
Damascus  across  the  great  Syrian  desert.  They  stopped 
but  a  little  time  in  Damascus  (Gen.  xv,  2,  3)  and  then 
resumed  their  southwesterly  road  by  one  of  the  ordinary 
caravan  routes  which  passed,  as  they  still  pass,  through 
Palestine  to  Egypt.  Thus  did  Abraham  reach  the  land  of 
Chanaan,  but  not  knowing  yet  whether  this  was  the  land 
of  promise,  "  he  passed  through  the  country  into  the  place 
of  Sichem  "  as  far  as  the  turpentine  tree  of  Moreh  (cfr. 
Gen.  xii,  6  ;  xxxiv,  4).  Here  it  was  that  Jehovah  appeared 
to  Abraham  and  promised  to  his  seed  this  very  land  ;  here 
it  was  also  that  the  grateful  patriarch  erected  his  first  altar 
to  Jehovah  (Gen.  xii,  7). 

But  the  plain  was  small,  and  not  without  proprietors. 
This  led  Abraham  to  pass  southward  to  a  mountain  east  of 
Bethel,  a  fine  district  for  pasturage,  which,  however,  soon 
proved  insufficient  for  his  numerous  flocks.  He  therefore 
went  southward  to  "///<?  Negeb^'''  "'the  dry"  region  which 
forms  the  southern  limit  of  the  Holy  Land,  till  the  pressure 
of  famine  compelled  him  to  go  down  into  Egypt,  the  fertile 
granary  to  which  the  Bedouins  of  the  present  day  repair  will- 
ingly under  similar  circumstances  (Gen.  xii,  8,  sq.). 

Compelled  to  withdraw  from  Egypt  under  Pharao's  orders, 
Abraham  went  back  to  his  former  camping-ground  near 
Bethel,  where  he  soon  separated  from  Lot,  his  nephew, 
who  hitherto  had  accompanied  him  in  all  his  wanderings, 
and  where  he  was  greatly  encouraged  by  a  more  explicit 
promise  of  Jehovah  that  his  seed  should  possess  the  Holy 
Land.  Thence  he  removed  and  took  up  his  abode  under 
the  terebinths  of  Mambre,  an  Amorrhite  prince  (Gen.  xiv, 
13),  near  Hebron  (Gen.  xii,  20-xiii). 

After  a  long  residence  at  Mambre,  Abraham  resumed  his 


lO  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

wanderings,  and  proceeding  towards  the  south  he  "dwelt  be- 
tween Cades  and  Sur,  and  sojourned  in  Gerara,"  a  place  now 
known  as  Umm  el  Jerar.  Here,  or  not  far  from  it,  at  Ber- 
sabee  —  about  25  miles  south  of  Hebron  —  he  sojourned  for  a 
long  time,  highly  respected  by  the  Philistine  authorities,  who 
considered  him  as  a  powerful  chieftain  not  to  be  interfered 
with.  But  although  Bersabee  afforded  plenty  of  roaming 
space  for  his  flocks  and  several  wells  for  their  watering, 
Abraham  finally  removed  to  Hebron  :  the  death  of  Sara  could 
not  be  very  distant,  and  in  preparation  for  her  demise  he 
wished  to  secure  for  himself  and  his  descendants  a  burial- 
place  in  the  locality  whose  possession  had  been  several 
times  promised  him  for  his  posterity  (Gen.  xx,    i  ;  xxi,  22- 

34). 

3.  Outward  Relations.  The  first  class  of  people  with 
whom  Abraham  came  in  contact  during  his  long  wanderings 
after  reaching  the  holy  land,  are  those  tribes  which,  under 
the  general  name  of  Chanaanites,  were  "  at  that  time  in  the 
land  "  (Gen.  xii,  6).  His  general  relations  with  them  present 
a  twofold  aspect:  (i)  he  ever  remains  separated  from  the  sur- 
rounding tribes,  professing  to  be  a  stranger  among  them 
(Gen.  xxiii,  4),  not  accepting  any  gift  from  their  hands  (Gen. 
xiv,  23),  not  willing  to  have  any  intermarriage  between  his 
race  and  theirs  (Gen.  xxiv,  3),  etc. ;  (2)  there  is  no  trace  in  his 
actual  dealings  with  them  of  the  unrelenting  enmity  of  later 
ages.  This,  however,  should  not  be  accounted  for  by  com- 
munity of  creed  and  identity  of  religious  worship,  but  rather 
by  the  fact  that  Palestine  was  then  but  thinly  peopled  and 
offered  many  tracts  of  unappropriated  grounds  fit  for  pastur- 
age. Dwelling  in  their  towns  and  satisfied  with  their  imme- 
diate neighborhood,  the  Chanaanites  did  not  interfere  with 
a  chieftain  no  less  really  powerful  than  ostensibly  peaceful 
and  disinterested. 

Abraham's  relations  with  the  Egyptians  were  naturally 
of   shorter  duration    than  with   the   Chanaanites,  and   their 


ABRAHAM.  II 

brief  description  in  Genesis  (chap,  xii,  11-20)  is  quite  in 
harmony  with  recent  Egyptian  discoveries.  Thus  the  fears 
of  Abraham  for  his  own  life,  if  Sarai  was  known  to  be  his 
wife,  are  illustrated  in  the  Egyptian  "Tale  of  Two  Brothers," 
where  we  are  told  that  a  King  of  Egypt  sent  two  armies  to 
bring  a  beautiful  woman  to  him  and  to  murder  her  husband. 
The  notification  to  the  king  of  Abraham's  arrival  with  his 
beautiful  sister,  is  in  perfect  accordance  with  the  extant  re- 
ports made  under  similar  circumstances  by  officers  posted 
on  the  Egyptian  frontier.  In  like  manner,  the  well-known 
customs  of  the  country  required  that  Sarai's  supposed  brother 
should  be  offered  presents  calculated  to  secure  his  ready 
consent  to  her  future  marriage  with  Pharao.  Finally,  it  is 
generally  admitted  that  all  the  animals  mentioned  in  the 
Bible  as  presented  to  Abraham  by  Pharao,  were  then  known 
in  Egypt  (See  Vigouroux,  Bible  et  Decouveries  Modernes ; 
Gkikie,  Hours  with  the  Bible,  vol.  i,  pp.  320-322). 

P'ew  things  found  in  the  Biblical  records  have  appeared 
more  strange  and  incredible  than  Abraham's  relations  with 
Melchisedech.  In  this  connection,  Genesis  (chap,  xiv, 
18-20)  tells  us  that  on  his  return  from  a  victorious  battle 
against  eastern  kings  who  had  invaded  Palestine,  Abraham 
was  met  by  Melchisedech,  the  King  of  Salem  and  priest  of 
the  most  high  God,  received  his  blessing  and  gave  him  the 
tithes  of  all  the  spoil.  This  sudden  introduction  of  a  Chan- 
aanite  personage  bearing  a  Semitic  name,  at  once  king  and 
priest,  without  any  mention  of  his  parentage,  place  of  birth, 
successor  in  office,  etc.,  has  ever  appeared  most  mysterious 
and  supplied  matter  for  more  or  less  improbable  conjectures. 
Quite  lately,  however,  an  unexpected  light  has  been  thrown 
upon  several  points  connected  with  Melchisedech,  which  en- 
ables us  to  realize  the  historical  character  of  this  illustrious 
type  of  our  Lord  (Heb.  v,  6,  10).  Among  the  cuneiform 
tablets  discovered  in  1887  at  Tell  el-Amarna  on  the  Nile, 
were  found  despatches  going  back  to  a  time  long  before  the 


12  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

Exodus  and  addressed  to  the  kings  of  Egypt  by  the  gov- 
ernor  of  Jerusalem.  From  some  of  them  we  learn  that  Se- 
mitic words  were  then  current  in  Palestine,  that  the  town  over 
which  this  official  ruled  as  an  ally  to  Egypt  was  Uru'  Salim, 
and  that  his  office  was  not  hereditary,  nor  dependent  on  the 
appointment  of  the  Egyptian  monarch,  but  filled  by  the 
direct  oracle  of  a  God  whom  he  calls  the  Mighty  King  and 
who  had  his  shrine  in  iTru'  Salim.  As  appointed  by  a  direct 
divine  oracle,  the  ruler  over  Jerusalem  was  naturally  at  the 
same  time  the  priest  of  the  God  to  whom  he  would  offer  a 
sacrifice  of  thanksgiving  for  the  glorious  victory  of  Abraham, 
and  in  whose  name  he  would  bless  this  illustrious  patriarch. 
Abraham,  recognizing  Jehovah  in  the  God  worshipped  by 
Melchisedech,  willingly  gave  to  this  king  and  priest  the 
tithes  of  all  the  spoil.-^ 

The  last  class  of  Abraham's  outward  relations  which  we 
intend  briefly  to  mention  here  are  those  which  this  patriarch 
had  for  long  years  with  the  Philistines,  who,  apparently  at 
that  time,  were  a  pastoral  tribe  under  the  leadership  of  a 
king  bearing  the  official  title  of  Abimelech.  In  reaching 
their  country,  Abraham  —  according  to  his  general  agree- 
ment with  Sara  —  gave  out  that  she  was  his  sister,  and  in 
consequence  she  was  taken  to  become  the  wife  of  Abimelech. 
The  narrative  of  this  second  seizure,  whilst  bearing  much 
general  resemblance  with  the  preceding  narrative  of  Sara's 
capture  in  Egypt,  differs  from  it  in  several  important  par- 
ticulars, such  as  the  explanation"  now  given  of  his  conduct 
by  Abraham  (Gen.  xx,  11-13),  and  the  kind  manner  with 
which  Abimelech  deals  with  him  (Gen.  xx,  14-18).  The 
sojourn  of  Abraham  in  the  land  of  the  Philistines  is  also 
marked  by  the  first  act  of  appropriation  on  the  part  of  his 

*  As  the  God  at  whose  altar  Melchisedech  ministered  was  the  God  of  the  territory  of 
Jerusalem  which  then  extended  to  Carmel  in  the  south,  and  to  Geth  and  Ceila  in  the 
west,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  He  was  identified  by  Abraham  with  Jehovah  whom  he  knew 
to  be  the  God  of  the  promised  Land  and  who  had  appeared  to  him  in  that  region. 
(See  Records  of  the  Past,  new  series,  vol.  v,  pp.  54-101.) 


ABRAHAM.  13 

servants  —  the  digging  of  the  wells  of  Bersabee  —  which 
was  indeed  resented  by  the  pastoral  population  of  the  tribe, 
but  which  simply  led  to  a  firmer  alliance  between  him  and 
the  Philistine  authorities  (Gen.  xxi,  22-34). 

4.  Domestic  Life.  In  connection  with  the  members 
of  Abraham's  household  we  notice  first  of  all  that  Agar,  one 
of  his  female  slaves — probably  one  of  the  gifts  of  Pharao 
(cfr.  Gen.  xii,  16;  xvi,  i)  —  appears  as  a  secondary  wife  of 
the  patriarch.  She  became  such  at  the  instigation  of  Sarai, 
according  to  a  custom  still  known  in  the  East,  and  in  virtue 
of  which  children  born  in  this  manner  are  considered  as 
legitimate  offspring  and  treated  as  the  children  of  the  mis- 
tress of  the  establishment.  Agar  having  conceived,  forgot 
her  condition  to  the  extent  of  despising  her  barren  mistress, 
but  she  had  to  "  run  away"  from  Sarai's  resentment.  The 
angel  of  Jehovah  found  her  in  the  wilderness  of  Sur  — 
which  separated  Palestine  from  Egypt  her  native  land  — 
assured  her  that  Jehovah  had  heard  her  affliction,  and  that 
Ismael  her  son,  would  be  a  free,  indomitable  son  of  the 
desert.  Whereupon  Agar  returned  to  her  mistress,  and  in 
due  time  bore  a  son  to  Abraham  (Gen.  xvi).  Evidently  Is- 
mael became  dear  to  the  old  patriarch  and  was  treated  by 
him  as  the  heir  of  the  Divine  promise,  up  to  the  birth  of 
Isaac  from  Sarai.  This  explains  how  Abraham  was  so 
reluctant  to  expel  him  as  requested  by  Sarai,  who  could 
not  bear  the  idea  that  the  son  of  a  bond-woman  should  share 
the  paternal  inheritance,  but  it  makes  it  difficult  to  realize 
how  despite  his  paternal  love  he  consented  to  dismiss  Ismael 
and  his  mother  with  a  scanty  supply  of  bread  and  a  bottle  of 
water,  unless  we  admit  that  under  the  name  of  bread  other 
provisions  are  included.  However  this  may  be,  the  picture 
of  the  sufferings  of  the  youth  in  the  desert  of  Bersabee  is 
true  to  life  (Geikie,  p.  343),  and  had  not  the  angel  of  Jehovah 
intervened  in  his  behalf,  Ismael  would  have  perished  from 


14  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

thirst.  Saved  from  a  cruel  death,  the  lad  grew  up  in  the 
wilderness  of  Pharan  which  forms  the  northeastern  division 
of  the  peninsula  of  Sinai,  was  married  to  an  Egyptian  woman 
and  became  the  ancestor  of  numerous  nomadic  tribes  spread 
over  the  deserts  of  Northern  Arabia  between  the  Red  Sea 
and  the  Euphrates  (Gen.  xvi ;  xxxvii,  25,  28). 

But  however  dear  to  Abraham  were  Ismael  and  his  mother, 
two  other  members  of  his  family  lay  closer  to  the  heart  of 
the  patriarch,  viz.,  Sara  his  half-sister  and  wife  (Gen. 
XX,  II,  12)  and  Isaac  the  son  of  promise  and  the  heir  of  all 
things  (Gen.  xxv,  5).  Of  course,  the  history  of  Sara  is  that 
of  Abraham,  whom  she  accompanied  in  all  his  wanderings, 
yet  her  independent  action  appears  in  connection  with 
family  affairs,  such  as  Abraham's  connection  with  Agar  and 
the  difficulties  between  her  and  Agar,  between  Isaac  and 
Ismael.  Her  ironical  laughter  at  the  promise  of  a  child 
(Gen.  xviii,  10),  her  trembling  denial  of  that  laughter  (Gen. 
xviii,  15),  her  laughter  of  thankful  joy  for  the  birth  of  Isaac 
(Gen.  xxi,  6),  are  traits  of  her  character  to  be  noticed.  It 
was  probably  at  Bersabee  that  she  brought  forth  Isaac,  and 
on  the  eighth  day  the  child  was  circumcised  according  to  the 
Divine  command.  When  two  or  three  years  old  Isaac  was 
weaned,  and  it  was  soon  after  the  festival  celebration  which 
marked  this  event,  that  God  declared  that  through  Isaac 
alone  Abraham  would  be  the  ancestor  of  the  chosen  people 
(Gen.  xxi).  And  yet  the  time  came  when  Jehovah  asked  from 
the  patriarch  the  sacrifice  of  this  beloved  son,  but  was  satis- 
fied with  Abraham's  firm  faith  and  ready  obedience  (Gen. 
xxii,  1-19). 

The  time  came  also  when  a  suitable  partner  was  to  be  pro- 
vided for  Isaac,  and  in  consequence,  Abraham  ever  anxious 
to  keep  his  seed  separate  from  the  idolatrous  Chanaanites, 
sent  his  chief  servant  the  Damascene,  Eliezer,  to  Mesopota- 
mia, where  Naclior  had  remained.  In  this  connection,  the 
sacred  narrative  pictures   Eliezer's  departure,  meeting  with 


ABRAHAM.  I- 

Rebecca,  petition  for  her  hand  in  behalf  of  his  young  mas- 
ter, etc.,  wiih  a  faithfuhiess  to  Oriental  life  which  has  never 
been  surpassed  (Gen.  xxiv). 

The  mutual  attachment  of  Abraham  and  his  nephew  Lot 
deserves  also  a  mention  here.  On  the  one  hand,  Lot  folio  3 
willingly  his  uncle  whithersoever  he  goes  (to  Damascus, 
Sichem,  Egypt,  etc.),  and  consents  to  depart  from  him  only 
when  their  common  interest  requires  it  manifestly  (Gen.  xiii, 
5,  sq.).  On  the  other  hand,  Abraliam  willingly  gives  Lot  his 
choice  of  the  best  land  before  him  (Gen.  xiii,  9,  sq.),  and 
after  the  actual  departure  of  his  nephew,  shows  himself 
ever  ready  to  come  to  his  help  as  is  exemplified  in  the  prompti- 
tude with  which  Abraham  "the  Hebrew"  (/.  e.,  the  one  who 
came  from  beyond  the  Euphrates)  started  to  rescue  him 
when  made  captive  by  the  eastern  kings  who  had  invaded 
Chanaan  (Gen.  xiv,  1-16).^ 

P'inally,  it  is  in  connection  wi;h  another  wife  of  Abraham, 
named  Cetura,  by  whom  he  had  several  children,  that  we 
learn  the  prudent  measures  to  which  he  resorted  to  preclude 
all  discussion  about  his  inheritance  between  his  lawful  heir 
and  his  other  children.  To  the  latter  "he  gave  gifts,  and 
separated  them  from  Isaac  his  son,  while  he  yet  lived,  to 
the  east  Cvuintry  "  (Gen.  xxv,  1-6). 

5.  Death  and  Barial-Place.  Abraham  was  175  years 
old  when  "  he  was  gathered  to  his  people."  Isaac  and 
Ismael,  his  sons,  buried  him  by  the  side  of  his  beloved  wife, 
Sara,  in  the  cave  of  Machpelah  (Gen.  xxv,  7-10). 

As  we  already  noticed,  this  burial-place  was  bought  by 
the  holy  patriarch  on  the  occasion  of  the  death  of  Sara,  and 

^  Later  on  Lot  was  miraculously  saved  from  the  destruction  of  Sodom,  the  details  of 
which  are  recorded  in  Genesis  (chap.  xix).  Tlie  statements  of  the  Bible  in  connection 
with  this  catastrophe  are  in  perfect  harmony  with  the  accounts  of  such  writers  as  Philo, 
Tacitus  and  Strabo;  they  are  also  made  by  tlie  sacred  writer  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
clearly  imply  the  supernatural  character  of  the  destruction  of  the  guilty  cities  (cfr.  V, 
GuKKiN,  Torre  Sainte,  vol.  ii,  p.  287,  sq. ;  Deane,  Abraham,  p.  no,  sq.  ;  Blaikib, 
Heroes  of  Israel,  p.  132,  sq). 


J 


l6  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

its  purchase  is  recorded  in  Genesis  (chap,  xxiii)  with  great 
minuteness,  and  also  with  perfect  faithfulness  to  Eastern 
customs.  Then,  as  now,  the  order  of  the  transactions  was 
ceremony,  compliment,  and  then  business ;  then,  as  now,  the 
sellers  offered  anything,  everything,  as  a  gift,  but  all  are 
politely  declined ;  then,  as  now,  every  article  must  be  speci- 
fied in  the  deed  (the  field,  the  cave,  the  trees),  all  rights 
must  be  paid  in  current  money,  and  then  the  deed  "is  made 
sure"  (Henry  A.  Harper,  From  Abraham  to  David ;  see 
also  Deane,  Abraham,  p.  150,  sq). 

The  mosque  at  Hebron  is  built  over  the  cave  of  Machpelah, 
and  even  the  mosque  is  guarded  with  the  most  jealous  care 
by  the  Mussulmans,  a  few  great  personages  being  the  only 
ones  who  were  allowed  to  visit  it  for  several  centuries.  The 
only  visitor  of  the  cave  itself  who  has  left  a  credible  account 
of  his  inspection  is  the  rabbi  Benjamin,  of  Tudela,  who  in 
1 1 63  was  allowed  to  examine  it.  He  says:  "The  Gentiles 
have  erected  six  sepulchres  in  this  place,  which  they  pretend 
to  be  those  of  Abraham  and  Sarah,  of  Isaac  and  Rebecca, 
and  of  Jacob  and  Lia  ...  if  any  Jew  come,  who  gives  an 
additional  fee  to  the  keeper  of  the  caves,  an  iron  door  is 
opened  and  with  a  burning  candle  in  his  hand,  the  visitor 
descends  into  a  first  cave  which  is  empty,  traverses  a  second 
in  the  same  state,  and  at  last  reaches  a  third,  which  contains 
the  six  sepulchres,  one  opposite  the  other.  All  these  sepulchres 
bear  inscriptions.  ...  A  lamp  burns  in  the  cave  and  upon 
the  sepulchres,  continually  both  night  and  day."  Whatever 
may  be  thought  of  this  description  by  one  who  visited  the 
cave  during  the  occupation  of  Palestine  by  the  Christians,  it 
may  be  said  with  great  probability  that  the  cave  "resembles 
the  rock-cut  sepulchres  of  Palestine,  with  a  square  ante- 
chamber carefully  quarried,  and  two  interior  sepulchral 
chambers,  to  which  access  has  been  made  at  a  later  period 
through  the  roofs "  (C.  R.  Conder,  Survey  Memoirs,  vol 
iii,  p.  346). 


SYNOPSIS    OF   CHAPTER   II. 

Abraham. 
Section  II.     Social  and  Religious  Aspects  of  His  Life, 


A.  In  general : 

The  Nomad 
Life 


r  still  exists  is  Western  Asia. 
■I  is  now  better  known  than  ever  before, 
singularly  illustrative  of  the  Patriarchal  life. 


I.  The  Tent. 

{Its  motives. 
Its  principal  features. 
Some  of  its     i  3-  Dealings  with  others  :  hospitality, 
particulars  de- 


B.    In    particu- 
lar: 


scribed : 


4.  Domestic  Life  :  children,  women,  slaves. 

5.  Burial-place  and  funeral  rites. 


f  A  life  little  known 
A.*' The  Friend!      before  the  Call, 
of  God."         I      h\x\.  afterwards  a 
\     life  of  Faith 


Shown 
by 


Reward- 
ed by 


a  constant  sense  of 
the  Divine  Pres- 
ence. 

a  trustful  love  and 
deep  veneration 
for  Jehovah. 

an  unlimited  devo- 
tion to  His  ser- 
vice. 

earthly  blessings. 

familiar  intercourse 
with  God. 


B.  "The  Father 

of  the 

Faithful." 


Of  the  Je-.os: 


(Repeated  promises. 
Covenant. 


Of  the  Christians  (spiritually) :   universality  of 
the  promises. 


3.  Claimed  even  by  Mussulmans. 

[■7] 


CHAPTER  II. 

i^  Abraham. 

Section  II.      Social  and  Religious  Aspects  of  His  Life. 

§  /.     Social  Aspect  :    A  Noj/iad  Life. 

I.  The  Nomad  Life  in  General.  The  inhabitants 
of  Palestine  and  neighboring  countries  have,  from  the  earli- 
est ages,  been  divided  into  two  great  classes,  according  as 
they  dwell  in  permanent  or  in  movable  habitations  (Gen.  iv, 
17,  20),  and  this  division  holds  good  down  to  the  present 
day.  In  all  parts  of  Western  Asia,  beside  the  people  settled 
in  villages  and  cities,  tribes  are  now  met  with  dwelling  in 
tents,  and  "  moving  about  with  their  flocks  according  to  the 
demands  of  the  season,  the  state  of  the  herbage  and  the  sup- 
ply of  water "  (Kitto,  art.  Pasturage).  They  are  nomad 
tribes  leading  the  same  wandering  life  as  their  ancestors 
long  centuries  before  Christ,  wearing  the  same  garb,  and 
speaking  almost  the  same  language.  Their  roaming  habits, 
their  apparent  lack  of  all  civilization,  together  with  the  diffi- 
culty in  past  centuries  to  reach  the  East,  and  the  great  inse- 
curity of  travel  through  the  vast  deserts  of  Western  Asia, 
have  long  prevented  Biblical  scholars  from  acquiring  a 
close  acquaintance  with  customs  and  manners  so  different 
from  those  of  Western  Europe.  But  of  late  most  of  those 
obstacles  have  disappeared  :  as  the  means  of  transportation 
have  become  more  rapid  and  less  expensive,  travels  through 
Eastern  lands  have  been  multiplied,  the  manners  and  customs 
of  nomad  tribes  hive  been  studied  in  their  own  country,  and 
interesting  narratives  have  placed  the  result  of  patient  and 

[18] 


ABRAHAM.  I9 

careful  investigation  within  the  reach  of  Biblical  students. 
In  point  of  fact  the  nomad  life  is  better  known  now  than 
ever  before,  and  our  greater  knowledge  of  it  enables  us  to 
realize  with  peculiar  vividness  the  various  features  of  the 
patriarchal  age,  inasmuch  as  the  life  and  habits  of  modern 
nomads  are  almost  in  every  particular  identical  with  those  of 
the  nomads  of  ancient  times  (J.  L.  Porter,  Five  Years  in 
Damascus,  p.  178,  sq. ;  Gp:ikie,  The  Holy  Land  and  the 
Bible,  chap.  xiii). 

Some  Particulars  of  the  Nomad  Life  described. 
The  first  feature  common  to  the  nomads  of  to-day  and  to 
the  wandering  patriarchs  of  old  consists  in  the  use  of  the 
tent  as  a  dwelling  (Gen.  xii,  8  ;  xiii,  3  ;  xviii,  i,  etc.).  Tlie 
tents  of  Arabs  are  usually  oblong  and  higher  in  front  than 
behind.  They  are  formed  by  setting  poles  —  nine  in  all  — 
in  the  ground,  and  spreading  over  them  a  covering  made 
of  goat's-hair  cloth  and  along  the  border  of  which  ropes 
are  fastened.  To  keep  the  whole  structure  in  position, 
the  ropes  are  stretched  to  their  utmost  and  fixed  by 
their  loops  to  pegs  driven  fast  into  the  ground.  The  inte- 
rior is  divided  into  two  parts  by  a  curtain  hanging  upon 
the  three  central  poles :  the  part  on  the  left,  in  entering,  is 
reserved  for  the  women  and  contains  the  provisions  of  the 
household,  the  cooking  utensils,  the  skin  water-bottles,  etc.; 
the  part  on  the  right,  forms  the  men's  apartment  and  is  the 
place  where  passing  guests  and  visitors  are  usually  received 
(cfr.  Gen.  xviii,  6,  9,  sq. ;  xxvii,  5,  sq.,  etc.). 

Dwellings  of  this  description  are  easily  transported,  and  as 
such  are  very  convenient  for  that  wandering  life  which  perse- 
veres down  to  the  present  day  for  the  same  motives  as  in  the 
times  of  the  patriarchs  of  old.  Among  these  motives  may  be 
reckoned  (i)  the  amount  of  personal  adventure  and  tribal 
independence  it  allows  ;  (2)  the  means  it  affords  for  raising 
flocks  and  cattle  by  moving  according  to  seasons,  conditions 
of  pastures,    etc.  ;  (3)  the    harmony  it    presents  with  olden 


20  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

traditions  and  ancestral  habits;  (4)  tlie  natural  charms  it 
oilers  under  a  blue  Eastern  sky,  etc. 

Of  course,  now,  as  during  the  patriarchal  age,  it  is  rare  to 
meet  solitary  tents,  for  households  united  by  kindred  natu- 
rally dwell  in  the  same  region  or  move  together  in  their 
migrations.  "  In  the  desert,  the  tents  are  often  arranged  in 
a  circle  or  quadrangle,  so  that  the  cattle  can  be  gathered 
together  into  the  central  space,  and  thus  be  more  effectually 
defended  against  marauders  "  (Van  Lennep,  Bible  Lands, 
p.  403).  When  migrating  to  new  pastures  the  appearance  of  a 
large  tribe  —  not  unlike  the  large  caravans  of  Abraham  (cfr. 
Gen.  xii,  4,  sq. ;  xiii,  i,  sq.,  etc.) ;  and  of  Jacob  (xxxii,  1-8,  13- 

2 1  ;  xxxiii,  4-14), —  is  most  picturesque,  and  is  thus  graphically 
described  by  Layard :  "We  soon  found  ourselves  in  the 
midst  of  wide-spreading  flocks  of  sheep  and  camels.  As  far 
as  the  eye  could  reach,  to  the  right,  to  the  left,  and  in  front, 
still  the  same  moving  crowd.  Long  lines  of  asses  and  bul- 
locks laden  with  black  tents,  huge  caldrons  and  variegated 
carpets;  aged  women  and  men,  no  longer  able  to  walk,  tied 
on  the  heap  of  domestic  furniture;  infants  crammed  into 
saddle-bags,  their  tiny  heads  thrust  out  through  the  narrow 
opening,  balanced  on  the  animal's  back  by  kids  or  lambs 
tied  on  the  opposite  side  ;  young  girls  clothed  only  in  the 
close-fitting  Arab  shirt,  which  displayed  rather  than  con- 
cealed their  graceful  forms;  mothers  with  their  children  on 
their  shoulders ;  boys  driving  flocks  of  lambs ;  horsemen 
armed  with  their  long,  tufted  spears,  scouring  the  plain  on 
their  fleet  mares ;  riders  urging  their  dromedaries  with  their 
short,  hooked  sticks,  and  leading  their  high-bred  steeds  by 
the  halter;  colts  galloping  amongst  the  throng"  (Nineveh 
and  its  Remains,  vol.  i,  p.  90). 

On  the  arrival  of  a  tribe  at  their  camping-ground,  the 
pitching  of  tents  occasions  a  great  deal  of  confusion,  every 
one  appearing  desirous  to  outdo  his  neighbor  in  vehemence 
of  shouting  and  of  action.     This  is,  however,  but  a  friendly 


ABRAHAM.  2  1 

debate  on  the  site  of  the  respective  tents,  and  after  it  has 
been  settled  by  no  more  violent  measure  than  mere  yelling, 
each  family  begins  to  raise  its  temporary  dwelling.  The 
camels  are  made  to  kneel  down,  the  donkeys  to  stop  in  the 
places  fixed  upon,  and  the  loads  are  rolled  off  their  backs. 
The  women  next  spread  the  black  tent  covering,  the  men 
rush  about  with  wooden  mallets  to  drive  in  the  stakes  and 
pegs,  and  in  a  few  minutes  the  temporary  abodes  are  com- 
plete. The  women  and  girls  are  then  sent  forth  to  fetch 
water,  or  to  collect  brushwood  and  dry  twigs  for  fire,  whilst 
the  men,  assembling  in  the  tent  of  the  sheikh  and  crouching 
in  a  circle  round  the  entire  trunk  of  an  old  tree,  which  is 
soon  enveloped  in  flames,  prepare  to  pass  the  rest  of  the 
day  in  that  desultory  talk  relating  to  stolen  sheep,  stray 
donkeys,  or  successful  robberies,  which  fills  up  the  leisure  of 
an  Arab  (cfr.  Layard,  Nineveh,  vol.  ii,  pp.  49,  50). 

In  all  encampments  the  sheikh's  tent  can  easily  be 
known  by  a  long  spear  stuck  upright  in  the  ground  in  front 
of  it,  and  distinguished  travellers  naturally  make  for  it.  As 
oftentimes,  like  the  patriarchs  of  old,  the  sheikh  sits  under 
the  awning  of  his  tent  or  the  shade  of  a  tree  watching  for 
wayfarers,  he  soon  notices  that  they  are  approaching,  and 
at  once  the  scene  described  in  Genesis  (chap,  xviii)  is  renewed 
in  their  behalf.  With  the  same  formulas  as  those  used  by 
Abraham,  they  are  invited  to  remain  until  they  have  par- 
taken of  refreshments ;  with  the  same  speed,  a  lamb  or  a  calf 
is  brought  in,  stretched  upon  the  ground  and  slaughtered,  and 
with  almost  the  same  inconceivable  expedition  it  is  dressed 
and  served  up  with  butter  and  milk,  together  with  the  bread 
baked  on  the  hearth.  Finally,  if  his  guests  are  persons  of 
high  rank,  the  sheikh  stands  by  them  while  they  eat,  as  Abra- 
ham did  in  the  circumstance  recorded  in  Genesis  (cfr.  L.  J. 
Porter,  Five  Years  in  Damascus,  pp.  61,  178). 

Of  course,  only  sheikhs  can  afford  to  undergo  such  ex- 
penses in  welcoming  their  guests,  but  all   modern   nomads 


22  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

feel  bound  to  do  all  in   their    power  to    exercise    the    duty 
of    hospitality,    the    sacredness    of    which    is    scarcely    ever 
broken  in  the  East  notwithstanding  the  well  known  dishon 
esty,  treachery  and  cruelty  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  desert. 

In  the  family  circle,  the  head  of  the  household  is  absolute 
lord  and  master  of  the  lives  and  property  of  every  member, 
so  that  had  Abraham  sacrificed  his  son  Isaac,  he  would  not 
have  exceeded  the  authority  granted  to  every  father  by  the 
nomad  tribes  (Gen.  xxii,  lo).  Now,  as  during  the  patri- 
archal age,  the  chief  wife  rules  indeed  over  the  other  women, 
dispenses  the  provisions  of  the  household  and  enjoys  the 
privilege  of  preparing  the  meals  destined  for  her  husband 
and  his  guests,  but  this  does  not  prevent  frequent  jealousies 
and  intrigues,  and  in  consequence  one  of  the  secondary 
wives  is  sometimes  dismissed  in  order  to  restore  peace  to 
the  disturbed  household  (See  Layard,  Babyhon  and  Nineveh, 
p.  316).  The  sending  of  Eliezer  to  the  country  of  Abraham's 
kindred  to  seek  a  wife  for  Isaac  is  exactly  what  an  Arab 
chief  would  do  to-day,  "  and  it  is  very  common  among  the 
Arabs  of  Egypt  and  other  countries  for  a  man  to  marry  his 
first  cousin  ...  a  union  of  this  kind  being  generally  lasting 
because  of  this  tie  of  blood  "  (Lane,  Modern  Egyptians,  p. 
215).  The  fondness  of  Orientals  for  children,  and  especially 
for  sons,  is  well  known,  and  now,  as  in  the  time  of  the  ancient 
patriarchs,  the  birth  of  a  son  is  considered  by  the  father  as 
most  welcome  news  (Gen.  xxi,  7). 

Of  course,  slavery  has  existed  in  the  East  from  time  imme- 
morial, and  the  power  of  the  master  over  his  slaves  is  un- 
bounded. It  should  be  borne  in  mind,  however,  that  the 
husband  has  no  power  over  his  wife's  slaves  —  whom  she 
may  have  received  as  a  part  of  her  dowry  —  unless  there  be 
an  express  agreement  on  her  part  to  that  effect  (Van  Len- 
NEP,  Bible  Lands,  pp.  567,  568). 

As  a  natural  consequence  of  their  wandering  life,  the 
nomads  do  not  collect  the  remains  of  their  dead  in  a  cemetery  ; 


ABRAHAM.  23 

if,  however,  some  of  their  kindred  have  already  been  buried 
in  a  particular  spot,  they  regard  it  as  a  preferable  burial- 
place  for  themselves  and  for  the  members  of  their  household. 
Public  demonstrations  of  intense  grief  over  their  dead  are  a 
very  ancient  custom  with  Orientals  (cfr.  Gen.  xxiii,  2,  with 
W.  Thompson,  The  Land  and  the  Book,  vol.  i,  p.  243),  and 
the  noise  of  their  lamentations  is  naturally  proportionate  to 
the  dignity  and  power  of  the  deceased  It  is  not  unlikely  that 
the  funeral  rites  of  a  sheikh,  witnessed  by  Wm.  Thompson  at 
Hebron  and  so  graphically  described  by  him,  bear  a  close 
resemblance  to  the  public  marks  of  honor  and  mourning 
which  surrounded  the  burial  of  Abraham,  one  of  the  most 
powerful  chieftains  of  his  time  (cfr.  The  Land  and  the  Book, 
vol.  i,  p.  245,  sq. ;  and  also  Deane,  Abraham,  pp.  173,  174). 

§  2.     Religious  Aspect :    A  Life  of  Faith. 

The  religious  aspect  of  Abraham's  life  is  distinctly  set 
forth  by  the  sacred  writers  when  they  call  him  (i)  "The 
Friend  of  God  "  (ii  Paralip.  xx,  7  ;  Isaias  xli,  8 ;  James  ii, 
23)»     (2)  "The  Father  of  the  Faithful"  (Rom.  iv,  11). 

The  first  of  these  titles  suggests  a  real,  living,  personal 
intercourse  of  the  great  patriarch  with  the  Almighty,  and  it 
was  well  deserved  by  his  strong,  practical,  persevering  life 
of  faith  as  the  chosen  servant  of  Jehovah.  Various  reasons 
have  been  alleged  to  account  for  the  beginning  of  his  belief 
in  the  true  God  whilst  surrounded  on  all  sides,  even  in  the 
house  of  his  father,  by  Assyrian  idolatry,  as,  for  instance, 
that  he  was  born  before  Thare  became  an  idolater,  that  he 
was  himself  converted  from  idolatry  by  a  special  revelation 
from  God,  etc. ;  these,  however,  are  but  suppositions  more  or 
less  in  harmony  with  the  Biblical  data  respecting  the  life  of 
Abraham,  and  it  must  be  confessed  that  the  origin  of  his 
faith  in  Jehovah  is  still  a  matter  of  conjecture.  No  less 
uncertainty    prevails    as  regards    the    circumstances    in    the 


24  OUTLINE-S    OF    JEWISH.  HISTORY. 

midst  of  which  Abraham's  faith,  once  begun,  acquired  the 
wonderful  strength  which  characterizes  it  at  the  very  first 
moment  we  see  it  tried  by  a  Divine  command  (Gen.  xii,  i,  sq.), 
for  it  is  far  from  being  proved  that  Abraham's  faith  grew 
stronger  and  stronger  in  Ur  of  the  Chaldees  under  the  influ- 
ence  of  religions  persecutions  started  by  the  Assyrian  King, 
Sargon  I,  and  of  which  we  would  still  hear  in  legends  and 
traditions  (cfr.  Hanneberg,  Histoire  de  la  Revelation  Bib- 
lique,  vol.  i,  p.  52,  sq.  ;  Deane,  Abraham,  chaps.  i,'ii). 

Be  all  this  as  it  may,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that,  after  the 
Divine  call,  Abraham  ever  evinced  the  most  implicit,  practi- 
cal and  generous  faith.  Indeed  his  life  is  less  admirable  for 
the  moral  virtues  he  practised,  such  .as  unselfishness  (Gen. 
xiii,  8,  9;  xiv,  23,  etc.);  nobility  of  disposition  (xiv,  20)  j 
uprightness  and  courtesy  in  his  dealings  with  others  (Gen. 
xxiii),  etc, ;  than  for  (i)  a  constant  sense  of  the  presence  of 
an  unseen  God,  raising  Him  altars  whithersoever  he  goes 
(Gen.  xii,  7,  8  ;  xiii,  4,  18,  etc.)  ;  (2)  his  trustful  love  and 
deep  veneration  for  Jehovah  (Gen.  xvii,  3  ;  xviii,  27  ;  xxiv,  7)  ; 
(3)  an  unlimited  devotion  to  God's  service,  leaving  at  once 
and  repeatedly  everything  (Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  xi,  8,  sq.  ); 
believing  God's  word  notwithstanding  all  the  suggestions  of 
reason  to  the  contrary  (Gen.  xv,  5,  6;  Rom.  iv,  19)  ;  willing 
to  sacrifice  his  dearly  beloved  son  (Gen.  xxii)  and  teach- 
ing his  family  and  posterity  to  be  faithful  to  Jehovah  (Gen. 
xviii,  19). 

It  is  not  therefore  to  be  wondered  at,  if  such  a  life  was 
rewarded  by  the  most  splendid  blessings  (Gen.  xxi,  22  ^)  ; 
and  first  of  all  by  earthly  blessings,  such  as  worldly  posses- 
sions (Gen.  xiii,  6  ;  xxiv,  35),  the  miraculous  gift  of  an  heir 
(Gen.  xxiv,  37) ;  a  large  posterity  (Gen.  xxv,  i,  sq.,  etc.)  ;  high 
consideration  from  men  (Gen.  xxi,  23)  and,  finally,  a  robust 
and  long  life  (Gen.  xxv,  8) ;  and  next,  by  wonderful  blessings 
of  the  spiritual  order,  God  guiding  and  protecting  him  on 
every  occasion  (Gen.  xiii,  17;  xii,  17;  xxi,  22),  appearing  to 


ABRAHAM.  25 

him  (Gen.  xv,  i,  etc.),  conversing  familiarly  with  him  and 
revealing  to  him  His  secrets  (Gen.  xviii,  17),  granting  readily 
his  petitions  (Gen.  xvii,  18,  20;  xviii,  23,  sq.  ;  xx,  7,  17), 
etc. 

In  virtue  of  the  second  title  —  that  of  "  The  Father  of 
THE  Faithful"  —  given  to  Abraham  in  Holy  Writ,  the 
great  patriarch  stands  before  us  as  the  glorious  ancestor  of 
the  chosen  people  of  God  under  the  old  and  the  new  dispen- 
sation. He  is,  first  of  all,  the  nafura/  SLucestor  of  the  Jewish 
nation,  through  Isaac  his  son  and  the  heir  of  all  his  posses- 
sions. Such  was  from  the  first  the  design  of  God,  who  in 
bidding  Abraham  leave  his  country,  his  kindred  and  his 
father's  house  promised  *'  to  make  of  him  a  great  nation  " 
(Gen.  xii,  1,2),  to  which  He  would  give  the  Land  of  Chanaan 
(Gen.  xii,  7  ;  xiii,  15  ;  xv,  13).  As  time  went  on,  the  Divine 
promises  multiplied  and  became  more  distinct.  Abraham 
was  made  sure  that  he  would  have  a  son  from  Sara,  that 
Isaac  would  be  his  only  heir,  and  that  from  him  a  great  and 
powerful  nation  should  arise  (Gen.  xviii,  10;  xxi,  10;  xxii, 
17).  These  various  promises  were  also  confifmed,  first,  by  a 
solemn  although  transient  covenant,  as  we  read  in  Genesis, 
XV,  18,  and  next  by  the  permanent  covenant,  of  the  circum- 
cision (Gen.  xvii).  There  is,  therefore,  no  doubt  that  Abra- 
ham is  the  glorious  ancestor  **  according  to  the  flesh  "  of  that 
people  chosen  of  old  by  Jehovah  to  preserve  here  below  the 
true  faith  (Gen.  xvii,  7,  8)  together  with  the  expectation  of 
the  future  redeemer  of  the  world,  but  now  long  rejected  to 
give  place  to  another  nation  as  numerous  as  the  stars  of  the 
heavens  and  walking  in  the  footsteps  of  the  "  faithful  Abra- 
ham "  (Gal.  iii,  9).  **  According  to  the  spirit,"  Abraham  is 
the  father  of  all  Christians,  God's  chosen  people  under  the 
new  covenant,  and  in  a  special  manner  of  those  who  earnestly 
•strive  to  live  up  to  their  belief  after  his  example  (Gal.  iii,  7, 
29  ;  Rom.  iv,  12).  In  the  Divine  plan,  Abraham  was  ever 
destined  to  be  the  father  of  all  those  who  would  through 


26  OUTLINES   OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

ages  share  in  the  blessing  immediately  granted  through  him 
to  the  Jewish  people,  for  it  must  be  noticed  that  the  prom- 
ises made  by  God  to  Abraham  are  always  ufiiversal  (Gqi\.  xii, 
2  ;  xviii,  17,  18  ;  xxii,  18),  and  the  covenant  of  the  circumci- 
sion has  been  transformed  from  the  circumcision  of  the  flesh 
into  that  of  the  heart  (Rom.  ii,  29  ;  Galat.  vi,  15). 

But  God  destined  Abraham  to  become  "  the  father  of 
many  nations  "  even  physically,  and  as  a  fact,  he  is  not  the 
natural  ancestor  of  the  Jews  alone,  he  is  also  the  father  of 
a  branch  of  the  Arabs  through  Ismael  (Gen.  xvi,  15  ;  xxv, 
13),  of  the  descendants  of  Cetura  enumerated  in  Genesis 
(xxv,  I,  sq.),  and  of  the  Edomites  through  his  grandson  Esau 
(Gen.  xxv,  23).  In  Arabia  proper,  Mussulmans  do  not  hesi- 
tate to  claim  him  as  their  ancestor,  the  more  so  because 
Mohammed,  having  recognized  that  all  that  the  Arabs  had 
of  good  in  hisx  time  was  due  to  this  great  patriarch,  be- 
thought himself  of  restoring  among  them  the  religion  of 
Abraham  (see  Hanneberg,  Histoire  de  la  Revelation  Bi- 
blique,  vol.  i,  pp.  60,  61). 


SYNOPSIS    OF   CHAPTER   III. 
Jacob. 


History 


r  I.  Importance  of  Jacob  in  Jewish  History. 

\  A.  Birth  of  Esau  and  Jacob. 

2.  Birth     and      J 

First  Period  \   B.  Purchase  of  Birthright. 
of  Life: 

I  C.  Acquisition  of  Paternal  Blessing. 

A.  Reasons  and  Incidents  of  the  Jour 

3.  Journey   to  nev. 

and  Sojourn  "S  B.  Jacob  and  Laban's  Household. 
/;/  Ha  ran : 

(^  C.  His  Shepherd  Life. 


Jacoh. 


4.  Return   from 
Haran   and 
Subsequent 
Life: 


A.  Motives  of  Departure. 


B.  Principal  In- 
cidents 


f  East  of  the  Jordan 
(Mt.Galaad.  Maha- 
nain,  Phanuel,  So- 
coth). 


JVest  of  the   Jordan 
(Sichem,    Bethel, 
Ephrata,  Mambre). 


C.    Life  in    Hebron ;    removal   to    and 
Death  in  Egypt. 


Abraham, 
5.   Character:  Contrast  with  -{   Isaac, 

^  Esau. 


[27] 


CHAPTER   III. 
Jacob. 

I.     Importance    of  Jacob   in  Jewish  History.     As 

might  naturally  be  expected,  Isaac  was  treated  by  God,  after 
his  father's  death,  as  the  lawful  and  sole  heir  of  the  Divine 
promises,  and,  in  fact,  his  history  resembles  in  many  ways 
that  of  Abraham.  Like  him,  he  moves  under  Jehovah's 
guidance  and  protection  (Gen.  xxvi,  1-3,  11)  and  receives 
glorious  promises  of  a  large  posterity  "  in  which  shall  all  the 
nations  of  the  earth  be  blessed"  (Gen.  xxvi,  3,  4,  24);  like 
Abraham,  he  exhibits  genuine  devotion  to  Jehovah  (Gen. 
xxvi,  25),  and  God  makes  him  very  prosperous,  victorious 
over  his  enemies,  grants  him  children  and  length  of  years 
(Gen.  xxvi,  12-14;  27-31  ;  xxv,  21-26;  xxxv,  29).  And  yet 
the  patriarch  next  to  Abraham  in  importance  in  Jewish  his- 
tory is  not  his  son  Isaac,  whose  deeds  are  only  summarized 
in  the  Book  of  Genesis,  but  his  grandson  Jacob,  whose  his- 
tory is  recorded  with  so  many  details  in  the  Sacred  narra- 
tive. If  we  possess  so  many  particulars  about  Jacob's  life, 
it  is  not  simply  because  his  was  a  very  eventful  life.  It  is 
also  because  (i)  even  before  his  birth,  he  was  chosen  by 
God,  in  preference  to  his  twin-brother  Esau,  to  become  the 
actual  father  of  the  twelve  heads  of  the  tribes  of  Israel  (Gen. 
xxv,  22,  23);  because  (2)  during  the  first  period  of  his  life 
he  succeeded  in  purchasing  Esau's  birthright  (Gen.  xxv,  28- 
34)  and  in  obtaining  the  last  blessing  of  Isaac  (Gen.  xxvii) ; 
and,  finally,  because  (3)  the  tribes  which  eventually  united 
into  a  powerful  (the  Jewish)  nation,  trace  back  their  respect- 
ive origin  to  his  immediate  posterity. 

[28] 


JACOB.  29 

2.  Birth  and  First  Period  of  Life.  Great,  indeed, 
must  have  been  the  love  of  Isaac  for  Rebecca  and  his  faith 
in  the  Divine  promises,  since  he  remained  twenty  long  years 
without  the  blessing  of  children,  and  yet  neither  thought  of 
taking  another  wife  —  as  allowed  by  Oriental  customs  —  nor 
gave  up  all  hope  of  obtaining  children  through  her.  At 
length,  his  trustful  and  earnest  entreaty  with  God  in  Re- 
becca's behalf  secured  the  long-desired  offspring.  Rebecca 
conceived  twins  who  seemed  to  struggle  in  her  womb,  and 
filled  with  apprehension  she  appealed  to  Jehovah  who  re- 
turned this  prophetic  answer : 

Two  nations  are  in  thy  womb, 

And  two  peoples  shall  be  separated  from  tiiy  bowels ; 

And  a  people  shall  overcome  a  people, 

And  the  elder  shall  serve  the  younger. 

In  due  time  the  twins  were  born,  and  were  called  respect- 
ively Esau  and  Jacob,  from  the  well-known  circumstances 
which  accompanied  their  coming  forth. 

Esau  was  the  elder,  and  as  such  was  beloved  by  Isaac, 
who  naturally  considered  him  as  his  lawful  heir,  and  who, 
later  on,  enjoyed  —  as  Orientals  do  down  to  the  present  day 
—  the  game  which  Esau's  love  of  the  chase  often  secured  in 
the  surrounding  country  of  Bersabee.  On  the  other  hand, 
Jacob  was  the  favorite  of  Rebecca  who  ever  considered  him 
as  the  lawful  heir  of  Jehovah's  promises  to  Abraham,  soon 
acquainted  him  with  the  Divine  oracle  in  his  behalf,  taught 
him  how  invaluable  was  the  birthright  therein  promised  to 
his  exertions,  and  urged  him  to  avail  himself  of  every  oppor- 
tunity that  might  make  sure  the  attainment  of  so  desirable 
an  object.  To  this  maternal  influence  of  Rebecca  over 
Jacob's  mind  and  feelings  we  may  naturally  ascribe  the 
eagerness  with  which  Jacob  proposed  to  Esau  the  selling  of 
his  birthright  for  a  savory  dish,  a  transaction  to  which  the 
latter  readily  agreed,  through  a  lack  of  proper  appreciation 


30  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

of  the  Divine  blessings  then  connected  with  primogeniture 
(Genesis  xxv,  21-34). 

The  Sacred  narrative  does  not  tell  us  whether  this  trans- 
fer of  Esau's  birthright  to  his  brother  was  made  known  to 
Isaac;  but  we  can  easily  gather  from  it  that  Esau,  relying 
on  his  father's  special  affection,  continued  to  feel  sure  of  the 
paternal  inheritance,  and  that  Isaac  really  intended  to  trans- 
mit it  to  him  with  his  last  blessing.  This  would  have  indeed 
occurred  if  Rebecca  had  not,  in  her  part  of  the  tent,  over- 
heard the  words  of  Isaac,  when,  in  his  old  age,  he  directed 
Esau'to  "go  abroad,"  bring  him  of  his  hunting  and  "  make 
him  savory  meat  thereof,"  and  if,  under  her  influence,  Jacob 
had  not  taken  advantage  of  his  father's  dimness  of  sight  to 
obtain  the  last  paternal  blessing  intended  for  Esau.  Jacob's 
blessing  was  irreversible  and  gave  him  henceforth  the  most 
unquestionable  outward  claim  to  all  the  privileges  of  birth- 
right, and  this  is  why  now,  sadly  frustrated  in  his  expecta- 
tions, Esau  begins  to  cherish  murderous  designs  against  his 
brother  (Gen.  xxvii,  1-41). 

3.  Journey  to  and  Sojourn  in  Haran.  Two  reasons 
demanded  that  leaving  Bersabee,  the  actual  residence  of  his 
father,  Jacob  should  start  for  Mesopotamia.  He  would 
thereby  (i)  secure  himself  against  the  wrath  of  Esau,  who 
only  waited  for  the  decease  of  Isaac  to  recover  the  advan- 
tages of  birthright  by  the  death  of  Jacob  (Gen.  xxvii,  41-45); 
and  (2)  avoid  all  connection  with  the  surrounding  tribes  by 
obtaining  a  wife  from  among  the  descendants  of  his  fore- 
fathers (Gen.  xxvii,  46;  xxviii,  1-6).  On  his  way  northwards 
Jacob  soon  reached  the  spot  "  where  Abraham  had  already 
erected  an  altar,  and  at  which  he  may  have  determined  to 
make  a  halt  on  that  account"  (Rawlinson,  Isaac  and  Jacob, 
p.  91).  This  was  then,  as  it  is  now,  a  stony  district;  and  at 
night,  the  fatigued  traveller  used  for  a  pillow  one  of  the 
many  smooth  stones  scattered  around  him.     Comforted  by  a 


JACOB.  31 

mysterious  dream,  wherein  God  renewed  to  him  the  glorious 
promises  already  made  to  Abraham  and  Isaac,  Jacob  dedi- 
cated this  spot  the  next  morning  to  God,  and  called  it 
Bethel  (that  is,  the  House  of  God)  and  vowed  exclusive 
worship  to  Jehovah  should  He  accompany  him  during  his 
wanderings  and  bring  him  back  safely  home.  Then  he 
went  on  his  way,  following  probably  the  same  road  as 
Eliezer,  and  reached  Haran  after  a  journey  of  upwards  of 
four  hundred  miles  (Gen.  xxviii,  10-22). 

The  relations  of  Jacob  with  Laban's  household  in  Haran 
form  an  interesting  episode,  the  details  of  which  are  per- 
fectly true  to  Eastern  life.  "  The  well  (by  which  Jacob  met 
Rachel)  is  in  the  field,  that  is  in  the  open  pasture-land. 
Water  being  scarce,  all  the  flocks,  for  miles  round,  meet  at 
it  to  be  watered.  The  heavy  stone  rolled  over  its  mouth 
may  be  seen  by  any  traveller  in  many  parts  of  Palestine. 
The  daughters  of  the  flock-masters  still  go,  in  many  places, 
to  tend  and  water  the  flocks.  .  .  .  That  Laban  kissed 
Jacob  effusively  is  only  what  one  sees  Orientals  doing  every 
day,  on  meeting  a  neighbor  or  a  friend.  The  wily  Syrian,  in 
admitting  that  it  is  better  to  give  Rachel  to  the  son  of  Isaac 
than  to  another  man,  acted  simply  on  the  Bedouin  law  that 
a  suitor  has  the  exclusive  right  to  the  hand  of  his  first 
cousin.  .  .  .  To  give  a  female  slave  to  a  daughter  as  a  part 
of  her  dowry  is  usual  now,  where  means  permit,  so  that 
Zelpha's  being  given  to  Lia  at  her  marriage  is  another 
proof  of  the  unchanging  sameness  of  Eastern  life  in  all  ages. 
Excuses  for  sending  home  an  elder  daughter,  instead  of  a 
younger,  to  the  bridegroom,  need  still  to  be  made  in  not  a 
few  cases,  and  are  exactly  the  same  as  those  with  which 
Laban  palliated  the  substitution  of  Lia  for  Rachel "  (Geikie, 
The  Holy  Land  and  the  Bible,  chap.  xx).  Even  the  agree- 
ment of  Jacob  with  Laban  to  serve  long  years  to  obtain 
Rachel  in  marriage  is  not  without  parallel  in  modern  Eastern 
life   (cfr.  MiLMAN,   History  of   the  Jews).     He  indeed  sue- 


32  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

ceeded  in  marrying  Rachel,  to  whom  Laban  gave  Bala  as 
a  part  of  her  dowry,  but  this,  instead  of  securing  his  domestic 
happiness,  brought  only  in  its  train  the  many  evils  naturally 
entailed  by  the  practice  of  polygamy,  and  to  which  allusion 
has  already  been  made  in  connection  with  Abraham  (Gene- 
sis xxix,  30-xxx,  26). 

It  was  through  Lia  and  her  sister  Rachel  and  their  two 
handmaids  that  Jacob  obtained  a  large  family,  all  destined 
by  God  to  share  in  the  paternal  inheritance,  and  to  become 
in  their  turn  the  fathers  of  numerous  descendants  who  later 
on  developed  into  the  twelve  tribes  of  Israel. 

Jacob's  manner  of  life  during  his  entire  sojourn  in  Haran 
was  that  of  an  Eastern  shepherd.  Soon  after  his  arrival  in 
Mesopotamia,  Laban  had  realized  how  valuable  his  services 
could  prove  in  this  line  and  entrusted  to  him  the  care  of  his 
flocks,  and  the  book  of  Genesis  tells  us  not  only  how  these 
prospered  under  Jacob's  skilful  management,  but  also  how 
Laban  succeeded  in  keeping  him  twenty  long  years  in  his 
service.  It  is  easy  to  picture  to  ourselves  the  mode  of  life 
followed  by  Jacob  during  this  period,  for  the  life  of  an  East- 
ern shepherd  has  varied  little  from  what  it  was  in  the  patri- 
archal age ;  even  in  its  minutest  details,  it  is  the  same  hard 
and  responsible  life.  Now  as  then,  the  shepherd  must  de- 
fend his  flock  against  robbers  and  wild  beasts  and  "  make 
good  all  the  damage";  now  as  then,  he  has  to  suffer  from 
the  heat  of  the  day  and  from  the  frost  of  the  night,  espe- 
cially in  those  places  where  the  flocks  are  kept  out  of  the 
sheep-fold  at  night  all  the  year  round,  and  as  of  old,  his 
share  in  the  flock  for  the  reward  of  his  hard  labors  is  but 
small,  although  years  of  persevering  efforts  may  increase  it 
so  that  finally  he  may  possess  a  flock  of  his  own  (Gen.  xxxi, 
39,  sq.)  ;  etc.  (For  a  full  description  of  this  arduous  life, 
see  Geikie,  The  Holy  Land  and  the  Bible,  chap,  x;  and 
Van-Lennep,  Bible  Lands,  p.  182,  sq.) 


JACOB.  33 

4.  Return  from  Haran  and  Subsequent  Life.  It 
was  for  two  principal  reasons  that  after  his  long  sojourn  in 
Haran,  Jacob  started  for  his  father's  house.  He  justly  feared 
the  ill-will  of  Laban  if  he  remained  longer  in  Mesopotamia 
(Gen.  xxxi,  i,  2)  and  Jehovah  had  bidden  him  return  to  the 
Promised  Land  (Gen.  xxxi,  3).  As  he  fled  with  all  that  he 
had  (Gen.  xxxi,  18),  with  wives  and  children,  maid-servants 
and  men-servants,  flocks  and  herds,  camels  and  asses  (Gen. 
xxxii,  5,  15)  his  retinue  formed  a  large  Oriental  caravan 
which  moved  but  slowly  in  a  south-western  direction.  The 
Euphrates  once  passed  (Gen.  xxxi,  21),  he  hastened  with  all 
speed  to  cross  the  mountainous  region  of  Galaad,  but  was 
overtaken  in  its  northern  part  by  Laban,  who  bitterly  accused 
him  of  a  breach  of  courtesy  and  even  of  theft.  Jacob  vindi- 
cated himself  with  truly  Eastern  vehemence,  but  finally 
agreed  to  a  covenant  between  him  and  his  father-in-law. 
Neither  party  was  to  trespass  the  limits  now  agreed  upon  to 
injure  the  other,  and  by  a  common  repast  —  as  is  customary 
down  to  the  present  day  —  the  covenant  of  peace  was  sol- 
emnly ratified  (Gen.  xxxi,  22-55.  See  H.  A.  Harper,  Bible 
and  Modern  Discoveries,  fifth  edition,  p.  31). 

I>elivered  from  all  anxiety  on  that  side,  Jacob  continued 
his  journey,  deeply  concerned  as  to  the  best  means  of  ap- 
peasing his  brother  Esau  whose  rancor  he  still  feared. 
Whilst  in  this  painful  frame  of  mind,  he  was  favored  with 
two  visions  calculated  to  encourage  him  greatly.  The  first 
occurred  before  he  crossed  the  Jaboc  river,  at  a  place  which 
he  called  Mahanain,  the  second  after  he  had  passed  this 
river,  at  a  place  which  he  surnamed  Phanuel  and  where  his 
own  name  was  changed  into  that  of  Israel  (Gen.  xxxii).  It 
was  also  at  Phanuel  that  the  much  dreaded  meeting  of  Jacob 
and  Esau  took  place.  It  was  a  friendly  one,  and  Jacob  could 
have  continued  his  journey  homewards,  had  he  not  preferred 
to  interrupt  it  so  as  to  give  a  much  needed  rest  to  his  house- 
hold;  in  consequence,  he  sojourned  in  a  place  East  of  the 


34  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

Jordan  which  he  called  Socoth  from  the  more  permanent 
kind  of  dwellings  (viz. :  booths  instead  of  tents)  which  he 
erected  there  (Gen.  xxxiii,  1-17). 

Leaving  Socoth,  Jacob  crossed  the  Jordan,  passed  on  in 
peace  to  Sichem  and  pitched  his  tents  by  the  town.  To  be 
independent  of  the  Chanaanite  inhabitants,  he  bought  from 
them  a  parcel  of  ground  wherein  he  dug  a  well  —  which  still 
bears  his  name  —  and  erected  an  altar  to  Jehovah,  the  God 
of  Israel,  probably  on  the  very  spot  where  Abraham  had  set 
up  his  first  altar  to  God  in  the  land  of  Chanaan.  Soon  fol- 
lowed the  sad  story  of  Dina's  outrage  by  Sichem  and  the  per- 
fidious and  awful  revenge  of  Jacob's  children  upon  the  Sichem- 
ites,  after  which  the  prudent  patriarch  withdrew  from  the 
neighborhood  and  according  to  Divine  direction,  repaired  to 
Bethel  where  he  probably  fulfilled  the  vow  which  he  had 
made  when  on  his  way  to  Haran.  Resuming  his  journey 
southward,  he  halted  first  at  Ephrata  (the  ancient  name  of 
Bethlehem)  where  Rachel  died  in  giving  birth  to  Benjamin, 
and  next  a  little  beyond  the  Tower  of  Eder,  and  finally 
reached  Mambre  beside  Hebron,  the  actual  residence  of 
his  father  (Gen.  xxxiii,  sq.). 

It  was  probably  but  a  short  time  after  the  return  of  Jacob, 
that  both  he  and  his  brother  Esau  joined  in  paying  the  last 
tribute  of  respect  to  the  mortal  remains  of  Isaac  (Gen.  xxxv, 
29).  After  their  father's  burial,  Esau  withdrew  to  his  pos- 
sessions in  Mount  Seir  and  Jacob  dwelt  in  Chanaan,  leading 
probably  the  same  manner  of  life  as  his  father.  Like  him, 
he  had  near  Hebron  a  permanent  abode,  and  was  considered 
by  the  neighboring  Chanaanite  tribes  as  a  prosperous  and 
powerful  head  of  a  pastoral  family.  Like  him  also,  he 
evinced  partiality  towards  one  of  his  children,  the  young 
Joseph,  and  this  gave  rise  to  family  dissensions  which  pre- 
pared the  way  for  the  most  important  changes  in  the  history 
of  the  children  of  Israel.  We  shall  soon  see  how  Jacob  was 
induced  to  repair  to  Egypt  to  rejoin  the  object  of  his  special 


affection,  and  how  he  died  there  after  a  settlentient  of  his  de- 
scendants in  tiie  land  of  Gessen  "which  seemed  to  break 
forever  the  connection  between  the  sons  of  Abraham  and  the 
Promised  Land,  but  ended  in  establishing  them  as  the  sole 
possessors  of  the  whole  territory  "  (Milman,  History  of  the 
Jews). 

5.  Character  of  Jacob.  "  Abraham  was  a  hero,  Jacob 
was  a  '  plain  man  dwelling  in  tents.'  Abraham  we  feel  to 
be  above  ourselves,  Jacob  to  be  like  ourselves."  Such  is  the 
contrast  drawn  between  the  two  patriarchs  by  Cardinal  New- 
man (Sermons,  vol.  v,  p.  91)  and  amply  justified  by  an  exam- 
ination of  the  main  features  of  their  character.  In  Abraham 
we  easily  notice  a  nobility  of  soul,  a  firmness  of  faith,  a  per- 
fect devotion  to  God's  service  seldom  met  with  in  men's 
nature,  and  because  of  which  he  became  "the  Friend  of 
God  "  and  "  the  Father  of  the  Faithful,"  but  which  we  would 
look  for  in  vain  in  the  character  of  his  grandson.  Jacob  is 
above  all  a  shrewd  man  of  the  world,  not  indeed  deprived  of 
religion,  yet  relying  much  more  on  his  exertions  to  attain  the 
object  of  his  ambition  ihan  on  God's  power  and  providence, 
and  even  at  times  using  means  whose  lawfulness  was  at  least 
questionable.  Again,  whilst  Abraham  was  ever  kind  and 
considerate  towards  every  member  of  his  household,  Jacob 
formed  passionate  attachments  to  some,  like  Rachel  and 
Joseph,  and  was  barely  just  to  others,  such  as  Lia  and  the 
majority  of   his    sons  (Blaikie,   Manual  of    Bible    History, 

P-  75)- 

Jacob's  character  appears  also  inferior  in  many  respects 
to  that  of  Isaac  his  father.  Of  course  they  were  two  very 
different  men,  each  one  having  both  strong  and  weak  points 
of  character.  Jacob  had  more  strength  of  will,  and,  all 
things  considered,  seemed  better  fitted  to  push  his  way 
through  opposition  and  difficulty,  and  to  govern  a  numerous 
household,  but  Isaac   had  more  gentleness  of   disposition, 


36  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

greater  submission  to  God's  holy  will,  and  in  the  end  suc- 
ceeded as  well  as  Jacob  in  getting  the  better  of  those  who 
thwarted  him  ;  and  one  instinctively  feels  that  although  Isaac's 
nature  seems  at  times  too  passive  and  his  life  too  retired,  yet 
his  character  is  on  the  whole  much  nobler  and  better  than 
that  of  his  son. 

But  it  is  beyond  question  that  Jacob  has  the  advantage  in 
a  comparison  with  his  brother  Esau.  The  latter  is  the  very 
type  of  ardent  and  rough  natures,  frank  but  impulsive,  re- 
gardless of  lawful  social  customs,  and  animated  by  such  low 
feelings  as  to  make  him  sell  his  birthright  for  a  passing 
pleasure  and  contemplate  with  satisfaction  both  the  near 
death  of  his  father  and  the  possible  murder  of  his  brother. 
The  former  is  a  living  model  of  self-command  combined  with 
shrewdness  and  perseverance,  of  faithful  compliance  with 
social  duties,  and  especially  of  that  frame  of  mind  which 
whilst  it  pursues  the  increase  of  earthly  possessions,  never 
loses  altogether  sight  of  higher  blessings  promised  to  its  un- 
tiring exertions.  Esau  is  indeed  "the  likeness  of  the  fickle, 
uncertain  Edomite,  now  allied,  now  hostile  to  the  seed  of  prom- 
ise," whilst  Jacob  is  no  less  truly  the  likeness  of  the  crafty 
persecuted  Jew,  with  ''his  unbroken  endurance  and  undying 
resolution  which  keep  the  nation  alive  in  its  present  outcast 
condition,  and  which,  in  its  brighter  days,  were  the  basis  of 
the  heroic  zeal,  long-suffering  and  hope  of  Moses,  of  David, 
of  Jeremias  and  of  the  Maccabees  "  (Stanley,  Lectures  on 
the  History  of  the  Jewish  Church,  vol.  i,  p.  61). 


SYNOPSIS    OF    CHAPTER    IV. 

Joseph. 


History 


Joseph. 


r.  I.   Hated  of  his  broth- 7 
ers. 


A.  /«  Chanaan:  ,   ^  j.^,^  ^    ^j^^^^ 
(Gen.  xxxvii).    \  ^ 

3.  Abidmg    grief    of 
y  Jacob. 


15.  //;  Eiry/'t : 


Illustrations 

from 

Eastern   and 

Egyptian    man 

ners. 


f  I.  Joseph    in    the    House   of    Putiphar 
(Cien.  xxxix,  1-19). 


2.  Joseph    in    Prison 
(Gen,  xxxix,  20- 
xli,  37)  : 


f  The  prison  de- 
scribed. 
The  dreams  of 
the  two 
j     co-prisoners. 
I  The  dreams  of 
{         Pharao. 


I   Power  and  Mar- 
3.  Joseph    in    the         1  riage. 

House  of  Pha-  j  Treatment  of 
rao  (Gen.  xli,  ^  his  brothers. 
3S-XIV,  28)  :  Sending  for  his 

I  father. 


^  Character  of  Joseph :    A  Type  of  our  Lord. 


[37J 


^/ 


CHAPTER    IV. 

JOSEPH. 

§  /.     History  of  Joseph  in  Chanaan. 

1.  Joseph  Hated  by  his  Brethren.  The  sacred  nar- 
rative points  out  the  reasons  for  which  Joseph  gradually  be- 
came an  object  of  hatred  to  his  brothers.  First  of  all,  he 
had  witnessed  some  very  wicked  deed  of  several  among  them, 
and  they  knew  that  he  had  revealed  it  to  his  father.  Their 
next  grievance  consisted  in  the  manifest  partiaHty  of  Jacob 
for  this  elder  son  of  Rachel  born  to  him  in  his  old  age.  They 
contemplated  with  a  jealousy  which  soon  grew  into  intense 
hatred,  the  fine  garment  which  the  patriarch  had  given  to 
his  beloved  child.  Whilst  they  had  to  be  satisfied  with  the 
shepherd's  sleeveless  tunic  reaching  only  to  the  knees,  Joseph 
wore  an  ample  garment  covering  nearly  the  whole  frame, 
and  probably  made  of  fine  linen,  in  stripes  of  many  colors, 
such  as  it  is  usual  still  in  the  East  to  give  to  favorite  children. 
Finally,  with  the  imprudence  of  youth,  Joseph  narrated  to 
them  dreams  which  clearly  portended  his  future  elevation 
above  them  all,  but  which,  for  the  present,  simply  caused 
them  to  envy  and  hate  him  all  the  more  (Gen.  xxxvii,  i-ii. 
See  ViGOUROUX,  Bible  et  Decouvertes  Modernes,  vol.  ii, 
P-  7)- 

2.  Joseph  Sold  by  his  Brethren.  The  cruel  revenge 
soon  taken  upon  Joseph  by  his  brothers  as  related  in  the 
book  of  Genesis  (xxxvii,  12-28)  is  perfectly  true  both  to 
Biblical  topography  and  to  Oriental  customs.  The  wide  ex- 
panse of  the  valley  of  Sichem  where  Jacob's  children  had  fed 

[38] 


JOSEPH.  39 

their  flocks  for  some  time  and  to  which  Joseph  was  sent  by 
his  father,  contrasts  indeed  favorably  with  the  barren  hills  of 
the  country  farther  south,  but  it  cannot  compare  with  the 
pasture-ground  of  Dothain,  and  this  is  why  the  children  of 
Jacob,  who  had  first  moved  from  Hebron  to  Sichem,  had  left 
it  for  Dothain,  now  identified  with  a  spot  bearing  this  ancient 
name  and  about  20  miles  north  of  Sichem.  In  repairing  to 
Dothain  to  find  out  his  brothers,  Joseph,  after  climbing  the 
high  hill  north  of  Samaria,  had  to  descend  the  steep  northern 
slope  of  the  ridge,  and  at  Dothain  in  the  plain  below,  he  would 
easily  be  seen  "afar  off"  and  even  recognized  by  his 
brothers  "sharp-sighted,  as  all  Arab  shepherds  are  to-day." 
(Harper,  p.  41).  At  first  they  intended  to  put  him  to  death, 
but  they  next  agreed  to  cast  him  into  one  of  the  many  dry 
pits  or  underground  cisterns  still  visible  in  the  district. 
Finally,  they  acceded  to  Juda's  proposal  to  sell  their  brother 
to  Ismaelite  merchants  whom  they  noticed  coming  by  the 
great  caravan  road  from  Galaad  to  Egypt  which  still  passes 
by  Dothain.  "The  brown-skinned  children  of  Ismael,  who 
brought  camels  richly  laden  from  the  East  to  the  Nile, 
are  drawn  to  the  life  on  the  Egyptian  monuments  "^;  and  of 
the  three  kinds  of  spices  they  were  carrying  into  Egypt  —  and 
are  even  now  the  principal  articles  of  commerce  of  their  de- 
scendants between  the  East  and  that  country  —  two  are  named 
in  recently  discovered  papyri,  whilst  the  odor  of  the  third  may 
still  be  detected  among  those  of  other  materials  used  in  the 
embalming  of  mummies.  That  they  should  willingly  pur- 
chase Joseph  on  their  way  down  to  Egypt  is  all  the  more 
natural  because  Syrian  slaves  had  a  special  value  on.  Egyp- 
tian markets,  and  it  seems  beyond  doubt  that  "their  descend- 
ants would  not  now  hesitate  to  make  such  a  purchase,  and 
actually  do  so  in  certain  parts  of  the  country  "  (Thompson, 
quoted  by  Rawlinson,  Isaac  and  Jacob,  p.  142). 

'  Ebers,  /Egypten  und  die  BUcher  Moses,  quoted  in  Vigouroux,  vol.  ii,  p.   12,  and 
in  Geikie,  vol.  i,  p.  422,  footnote  6. 


40  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

3.  Abiding  Grief  of  Jacob.  Before  casting  Joseph 
into  the  pit,  his  brothers  had  stripped  him  of  his  fine  gar- 
ment, and  it  is  this  garment  which,  dipped  in  the  blood  of  a 
kid,  they  sent  to  their  father  to  make  him  believe  that  a  wild 
beast  had  devoured  his  beloved  son.  They  succeeded  but 
too  well  in  deceiving  Jacob,  who  gave  at  once  all  the  custom- 
ary signs  of  intense  grief,  "tearing  his  garments  and  putting 
on  sackcloth,  and  mourning  for  his  son  a  long  time."  In 
vain  did  his  children  gather  around  him  to  comfort  him,  he 
refused  every  proffered  consolation,  saying  "  I  will  go  down 
to  my  son  into  the  grave,  mourning  "  (Gen.  xxxvii,  31-35). 
For  long  years  afterwards,  Jacob  centred  indeed  his  affection 
in  Benjamin,  the  younger  son  of  Rachel,  yet  all  the  while, 
even  this  other  child  of  his  most  tenderly  loved  wife  filled 
but  partly  the  vacant  place  in  the  patriarch's  heart  (cfr. 
Gen.  xlii,  4,  36-38 ;  xlv,  26-28). 

§  2.     History  of  Joseph  in  Egypt. 

I.  Joseph  in  the  House  of  Putiphar  (Gen.  xxxix, 
1-19).  Whilst  thus  bewailed  by  his  father,  Joseph  was  car- 
ried to  Egypt  and  sold  to  Putiphar  (a  word  which  signifies 
dedicated  to  Ra  or  the  Sun,"  the  chief  divinity  of  On,  or 
Heliopolis),  an  officer  of  Pharao  and  apparently  a  captain 
of  the  State  police  in  charge  "of  prisoners  and  prisons,  of 
bodily  punishments  and  executions"  (Geikie,  Hours  with 
the  Bible,  vol.  i,  p.  425).  Egyptian  monuments  make  us 
acquainted  with  the  various  duties  of  the  position  of  "  over- 
seer "  soon  held  by  Joseph  in  his  master's  house.  He  is  a 
slave  placed  over  all  the  rest,  "now  directing  the  laborers  in 
the  field,  now  taking  account  of  the  crops,  writing  down  on 
tablets  the  goodly  store  of  goods  ;  introducing  what  strangers 
might  come  to  the  master,  or  meting  out  punishment  to 
offenders  "  (Harper,  p.  43)  ;  he  has  the  special  title  of  '^gov- 
ernor of  the  house,"  as  we  read  of  Joseph  in  Genesis  xxxix,  4, 


JOSEPH.  41 

and    to  him  is  entrusted  the  care  of  all  things  "both  at  home 
and  in  the  fields." 

Whilst  Joseph  was  discharging  with  perfect  success  his 
manifold  duties  in  his  master's  house,  he  was  often  brought 
in  contact  with  the  wife  of  Putiphar,  for  at  that  time,  as  im- 
plied in  the  Bible  and  clearly  shown  on  Egyptian  monuments, 
there  was  as  much  free  intercourse  between  men  and  women 
in  Ej^ypt,  as  among  us  in  the  present  day.  Oftentimes  she 
noticed  the  youthful  and  handsome  Hebrew  overseer,  and 
with  a  passion  too  much  in  harmony  with  the  profligacy  for 
which  Egyptian  women  have  ever  been  notorious,  she  re- 
peatedly tempted  him  to  commit  adultery  with  her,  till  at 
length,  resenting  his  virtuous  conduct,  she  charged  him  to 
her  husband  with  the  very  criminal  solicitations  wherewith 
she  had  herself  pursued  him.  The  credulous  Putiphar  be- 
lieved the  report  of  his  wife,  and  in  consequence  "  cast  Joseph 
into  the  prison  where  the  King's  prisoners  were  kept."  Sev- 
eral details  of  the  Biblical  narrative  of  Joseph's  temptation 
are  strikingly  similar  to  those  found  on  a  papyrus  which  goes 
back  to  the  time  before  the  Exodus,  and  is  known  as  the 
*'  Tale  of  the  Two  Brothers."  In  it,  the  younger  was  tempted 
to  adultery  by  the  wife  of  his  elder  brother,  and  as  he  refused 
she  "  made  herself  like  one  who  had  suffered  violence," 
falsely  accused  the  younger  brother,  and  her  husband  in  a 
rage  threatened  his  life,  which  was  saved  by  the  protection 
of  the  Sun- God  {civ.  Budge,  the  Dwellers  on  the  Nile,  p.  115 
sq. ;  ViGOUROUX,  tome  ii,  chap.  iii). 

2.  Joseph  in  Prison.  (Gen.  xxxix,  20-xli,  37).  The 
fact  that  Putiphar  in  his  anger  did  not  at  once  put  Joseph  to 
death  is  in  harmony  with  the  old  Egyptian  law  which  denied 
to  the  master  power  over  the  life  of  his  slave.  The  prison  to 
which  Joseph  was  now  confined  was  not  a  single  building, 
but  something  like  a  walled  fortress  including  the  barracks 
of  the  garrison,  some  temples  and  the  prisons,  a  special  part 


42  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

of  which  was  reserved  for  prisoners  of  state,  and  where  latei 
on  two  great  officers  of  Pharao  (the  chief  butler  and  the  chief 
baker)  rejoined  Joseph  because,  for  some  reason  unknown 
to  us,  they  had  displeased  the  Egyptian  monarch. 

After  a  little  while,  Joseph's  co-prisoners  had  each  a  dream 
which  caused  them  all  the  more  sadness  because  in  their 
prison,  they  had  no  access  to  professional  interpreters  of 
dreams.  Their  dreams  were  naturally  in  harmony  with  each 
one's  occupation,  and  the  details  with  which  they  are  de- 
scribed in  the  Bible  correspond  most  exactly  to  what  Egyptian 
pictures  represent  were  the  occupations  of  bakers  and  butlers 
in  that  period,  wine  being  freely  served  at  Egyptian  banquets, 
and  bread  and  other  articles  of  food,  when  carried  by  men, 
being  carried  in  baskets  on  their  heads^  not  on  their  shoulders 
as  was  wont  for  women.  Joseph's  interpretation  of  each 
dream  came  indeed  to  pass,  but,  despite  the  promise  of  the 
chief  butler  to  remember  him  when  restored  to  his  office,  he 
had  to  remain  in  prison,  till  his  interpretation  of  two  dreams 
of  Pharao  secured  to  him  the  royal  favor. 

It  would  indeed  be  difficult  to  imagine  something  more  in 
harmony  with  the  Egyptian  country  and  civilization  than  the 
details  connected  with  Pharao's  dreams,  such  as  the  cows 
feeding  on  the  reeds  and  sedge  of  the  marshy  banks  of  the 
Nile,  the  ears  of  corn  for  which  Egypt  was  ever  so  famous 
and  in  which  at  times,  however,  it  was  completely  wanting,  the 
number  seven  common  to  both  dreams  and  so  sacred  to  Egyp- 
tian minds,  etc.  So  is  it  likewise  with  the  recourse  which 
Pharao  had  at  once  to  interpreters  of  dreams,  for  whilst 
dreams  were  in  Egypt  the  object  of  superstitious  fear,  several 
kinds  of  interpreters  —  two  of  which  are  mentioned  with  their 
official  Egyptian  title  in  the  Hebrew  Text — were  ever  in  at- 
tendance at  Court.  Finally,  in  the  care  with  which  Joseph, 
when  taken  out  of  prison,  must  be  shaved  and  change  his 
garments,  it  is  easy  to  discover  an  allusion  to  that  perfect 
ceremonial    cleanness    required    before    any    one   could    be 


JOSEPH.  43 

brought  in  to  Pharao  (see  Geikie,  vol.  i,  p.  432   sq. ;  Vig- 
ouROUX,  vol.  ii,  chap.  iv). 

3.  Joseph  in  the  House  of  Pharao  (Gen.  xli,  38-xlv, 
25).  The  clear  and  plausible  interpretation  of  Pharao's 
dreams  by  Joseph  struck  the  King  with  such  admiration  that, 
in  virtue  of  his  supreme  will,  he  raised  him  at  once  from  the 
lowest  to  the  highest  rank  in  the  State.  The  raising  of 
Joseph  to  a  dignity  inferior  to  none  but  that  of  Pharao  con- 
sisted in  three  distinct  things,  (i)  He  received  the  insignia 
of  his  office  —  the  signet-ring  to  seal,  in  the  royal  name,  all 
public  documents;  robes  of  the  finest  linen,  as  befitting 
Pharao's  prime  minister;  and  the  golden  neck  chain,  the 
official  badge  of  his  authority.  (2)  He  was  carried  through 
the  streets  of  the  capital  on  the  second  royal  chariot,  that  all 
might  do  homage  to  him  as  the  second  ruler  over  Egypt. 
(3)  He  assumed  an  Egyptian  name,  and  became  a  member 
of  the  highest  class  of  Egypt  through  marriai;e  with  the 
daughter  of  a  priest  of  Heliopolis,  named  Putiphare. 

Soon  the  seven  years  of  plenty  predicted  by  Joseph  set  in, 
during  which  he  stored  up  corn  in  each  of  the  cities  from  the 
lands  of  which  it  was  gathered.  They  were  followed  by 
seven  years  of  dearth,  during  which  by  his  skilful  manage- 
ment he  saved  Egypt  from  the  worst  features  of  want  and 
hunger,'  and  not  only  Egypt,  but  also  the  various  countries 
around,  which  had  to  suffer  from  the  same  protracted  famine. 
At  an  early  period  during  the  seven  years  of  famine  Jacob 
sent  his  sons  to  Egypt  to  buy  corn,  keeping  back,  however, 
Benjamin  "lest  perhaps  he  take  any  harm  in  the  journey.'* 
What  occurred  on  the  occasion  of  this  their  first  journey,  as 
well  as  in  connection  with  a  second  one  they  were  compelled 
to  make  a  little  later  —  this  second  time  in  company  with 
Benjamin  —  is  too  well  known  to  require  a  detailed  descrip- 
tion here.     The  narrative  of  the  manner  in  which   Joseph 

*  For  illustration  of  these  facts,  see  Hari-ek,  p.  49. 


< 


44  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

discovered  himself  finally  to  them  is  peculiarly  beautiful  and 
touching,  and  shows  how  little  in  all  his  dealings  with  them, 
he  intended  to  take  revenge  on  them  for  their  past  unworthy 
conduct.  He  even  went  so  far  as  to  excuse  in  some  manner, 
their  greatest  crime  "  Let  it  not  seem  to  you  a  hard  case  that 
you  sold  me  into  these  countries.  .  .  .  Not  by  your  counsel 
was  I  sent  hither,  but  by  the  will  of  God  "  (Gen.  xlv,  5,  8). 

The  rumor  of  the  arrival  of  the  brothers  of  Joseph  soon 
spread  and  reached  the  ears  of  Pharao,  who  gladly  entered 
into  the  designs  of  his  prime  minister  that  he  should  send 
for  his  aged  father,  and  cause  him  to  settle  with  all  his  fam- 
ily in  the  land  of  Egypt.  Accordingly,  the  sons  of  Jacob, 
supplied  with  Egyptian  chariots,  large  provisions  for  the 
journey  and  magnificent  gifts  in  money  and  raiment  for  their 
father,  went  out  of  Egypt,  and  brought  to  the  old  Jacob  the 
almost  incredible,  and  yet  the  most  certain  as  well  as  most 
welcome  news  that  Joseph  "  was  living,  and  was  ruler  in  all 
the  land  of  Egypt."  Convinced  at  length  that  this  wonder- 
ful news  was  but  the  expression  of  a  glorious  reality,  Jacob 
revived  and  said,  "It  is  enough  for  me,  if  Joseph  my  son  be 
yet  living,  I  will  go  and  see  him  before  I  die." 

4.  Character  of  Joseph.  Old  Testament  history  pre- 
sents few,  if  any  characters  more  beautiful  than  that  of  Joseph. 
As  a  boy  he  has  the  most  vivid  horror  for  the  evil  done  by 
his  brothers,  and  as  a  youth  he  resists  with  heroic  constancy 
the  repeated  and  pressing  solicitations  of  his  master's  wife. 
Cast  into  prison,  he  exhibits  great  power  of  endurance,  and 
when  raised  to  the  highest  rank  in  the  State,  he  shows  him- 
self worthy  of  that  exalted  dignity  by  his  modesty  no  less 
than  by  his  energetic  efforts  to  promote  in  the  most  effective 
manner  the  welfare  of  his  adoptive  countrymen.  His  won- 
derful flexibility  enables  him  to  adapt  himself  to  each  new 
position  in  life  and  his  great  amiability  endears  him  to  almost 
all  who  come  in  contact  with  him.     His  tenderness  of  heart 


JOSEPH.  45 

is  revealed  in  a  variety  of  ways,  such  as  the  tears  he  sheds 
at  the  first  visit  of  his  brothers  after  they  had  sold  him,  his 
loving  feelings  towards  Benjamin,  his  filial  respect  and  devo- 
tion for  his  aged  father  after  years  of  separation  and  in  the 
midst  of^the  greatest  honors  of  Pharao's  court. 

It  would  indeed  be  difficult  to  point  out  a  character  more 
worthy  than  that  of  Joseph  to  be  one  of  the  types  of  our 
Lord.  In  point  of  fact,  there  is  a  manifold  resemblance  be- 
tween Jacob's  beloved  son  and  the  dearly  beloved  Son  of 
God.  Like  Jesus,  Joseph  was  hated  and  cast  out  by  his 
brethren,  and  yet  wrought  out  their  salvation  through  the 
sufferings  they  had  brought  upon  him ;  like  Jesus,  Joseph  ob- 
tained his  exaltation  only  after  passing  through  the  deepest 
humiliations,  and  in  the  kingdom  over  which  he  ruled,  he  in- 
vited his  brethren  to  join  those  whom  heretofore  they  had 
looked  upon  as  strangers,  in  order  that  they  also  might  enjoy 
the  blessings  he  had  stored  up  for  them  ;  like  the  Saviour  of 
the  world,  Joseph  had  but  words  of  forgiveness  and  blessing 
for  all  who,  recognizing  their  misery,  had  recourse  to  his 
supreme  power;  finally,  it  was  to  Joseph  of  old,  as  to  Jesus, 
that  all  had  to  appeal  for  relief,  offer  homages  of  the  deepest 
respect  and  yield  ready  obedience  in  all  things. 


SYNOPSIS    OF    CHAPTER  V. 

The  Israelites  in  Egypt. 


I. 
The  Land 

OF 

Egypt : 


II. 
Sojourn 

OF  THE 

Israelites 

IN 

Egypt. 


r  I.  Physical  Description :   Situation;   two  great   divisions; 
the  Nile. 


>.  History: 


3.  Civilization 


A.  The  last  years  \ 
of  Jacob  and 


Little    known    up    to    a    very    recent 

period. 
Now  opened  by  study  of  hieroglyphic 

inscriptions. 
Principal  dynasties  before  the  Israelites 

went  down  into  Egypt. 

Social  Organization. 

Domestic  Life  and  Manners. 

Religion    (Esoteric    and    Exoteric    As- 
pects). 

f  f  In  what  manner  ef- 

I    I.  Entrance    into   \       fected .'' 


Egypt. 


Joseph : 


I   Under  what  dynas- 
l      ty.? 
The  Land  of  Gessen  :    Situation  and 

description. 
Death  and  Funeral  honors  of  Jacob 
and  Joseph. 


B.  After   the 
Death  of  Jo 
seph : 


Period  of  Pros- 
perity : 


From  a  Nomad 
Tribe,  Israel  be- 
comes a  settled 
people. 

Families  remain 
distinct;  no  com- 
mon head. 


f  At  what  time  began  the 
oppression  ? 
How  exercised } 


Period    of 
Oppres-  - 
sion  : 


How  illus- 
trated 


r      A. 

by  Egyp- 
tian monu- 
ments .'* 

B. 
in  modern 

Fellahin  ? 


[46] 


/L 


CHAPTER   V. 

THE    ISRAELITES    IX    EGYPT. 
§  I.      The  Land  of  Egypt. 

I.  Physical  Description.  Kgypt,  the  country  in  which 
the  descendants  of  Jacob  dwelt  for  several  centuries,  occupies 
the  north-east  angle  of  Africa.  It  lies  on  both  sides  of  the 
Nile  and  is  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  Mediterranean  Sea, 
on  the  east  by  Arabia  and  the  Red  Sea,  on  the  south  by 
Nubia  (which  country  the  Nile  traverses  before  it  enters 
Egypt  at  the  first  cataract),  and  on  the  west  by  Lybia.  In 
ancient  times,  however,  the  territory  of  Egypt  was  much  less 
extensive,  because  its  width  included  then  little  more  than 
the  fertile  strip  of  land  on  both  sides  of  the  Nile,  the  deserts 
beyond  on  either  side  being  considered  as  parts  of  Arabia 
and  Lybia  respectively. 

Ancient  Egypt  had  two  great  natural  divisions,  (i)  the 
Delta,  so  called  from  its  resemblance  with  the  Greek  let- 
ter A ;  (2)  the  Valley  of  the  Nile.  The  Delta  is  a  vast 
triangular  plain  watered  by  the  branches  of  the  Nile  and  ex- 
tending along  the  Mediterranean  coast  for  about  200  miles, 
and  up  the  Nile  for  100  miles.  The  Valley  of  the  Nile  ex- 
tends from  this  point  —  about  the  site  of  the  present  city  of 
Cairo  —  to  the  First  Cataract,  a  distance  of  about  500  miles, 
and  its  width  varies  from  10  to  30  miles.  The  Delta  and 
the  Valley  of  the  Nile  have  together  an  area  of  about  9,600 
square  miles,  or  about  equal  to  tlie  two  States  of  Massachu- 
setts and  Rhode  Island  together. 

Nothing  is  more  exact  than  the  saying  of  the  old  Greek 

[47] 


48  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

historian  Herodotus  (fifth  century  b.  c),  who  affirms  that 
Egypt  "is  the  gift  of  the  Nile"  (History,  Book  ii,  chap,  v), 
for  owing  to  the  periodical  rainy  season  which  inundates 
Upper  Abyssinia,  where  the  Nile  takes  its  rise,  this  river  is 
periodically  swollen  and  by  its  overflovvr  secures  to  the  coun- 
try of  Egypt  its  wonderful  fertility.  The  rising  of  the  Nile 
usually  begins  towards  the  end  of  June,  and  as  the  waters 
rise  they  turn  from  greenish  to  dark  red,  which  latter  color 
does  not  interfere  in  the  least  with  their  wholesome  and 
palatable  properties.  During  the  following  months,  the  low- 
lands of  Egypt  are  inundated  and  thereby  supplied  with  the 
moisture  and  alluvial  deposit  required  for  farming  purposes. 
If  the  annual  inundation  reaches  a  sufficient  height  —  in 
ancient  times,  the  most  favorable  height  was  16  cubits  or 
about  28  feet  —  all  is  well  with  Egypt  and  its  inhabitants, 
but  if  the  reverse  occurs  —  if  it  is  only  12  cubits,  for  instance 
—  a  famine  is  the  result.  As  the  fertility  of  Egypt  has  ever 
depended  on  the  water  of  the  Nile,  canals  were  dug  from  a 
remote  antiquity,  to  distribute  it  in  various  directions. 

2.  History.  Up  to  a  very  recent  period,  little  could  be 
known  with  certainty  about  the  history  of  ancient  Egypt,  for 
every  writer  on  Egypt  depended  almost  entirely  on  Greek 
historians  whose  statements  were  too  often  at  variance,  and 
whose  comparative  authority  could  not  be  defined.  More- 
over as  these  historians  were  unacquainted  with  the  Egyptian 
language,  they  did  not  utilize  the  original  documents  of  the 
banks  of  the  Nile,  but  simply  recorded  obsolete  traditions 
with  which  they  mingled  their  own  views,  and  as  a  necessary 
consequence,  the  history  of  ancient  Egypt  was  for  centuries 
little  more  than  a  collection  of  groundless  statements. 

A  more  accurate  and  certain  knowledge  of  Egyptian  his- 
tory began  only  with  the  deciphering  of  the  Egyptian  hiero- 
glyphics by  Francois  Champollion  in  the  first  quarter  of  the 
present  century.     By  years  of  hard  and  persevering  efforts 


THE    ISRAELITES    IN    EGYPT. 


49 


he  succeeded  not  only  in  making  out  the  value  of  a  large 
number  of  Egyptian  characters,  but  also  in  understanding 
the  meaning  of  the  words  through  his  acquaintance  with  the 
Coptic  language,  a  legitimate  descendant  from  the  old  Egyp- 
tian and  bearing  with  it  a  very  close  resemblance.  Since 
that  time,  pyramid  and  obelisk,  sarcophagus  and  coffin,  stele 
and  papyrus  have  spoken  and  their  inscriptions,  ranging  from 
4000  B.  c.  to  the  time  of  our  Lord,  have  yielded  an  outline  of 
Egypt's  dynasties  and  political  vicissitudes,  and  better  still  a 
vivid  picture  of  its  beliefs,  manners  and  customs  (cfr.  Budge, 
Dwellers  on  the  Nile,  chaps,  i,  ii). 

Despite  all  these  discoveries,  the  earliest  history  of  Egypt 
is  still  very  obscure;  it  cannot  be  doubted,  however,  that 
about  4000  B.  c,  Egypt  was  already  a  well-organized  State. 
Its  first  dynasty  is  supposed  to  have  had  for  its  founder 
Mena  or  Menes,  about  whose  laws  and  institutions  little  is 
known  for  certain.  Of  the  following  dynasties,  twelve  ruled 
in  succession  before  the  children  of  Jacob  went  down  into 
Egypt;  and  the  principal  of  these  were  two:  (i)  The 
Fourth,  to  whose  kings  Egypt  is  indebted  for  much  of  its 
ancient  glory,  and  in  particular  for  its  greatest  pyramids  or 
royal  tombs,  viz. :  those  of  Cheops,  Chephren  and  Mycerinus 
at  Gizeh,  on  the  western  bank  of  the  Nile,  near  Cairo;  (2) 
the  Twelfth,  famous  for  its  warlike  undertakings,  and  also 
for  the  formation  of  the  enormous  lake  Moeris  and  the  build- 
ing of  the  wonderful  palace  of  the  Labyrinth.  From  the 
twelfth  to  the  eighteenth  dynasty,  there  is  a  gap  of  about  500 
years  during  which  both  the  rule  of  the  Hyksos  or  "  Shepherd 
Kings  "  and  the  settlement  of  the  Israelites  in  Egypt  are  to 
be  placed. 

3.  Civilization.  Egypt  is  one  of  the  most  ancient  civil- 
ized nations  of  the  world,  and  in  the  present  day  we  are 
allowed  a  clear  insight  into  the  manifold  features  of  its  antique 
civilization  through  the  numberless  paintings,  sculptures,  in- 


50  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

scriptions,  etc.,  brought  to  light  by  recent  explorations. 
Among  these  features  we  may  notice  first  of  all,  the  political 
and  social  organization  of  the  ancient  Egyptians,  at  the  basis 
of  which  lay  their  division  into  classes.  Two  of  these  classes, 
those  of  \\\Q,  priests  and  of  the  warriors^  were  deemed  most 
honorable,  and  together  with  the  King,  owned  the  soil  of 
Egypt.  The  priests  constituted  the  learned  class;  they  were 
exempt  from  taxation,  received  daily  rations  of  the  sacred 
food  together  with  contributions  of  oxen,  sheep  and  wine, 
were  allowed  to  have  only  one  wife,  and  were  submitted  to 
minute  ritual  observances,  such  as  frequent  ablutions,  the 
exclusive  use  of  linen  robes,  etc.  Next  to  the  priests  in 
honor,  came  the  soldiers,  whose  profession,  like  that  of  the 
priests,  was  hereditary.  They  possessed  nearly  a  third  of 
the  soil  and  were  exempt  from  all  taxes,  and  of  course,  when 
on  duty  in  the  field  or  about  the  King's  person,  they  were 
given  special  pay  and  rations.  The  rest  of  the  free  popula- 
tion of  Egypt  formed  a  sort  of  third  order  subdivided  into 
the  classes  of  shepherds^  husbajidmen  and  artisans^  whose  vari- 
ous occupations  are  represented  with  the  minutest  detail 
and  accuracy  in  the  pictures  in  the  tombs  and  on  the  monu- 
ments of  the  ancient  Egyptians. 

At  the  head  of  the  State,  was  the  King,  bearing  the  title 
of  Pharao,  at  once  priest  and  warrior,  and  the  actual  god 
of  all  his  subjects  both  during  his  lifetime  and  after  his  death. 
For  him  the  Egyptians  were  trembling  slaves,  compelled  even 
from  religious  motives  to  carry  out  his  orders  blindly,  and  to 
set  at  the  same  time  the  highest  value  on  his  most  trifling 
favors.  "  The  first  object  of  the  King  was  supposed  to  be  the 
welfare  of  his  people  both  temporal  and  spiritual.  Minor 
matters  of  administration  would  be  disposed  of  by  his  sub- 
ordinates, but  things  of  importance  would  come  before  him 
and  be  discussed  with  his  leading  advisers  and  councillors  " 
(Budge,  Dwellers  on  the  Nile,  page  183). 

The  domestic  life  of  the  ancient  Egyptians  is  perhaps  bet- 


THE    ISRAELITES    IN    EGYPT.  51 

ter  known  than  their  social  organization,  for  their  paintings 
and  inscriptions  make  us  acquainted  with  the  minute  details 
of  their  daily  life.  Their  houses  were  generally  only  two 
stories  high,  had  small  windows,  lofty  ceilings  and  terraced 
roofs  surrounded  by  a  balustrade  or  battlement.  The  houses 
of  the  wealthy  often  covered  a  very  large  extent  of  ground, 
had  an  inner  court  planted  with  trees,  and  their  walls  were 
beautifully  sculptured  and  decorated,  whilst  the  rooms  were 
supplied  with  the  most  elegant  furniture.  At  an  entertain- 
ment, the  dinner  was  served  up  at  noon,  men  and  women  sat 
side  by  side  at  tables  covered  with  numerous  dishes  and  sup- 
plied with  wine  of  various  sorts,  each  guest  being  placed  ac- 
cording to  his  rank.  "  After  dinner,  games,  music,  dancing 
and  other  amusements  were  provided  for  the  guests " 
(Blaikie,  Manual  of  Bible  History,  p.  98). 

Polygamy  was  certainly  practised  by  some  of  the  nobles 
and  Kings  of  Egypt,  but  even  where  several  wives  were  taken 
one  of  them  enjoyed  a  real  superiority  over  all  the  others. 
Children  were  educated  according  to  their  future  position  in 
life,  those  of  the  priests  being  carefully  taught  the  various 
kinds  of  Egyptian  writing  together  with  astronomy,  mathe- 
matics, etc.,  in  a  word,  ''  all  the  wisdom  of  the  Egyptians." 
(For  fuller  information  see  Wilkinson,  The  Ancient  Egyp- 
tians, vol.  ii.) 

The  religion  of  Egypt  deserves  also  a  special  notice  here. 
It  presented,  as  in  all  pagan  countries,  a  twofold  aspect,  the 
one  esoteric,  exhibiting  whatever  was  most  elevated,  most  phil- 
osophical, but  kept  hidden  in  the  sanctuary  for  the  honor  and 
profit  of  the  priests  and  of  a  small  number  of  initiated,  —  the 
other  exoteric,  the  sole  known  to  the  people  at  large,  consist- 
ing only  of  the  outer  form  of  the  esoteric  doctrine  and  made 
up  of  the  grossest  superstitions. 

The  esoteric  doctrine  of  the  Egyptian  priests  had  for  its 
basis  the  great  idea  of  the  unity  of  a  God  who  is  described 
in  the  sacred  texts  of  Ancient  Egypt  as  eternal,  infinite,  lov- 


52  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

ing  and  just  (cfr.  extract  from  an  Egyptian  hymn  in  Budge,  p, 
130  sq.)  ;  that  the  primitive  Egyptian  worship  was  thus  mon- 
otheistic is  rendered  the  more  probable  from  the  fact  that 
religious  edifices  of  the  primitive  ages  were  without  sculpt- 
ured images  and  without  idols.  Unfortunately,  this  sublime 
idea  was  very  early  obscured  and  disfigured  by  the  concep- 
tions of  the  priests,  as  well  as  by  the  ignorance  of  the  multi- 
tude. The  attributes  and  qualities  of  the  one  sole,  absolute 
and  eternal  God  were  by  degrees  invested  with  a  concrete 
and  personal  existence,  and  transformed  in  the  eyes  of  the 
people  into  absolutely  distinct  gods.  For  the  purposes  of 
external  and  public  worship  these  almost  countless  gods 
were  grouped  into  triads  —  after  the  image  of  a  human  fam- 
ily having  a  father,  mother  and  son  —  and  each  triad  was 
worshipped  in  the  sanctuary  of  one  of  the  capitals  of  the 
Egyptian  districts  or  nomes.  Again,  through  a  further  abuse 
of  symbolic  representations  so  entirely  in  harmony  with 
Egypt's  genius,  the  attributes,  qualities  and  nature  of  the 
various  gods  were  symbolized  by  means  of  animals,  each  god 
being  represented  under  the  figure  of  a  particular  animal,  or 
as  was  more  usually  the  case,  by  the  conjunction  of  the  head 
of  that  animal  with  a  human  body,  and  this  finally  led  the 
Egyptian  multitudes  to  the  worship  of  the  animals  them- 
selves, not  simply  as  representations  but  as  incarnations  of 
the  deity  (see  FRAN901S  Lenormant,  Manual  of  the  Ancient 
History  of  the  East,  vol.  i,  p.  317-327)- 

One  of  the  principal  religious  beliefs  common  to  both 
people  and  priests  was  the  doctrine  of  a  future, life  with  its 
eternal  rewards  for  the  just,  and  its  punishments  for  the 
wicked. 

§  2.     Sojoiirn  of  the  Israelites  in  Egypt. 

I.  The  Last  Years  of  Jacob  and  Joseph  (Gen. 
xlvi-1).     The  first  impulse  of  Jacob  on  learning  of  Joseph's 


THE    ISRAELITES    IN    EGYPT.  53 

preservation  and  exalted  dignity  in  Egypt  was  to  go  down  to 
that  country  and  spend  his  last  years  with  his  beloved  son. 
He  soon,  however,  hesitated  in  carrying  out  a  plan  which 
seemed  to  run  counter  to  God's  designs  by  settling  down  far 
from  the  Promised  Land,  but  a  vision  from  Jehovah  near 
Bersabee,  put  an  end  to  every  hesitation  on  his  part,  and  he 
started  without  delay  with  all  his  family  and  possessions, 
sending  Juda  ahead  to  apprise  Joseph  of  his  coming.  The 
meeting  of  the  patriarch  with  his  beloved  son  was  most  affec- 
tionate, and  was  soon  followed  by  the  presentation,  first  of 
five  brothers  of  Joseph,  and  next  of  the  old  man  himself  to 
the  Egyptian  monarch.  The  Pharao  of  the  time  belonged 
most  likely  to  a  dynasty  established  by  nomad  hordes  of 
Arabia,  Chanaan  and  Syria  after  their  conquest  of  Northern 
Egypt,  and  known  under  the  name  of  the  Hyksos  or  "  Shepherd 
Kings."  Once  settled  in  Egypt,  the  Hyksos  soon  adopted 
Egyptian  manners  and  customs,  and  their  court  resembled 
in  every  respect  that  of  the  ancient  Pharaos,  and  yet  all  the 
time  they  had  to  fight  against  the  native  Kings  who  main- 
tained themselves  in  Southern  Egypt,  and  who  ultimately  suc- 
ceeded in  expelling  those  whom  the  Egyptian  population 
ever  regarded  as  intruders.  These  historical  data  concern- 
ing the  Hyksos  agree  perfectly  with  the  Biblical  statements 
regarding  the  dynasty  which  ruled  in  Egypt  at  the  time  when 
the  Israelites  entered  that  country.  On  the  one  hand,  although 
this  dynasty  had  a  foreign  origin,  it  had  already  adopted  the 
customs  of  Egypt,  and  in  consequence  it  is  justly  described 
in  the  Bible  as  holding  a  thoroughly  Egyptian  court;  and 
on  the  other  hand,  because  of  its  foreign  origin  and  also  be- 
cause of  the  hatred  wherewith  it  was  pursued  by  the  native 
princes  and  population,  it  would  not  only  welcome,  but  even 
readily  grant  a  portion  of  territory  to  a  pastoral  tribe  coming 
also  from  Asia  and  in  which  they  hoped  to  secure  allies,  when 
necessary,  against  the  conquered  Egyptians. 

The  portion  of  Egyptian  territory  ascribed  to  Jacob  and 


54  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

his  family  as  their  residence  was  the  "  Land  of  Gessen  " 
whose  boundaries  gradually  "extended  with  the  increase  of 
the  people  over  the  territory  they  inhabited  "  (Naville,  quoted 
by  Harper,  Bible  and  Modern  Discoveries,  p.  55).  In  the 
time  of  Joseph  it  probably  comprised  little  more  than  the 
present  Wady  Et  Tumilat,  a  district  east  of  the  Delta 
and  not  far  from  Tanis  or  Zoan,  the  actual  capital  of  the 
Hyksos.  The  land  of  Gessen  counted  but  few  Egyptian  in- 
habitants, because  its  former  settlers  had  fled  before  the  in- 
vading Asiatic  hordes,  and  although  it  was  capable  of  yield- 
ing excellent  crops,  it  was  yet  —  as  we  learn  from  a  recently 
discovered  Egyptian  document  —  "not  cultivated,  but  left  as 
a  pasture  for  cattle."  All  this  enables  us  to  understand  why 
Joseph  was  desirous  that  this  region  should  be  assigned  to 
his  brothers  who  had  come  with  flocks  and  herds,  were 
"shepherds  from  their  infancy,"  and  as  such  would  be  an 
object  of  hatred  for  the  native  population  '-because  the 
Egyptians  had  all  shepherds  in  abomination." 

After  his  migration  into  Egypt,  Jacob  lived  seventeen 
years,  towards  the  end  of  which  he  requested  that  his  mortal 
remains  should  be  transported  into  the  land  of  Chanaan  and 
deposited  in  "  the  burying-place  of  his  ancestors."  In  his 
last  sickness,  the  dying  patriarch  blessed  all  his  children, 
uttering  at  the  same  time  prophetic  words  concerning  the 
future  of  their  respective  descendants.  His  blessing  of  Juda 
is  particularly  remarkable  not  only  because  it  promised  the 
temporal  supremacy  to  the  tribe  of  Juda,  but  also  because  it 
distinctly  foretold  that  from  Juda's  posterity  should  arise 
"He  to  whpm  nations  shall  yield  obedience,"  that  is,  the 
Messias  in  whom  "  shall  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  be 
blessed "  (Gen.  xii,  3 ;  xxvi,  4.  For  a  careful  study  of 
Jacob's  blessing  of  Juda,  see  Vigouroux,  Manuel  Biblique; 
CoRLUY,  Spicilegium  Dogmatico-biblicum,  vol.  i ;  Pelt,  His- 
toire  de  I'Ancien  Testament,  vol.  i,  chap.  xv). 

Joseph  honored  his  father  (i)  by  a  costly  embalming,  of 


THE    ISRAELITES    IN    EGYPT.  55 

which  the  Bible  speaks  in  a  manner  which  agrees  perfectly 
with  the  process  as  depicted  on  Egyptian  monuments,  (2)  by 
a  long  time  of  mourning  in  the  Land  of  Egypt,  (3)  by  a  large 
and  distinguished  funeral  cortege  which  accompanied  the 
embalmed  body  to  the  Promised  Land,  finally  (4)  by  "full 
seven  days  of  great  and  vehement  lamentation  "  when  ar- 
rived at  Maclipelah,  where  Jacob's  remains  were  laid  by  the 
side  of  his  great  ancestors  (cfr.  Geikie,  vol.  i,  p.  471). 

Very  little  is  told  us  about  Joseph  in  the  Biblical  narrative 
after  the  burial  of  his  father.  We  read  simply  fhat  he  ever 
bore  himself  kindly  to  his  brothers,  saw  the  grandchildren  of 
his  sons  Ephraim  and  Manasses,  and  required  from  his 
brothers  a  solemn  oath  that  they  should  carry  his  remains 
out  of  Egypt,  when  God  would  bring  them  back  to  Chanaan. 
His  body  was  carefully  embalmed  and  'Maid  in  a  coffin  in 
Egypt." 

2.  After  the  Death  of  Joseph.  The  prosperity  which 
the  Israelites  enjoyed  in  Egypt  during  the  lifetime  of  Joseph 
long  continued  after  his  death.  During  this  period  of  peace 
and  plenty,  which  the  opening  chapter  of  the  book  of  Exodus 
rather  hints  at  than  describes,  they  multiplied  very  rapidly 
and  soon  covered  much  more  territory  than  the  district  origi- 
nally ascribed  to  them.  Many  of  the  new  districts  presented 
much  better  opportunities  for  agricultural  or  industrial  pur- 
poses than  for  pastoral  pursuits,  and  in  consequence  many 
families  gave  up  gradually  their  despised  primitive  shepherd 
life,  and  learned  to  till  the  fertile  soil  of  northeastern  Egypt, 
or  became  acquainted  with  the  various  arts  of  the  Egyptians, 
such  as  weaving,  dyeing,  etc.  Their  social  importance  natur- 
ally grew  apace  with  their  wealth,  and  intermarriage  gave 
them  access  to  the  highest  circles  in  the  State  (cfr.  i  Paralip. 
iv,  18).  Thus,  from  a  nomad  tribe,  Israel  was  by  degrees 
transformed  into  a  numerous  and  powerful  settled  people 
conversant  with  the  arts  and  civilization  of  Egypt,  and  also. 


56  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

it  must  be  added,  deeply  influenced  by  the  splendor  of  its 
temples  and  worship.  Finally,  they  were  allowed  a  fair 
amount  of  political  independence,  for  they  governed  them- 
selves in  pretty  much  the  same  manner  as  the  nations  kin- 
dred to  them  (the  Edomites  and  the  Ismaelites)  having  like 
them  elders  who  presided  over  the  interests  of  distinct  dis- 
tricts, but  no  common  head. 

Had  this  wonderful  prosperity  of  the  Israelites  lasted 
much  longer,  it  seems  not  improbable  that  they  would  have 
gradually  forgotten  Chanaan,  and  even  lost  their  faith 
in  the  God  of  their  ancestors ;  but  these  two  great  evils  were 
averted  by  a  providential  course  of  events,  which  brought 
about  a  long  period  of  severe  oppression  followed  by  their 
departure  from  Egypt.  The  precise  time  at  which  this  op- 
pression began  cannot  be  determined ;  but  it  is  now  univers- 
ally granted  that  the  ^^  new  King  who  arose  over  Egypt  and 
did  not  know  Joseph'^  (Exod.  i,  8)  belonged  to  the  old  native 
dynasty  which  had  finally  succeeded  in  expelling  the  Hyksos 
from  the  country.  There  is  also  little  doubt  that  the  particu- 
lar King  who  persecuted  so  severely  the  Israelites  was  Ram- 
esses  II,  whom  Egyptian  inscriptions  concur  with  the  Bible 
in  representing  as  having  had  a  very  long  reign,  as  a  pas- 
sionate builder,  and  as  the  founder  of  Ramesses  and  Phithom. 
His  aim  was  so  to  weaken  the  Israelites  as  to  render  them 
of  no  account  in  case  of  a  foreign  invasion  from  the  east, 
and  for  this  purpose  he  had  recourse  to  three  devices  :  (i)  he 
imposed  upon  them  an  excessive  amount  of  work  of  the  most 
exhausting  kind  ;  (2)  he  gave  order  to  the  Egyptian  midwives 
to  kill  every  Israelite  man-child  at  its  birth ;  (3)  he  charged 
all  his  people  to  cast  into  the  Nile  any  male  child  who  might 
have  escaped  (Exod.  i,  9-22). 

Egyptian  monuments  make  us  acquainted  with  brickmak- 
ing  as  it  was  then  imposed  upon  the  Israelites,  when  they 
represent  to  us  some  men  digging  clay,  others  mixing  it, 
others  laden  with  the  prepared  clay,  others  again  carrying 


THE    ISRAELITES    IN    EGYPT.  57 

bricks  or  stacking  them,  whilst  just  by  is  the  task  master,  his 
stick  ever  lifted  up  to  enforce  labor.  By  "  all  the  other  man- 
ners of  service"  exacted  from  the  Israelites  (Exod.  i,  14,  cfr. 
also  verse  11)  we  are  doubtless  to  understand  the  hewing  out 
of  enormous  blocks  of  granite  and  limestone,  and  the  draw- 
ing of  them  for  the  building  of  Ramesses's  temples  and  cities, 
the  digging  of  canals,  etc.  (Cfr.  inscriptions  of  Ramesses  in 
Geikie,  Hours  with  the  Bible,  vol.  ii,  p.  98,  sq.) 

The  frightful  hardships  and  enormous  expenditure  of  life 
naturally  entailed  by  such  work  carried  on  with  no  machin- 
ery and  with  but  little  mechanical  help,  are  most  vividly 
illustrated  in  the  Fellahin  or  Egyptian  husbandmen  who, 
during  this  very  century,  were  taken  by  force  from  their  vil- 
lages and  compelled  to  work  for  the  Egyptian  authorities. 
Thus,  for  instance,  out  of  250,000  fellahin  torn  away  from 
their  homes  and  employed  at  making  the  canal  which  con- 
nects Alexandria  with  the  Nile,  30,000  actually  died,  falling 
worn  out  with  the  toil  exacted  from  them  by  the  blows  of 
their  pitiless  taskmasters.  Similar  barbarities  with  similar 
results  were  also  noticed  in  connection  with  the  beginning  of 
the  Suez  canal,  and  all  travellers  relate  like  tales  of  woe  con- 
cerning the  forced  labor  imposed  upon  the  poor  fellahin  in 
the  sugar  factories  of  the  late  Khedive  (that  is,  the  viceroy 
of  Egypt).  (Cfr.  Harper,  Bible  and  Modern  Discoveries, 
p.  69 ;  ViGOUROUX,  vol.  ii,  p.  249,  sq.) 


j> 


I. 

Moses 

THE 

Deliver- 
er: 


SYNOPSIS    OF     CHAPTER    VI. 

The  Deliverance  from  Egypt. 


Birth  and  Education  (Exodus  ii,  i-io;  Acts  vii,  20-22). 

Flight  and  Sojourn  in  Madian  (Exodus  ii,  11-22;   Acts, 

vii,  23-29). 
Return  into  Egypt  (Exodus  ii,  23-iv  ;  Acts  vii,  30-35). 


II. 
Depart- 
ure OF 
THE 

Israel- 
ites: 


A.    Opposi- 
tion to  De- 
parture : 


B.  The  De- 
parture : 


Why  and  how  raised  by  Pharao  (Exodus 
v-vii,  9)  ? 

Analogy  with 

natural 

scourges. 

Miraculous 
character. 

Opposition 

to  Egyptian 

idolatry. 


2.  How  met 

by  Moses  ? 

(Exodus  vii, 

lo-x). 


The  Nine 

First 
Plagues. 


I.  Prepara- 
tory events. 


r  The  First  Pasch. 
I 

■j  The     Tenth     Plague 
y      Egyptian  record). 


(No 


r  The  gathering  and  simulta- 
I       neous    departure    of    the 
2.  Execution.  \       Israelites. 

Their  number  ;  the  spoils  of 
L      Egypt. 


C.   The  length  of  stay  in  Egypt  (Exodus  xii,  40,  41 ;  Gala- 
tians  iii,  17). 


III. 

The 
Passage 

OF  the 

Red  Sea. 


'    I.   The  road  followed  from  Ramesses  to  the  Red  Sea. 

'  A.  Northern  limit  of  the  western  arm  of  the 
Red  Sea  in  the  time  of  Moses. 
B.  The  pursuit  of  the  Israelites  by  Pharao* 

2.  The  pas- 
sage of  the   ^  C.  The  passage   described:   its  miraculous 

character. 
D.  Egyptian    account  of    this    escape,  and 
\  other  traditions'. 

3.  The  Canticle  of  Moses  (Exodus  xv,  1-21). 

[58] 


Seal 


SECOND  OR  TRIBAL  PERIOD. 

FROM  MOSES  TO  THE   INSTITUTION   OF  THE 
MONARCHY. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE    DELIVERANCE    FROM    EGYPT. 

§  /.     Moses  the  Deliverer. 

2.  Birth  and  Education  (Exod.  ii,  i-io).  CWhilst  the 
King  of  Egypt  was  bent  on  crushing  Israel  out  of  existence, 
a  child  was  born  of  the  tribe  of  Levi  destined  to  free  forever 
God's  people  from  Egypt's  bondage,  and  to  introduce  a 
new  era  into  the  history  of  the  Jewish  religion  and  nation. 
His  parents  Amram  and  Jochabed  (Exod.  vi,  20)  who  lived 
apparently  near  the  habitual  residence  of  Ramesses  II,  had 
had  already  two  children,  one  daughter  called  Mary  and  a 
son  named  Aaron.  Struck  with  the  infantine  beauty  of  her 
second  son,  Jochabed  resolved  to  save  him  by  concealing  his 
birth  from  the  Egyptians  who,  according  to  Pharao's  recent 
order,  cast  into  the  Nile  any  newly-born  Israelite  male  child 
they  could  lay  their  hands  on.  The  story  of  the  manner  in 
which  after  three  months  of  concealment  the  child  was  ex- 
posed on  the  waters  of  the  Nile,  and  then  rescued,  adopted 
and  trusted  by  the  daughter  of  Pharao  to  the  fostering  care 
of  Jochabed  herself,  is  known  to  all,  and  needs  no  further 
mention  here^ 

[59] 


6o  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

During  his  youth  and  early  manhood,  Moses  —  for  thus 
was  the  child  called  henceforth  because  he  had  been  "  saved 
from  the  waters  "  of  the  Nile  —  underwent  a  twofold  influ- 
ence. On  the  one  hand,  as  the  son  of  Jochabed,  he  learned 
from  his  real  mother  who  and  what  he  was,  and  what  great 
designs  God  ever  had  respecting  His  chosen  people ;  on  the 
other  hand,  as  the  adopted  son  of  Pharao's  daughter  "  he 
was  instructed  in  all  the  wisdom  of  the  Egyptians"  (Acts  vii, 
22),  that  is,  in  all  the  learning,  literary,  scientific  and  religious, 
of  the  priests. 

2.  Flight  and  Sojourn  in  Madian  (Exod.  ii,  11-22). 
The  deep  influence  of  Jochabed  on  the  mind  of  Moses  is  evi- 
denced by  the  fact  that  though  brought  up  in  the  midst  of  the 
refinement  and  luxury  of  Pharao's  court,  he  did  not  hesitate, 
when  the  time  came,  to  cast  his  lot  with  the  oppressed  children 
of  Israel  (cfr.  Heb.  xi,  24  sq.).  One  day,  in  his  indignation 
against  an  Egyptian  taskmaster  whom  he  saw  striking  an 
Israelite,  he  slevv^  him,  buried  him  hastily  in  the  sand  and 
relied  on  the  discretion  of  those  whose  defence  he  had  thus 
boldly  taken.  Moses,  however,  was  deceived  in  his  expecta- 
tion, his  bold  deed  was  soon  known,  and  he  took  to  flight 
from  the  vengeance  of  Pharao. 

The  place  of  his  retreat  was  the  "Land  of  Madjan,"  a  pas- 
toral district  beyond  the  Egyptian  possessions  in  the  penin- 
sula of  Sinai,  and  somewhat  to  the  north  and  to  the  east  of 
them.  There  he  remained  long  years  during  which  he  led 
the  humble  shepherd  life  of  the  patriarchs  of  old,  and  be- 
came the  son-in-law  of  Jethro  the  prince  and  priest  of  Madian. 

3.  Return  into  Egypt  (Exod.  ii,  23-iv).  Meantime 
Ramesses  II  died,  and  was  succeeded  by  Meneptah  I,  to 
whom  the  Israelites  appealed  in  vain  for  relief.  But  Jehovah 
"heard  their  groaning"  and  took  actual  steps  to  rescue  them 
from  their  misery.     For  this  purpose  He  first  appeared  to 


THE    DELIVERANCE    FROM    EGYPT.  6 1 

Moses  in  the  vicinity  of  Mount  Horeb,  in  the  southern  part 
of  the  peninsula  of  Sinai,  revealed  to  him  the  name  under 
which  He  was  to  be  made  known  to  the  Israelites  and 
directed  him  to  return  to  Egypt.  He  also  bade  Moses 
gather  together  the  ancients  of  Israel,  announce  to  them  the 
good  news  of  Divine  deliverance,  and  together  with  them  de- 
liver to  Pharao  God's  message,  that  he  should  allow  Israel 
to  go  a  three  days'  journey  to  offer  a  sacrifice  to  Jehovah, 
their  God.  This  mission  appeared  to  Moses  fraught  with 
difficulties,  but  he  finally  accepted  it  because  God  supplied 
him  with  miraculous  powers  and  promised  that  he  would 
find  in  his  brother  Aaron  a  faithful  and  eloquent  spokesman. 
With  Jethro's  consent,  Moses  left  Madian  and  soon  met 
Aaron,  whom  he  made  acquainted  both  with  the  mission  and 
with  the  power  of  performing  miracles  Jehovah  had  entrusted 
to  him. 

Upon  their  arrival  at  the  Israelite  settlements,  the  two 
brothers  gathered  together  the  ancients  of  the  people,  and, 
agreeably  to  the  Divine  promise,  Aaron  proved  a  most  suc- 
cessful spokesman  near  them ;  finally,  Aaron's  words  backed 
up  by  miracles  convinced  the  people  at  large  that  Jehovah 
had  indeed  "visited  the  children  of  Israel  and  that  He  had 
looked  upon  their  affliction." 

§  2.     Departure  of  the  Israelites. 

I.  Opposition  to  Departure  (Exod.  v-x).  As  might 
naturally  be  expected,  Pharao  was  not  to  be  so  easily  per- 
suaded of  the  Divine  mission  of  Moses  as  the  children  of 
Israel,  and,  in  point  of  fact,  when  Moses  and  Aaron  together 
.with  the  ancients  of  the  people  requested  him  in  the  name  of 
Jehovah,  '*the  God  of  Israel,"  that  he  should  let  His  people 
go  and  offer  Him  a  sacrifice  in  the  desert,  the  King  of  Egypt 
answered  that  Jehovah  was  a  god  unknown  to  him  and  that 
he  would  not  let  Israel  go.     What  was  asked  of  him  was  in 


62  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

entire  opposition  with  his  twofold  policy  of  using  every 
available  man  for  his  public  works  and  of  preventing  the  in- 
crease of  the  Israelites  by  excessive  labor,  and  in  conse- 
quence, the  very  same  day  he  gave  to  the  Egyptian  task- 
masters orders  of  an  almost  incredible  severity  against  the 
children  of  Israel.  Henceforth  these  bondmen  of  Pharao 
must  find  for  themselves  the  chopped  straw  they  needed  to 
make  brick,  and  yet  furnish  each  day  exactly  the  same  num- 
ber of  bricks  as  when  straw  was  supplied  to  them.  They 
indeed  appealed  to  the  King  against  such  oppression,  but 
Pharao  maintained  his  orders  that  they  must  keep  on  supply- 
ing bricks,  sun-baked,  and  made  with  whatever  straw,  or  even 
sedges,  rushes  and  water-plants,  they  could  find,  with  such 
binding  materials,  in  a  word,  as  we  know  were  employed  in 
the  construction  of  the  brick  walls  of  Phithom  discovered 
by  M.  de  Naville  in  1884. 

It  is  not,  therefore,  to  be  wondered  at,  that,  groaning  under 
their  increased  misery,  the  children  of  Israel  complained 
against  Moses  and  Aaron,  who  had  brought  it  upon  them, 
and  positively  refused  to  give  credence  to  the  message  which 
a  little  later  Moses  delivered  to  them  in  the  name  of  Jehovah. 

At  this  juncture,  God  bade  Moses  and  Aaron  appear  again 
before  Pharao,  requesting  him  that  he  should  allow  the  de- 
parture of  the  Israelites,  and  instructed  the  two  brothers  to 
change  into  a  serpent  the  rod  Aaron  was  supplied  with,  as  a 
sign  of  their  Divine  mission.  This  they  did,  to  the  amaze- 
ment of  Pharao,  who,  however,  having  called  upon  his  wise 
men  and  magicians  and  having  witnessed  what  seemed  to  be 
the  performance  of  a  prodigy  similar  to  that  of  Moses  and 
Aaron,  refused  to  grant  what  was  requested  of  him.  After 
this  refusal  of  Pharao,  God  inflicted  on  the  country,  by  the 
ministry  of  Moses  and  Aaron,  the  various  scourges  so  well 
known  under  the  name  of  the  Plagues  of  Egypt.  The 
first  of  these  plagues  —  the  turning  of  the  water  of  the  Nile 
into  blood  —  is  clearly  analogous  with  the  annual  phenomenon 


THE    DELIVERANCE    FROM    EGYPT.  63 

of  the  Red  Nile,  already  referred  to  in  the  preceding  chap- 
ter, and  whereby  this  river  appears  in  the  eyes  of  all  as  a 
river  of  blood.  The  same  close  resemblance  of  the  next  eight 
plagues  with  corresponding  natural  scourges  which  occur 
from  time  to  time  in  Egypt,  is  also  borne  witness  to  by  very 
reliable  recent  travellers,  and  this  has  led  many  Rationalists 
to  look  upon  the  first  nine  plagues  described  in  the  Bible  as 
mere  natural  phenomena.  But  if  this  analogy  of  the  plagues 
with  natural  scourges  is  undoubted  and  in  so  far  proves  the 
historical  character  of  the  Biblical  narrative,  it  is  no  less  un- 
questionable that  several  things  connected  with  the  produc- 
tion of  the  plagues  of  Egypt  prove  their  miraculous  charac- 
ter. Take  for  instance  the  first  of  these  plagues  :  the  turning 
of  the  water  of  the  Nile  into  blood  cannot  be  identified  ab- 
solutely with  the  annual  and  natural  phenomenon  of  the  Red 
Nile,  since  the  ordinary  redness  at  the  time  of  the  Nile's 
overflow  does  not  render  the  water  unfit  for  use  or  injurious 
to  the  fish  in  the  river,  whilst  the  reverse  is  positively  affirmed 
by  the  Bible  in  connection  with  the  first  plague  (Exod.  vii, 
20,  21).  Again,  it  should  be  noticed  that  the  effect  of  the 
stretching  of  Aaron's  rod  was  immediate,  that  it  had  been 
predicted,  that  it  extended  at  once  to  all  the  canals,  trenches 
and  pools  connected  with  the  Nile,  and  even  to  the  water 
which  had  previously  been  taken  from  the  river  (Exod.  vii, 
19-21),  which  circumstances,  of  course,  are  not  realized  in 
connection  with  the  annual  phenomenon  of  the  Red  Nile. 
It  is  plain  therefore  that  several  features  of  the  first  plague 
clearly  distinguish  it  from  the  natural  phenomenon  of  the 
Red  Nile  and  mark  it  as  a  miraculous  event,  and  a  similar 
conclusion  is  forced  upon  us  about  the  eight  following  plagues 
when  we  compare  them  with  the  corresponding  natural 
scourges  which  occur  from  time  to  time  in  the  valley  of  the 
Nile.  (For  details  respecting  the  plagues  of  Egypt,  see 
ViGOUROUX,  vol.  ii ;  Geikie,  vol.  ii.) 

These  various  miracles  had  not  however  for  their  sole  ob- 


64  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

ject  to  wrest  from  Pharao  his  consent  to  the  departure  of  the 
Israelites  (Exod.  vi,  i),  they  were  also  intended  to  teach  the 
children  of  Israel  the  utter  powerlessness  of  the  Egyptian 
gods  when  confronted  with  Jehovah  (Numb,  xxxiii,  4;  Exod. 
X,  2  ;  Wisdom  xii,  27).  Thus  the  beneficent  power  of  the 
Nile,  worshipped  as  the  representation  of  Osiris,  felt  the 
stroke  of  Jehovah's  power  in  the  first  plague;  in  the  second 
plague,  that  of  the  frogs,  Heki,  "the  driver  away  of  the 
frogs,"  proved  powerless  in  behalf  of  his  worshippers  ;  in  the 
third  plague,  the  soil  of  Egypt,  adored  as  "  the  father  of  the 
gods,"  under  the  name  of  Seb,  was  defiled,  and  its  dust 
seemed  turned  into  sciniphs  to  torment  its  worshippers  ;  in 
the  next  plagues,  the  several  animal-deities  of  the  land  were 
in  like  manner  derided,  whilst  in  the  ninth,  even  the  Sun, 
the  supreme  Egyptian  god,  had  to  veil  its  face  before  Jehovah. 

2.  The  Departure  of  the  Israelites  (Exod.  xi-xii,  36). 
It  was  to  complete  the  Divine  judgment  upon  the  gods  of 
Egypt  (Exod.  xiii,  12),  and  also  finally  to  compel  Pharao 
and  his  subjects  to  send  away  His  chosen  people,  that 
Jehovah,  setting  aside  the  agency  of  the  elements  of  nature 
He  had  heretofore  used  against  the  Egyptians,  declared  that 
He  would  Himself  smite  "every  first-born  in  the  land  of 
Egypt,  from  the  first-born  of  man  to  the  first-born  of  beasts." 
The  time  fixed  for  this  tenth  and  last  plague  was  the  hour  of 
midnight  on  the  fourteenth  of  the  month  which  was  already 
begun,  and  which  was  henceforth  to  be  considered  by  the 
Israelites  as  the  first  month  of  their  sacred  year.  Meantime, 
each  Israelite  household  was  (i)  to  select,  on  the  tenth  of 
the  month,  a  lamb  or  kid,  one  year  old  and  without  blem- 
ish ;  (2)  to  slay  it  on  the  fourteenth,  just  before  the  evening 
twilight,  and  to  sprinkle  some  of  its  blood  upon  the  door- 
posts of  each  house,  and  (3)  on  the  very  same  evening,  be- 
fore midnight,  to  eat  it  with  unleavened  bread  and  bitter 
herbs,  and  in  haste,  with  their  loins  girded,  their  shoes  on 


THE    DELIVERANCE    FROM    EGYPT.  65 

their  feet,  and  their  staves  in  hand,  like  persons  in  a  hurry 
to  depart.  All  the  Divine  orders  relating,  to  this  first  Pasch, 
were,  of  course,  carried  out  with  the  utmost  exactitude  by  the 
children  of  Israel,  and  at  midnight  on  the  fourteenth  of  the 
month  of  Abib,  Jehovah  passing  over  the  houses  which  He 
saw  marked  with  blood,  smote  all  the  first-born  in  the  land 
of  Egypt. 

Such  was  the  tenth  plague,  a  most  unquestionable  exercise 
of  Divine  power  in  behalf  of  Israel,  and  also  of  Divine  judg- 
ment upon  Pharao  and  his  subjects.  No  wonder  therefore, 
that  whilst  according  to  Jehovah's  orders,  the  Israelites  kept 
most  gladly  year  by  year  the  remembrance  of  it  in  the  cele- 
bration of  the  Passover,  the  Egyptians,  on  the  contrary, 
did  not  preserve  any  record  of  such  an  awful  and  humbling 
event.  It  must  be  said,  however,  that  the  inscription  re- 
cently discovered  on  the  gigantic  statue  of  Meneptah  I, 
which  states  that  his  eldest  son  had  been  associated  with  the 
empire  and  died  before  him,  although  it  is  not  an  explicit 
record  of  the  death  of  the  son  of  the  Pharao  spoken  of  in 
Exodus,  seems  singularly  illustrative  of  the  Biblical  state 
ment,  that  Jehovah  "  smote  the  first-born  of  Pharao,  who 
sat  on  his  throned 

Struck  with  terror  by  the  awful  blow  which  the  God  of 
Israel  had  dealt  to  every  Egyptian  family,  Pharao  and  his 
subjects  pressed  the  Israelites  to  depart  at  once.  As  has 
been  well  said  by  Rawlinson,  "  Moses  had  no  need  to  give 
any  signal,  or  to  send  his  orders  by  messengers,  that  all 
the  Israelites  should  set  out  at  early  dawn  on  the  fifteenth 
of  the  month.  For  by  fixing  the  Passover  feast  for  a 
definite  day,  and  requiring  that  after  eating  it  none  should 
go  forth  "until  the  morning"  (Exod.  xii,  22),  he  had  made 
all  acquainted  with  the  day  and  hour  of  departure;  he  had 
also  caused  all  to  be  prepared  for  setting  forth  ;  and,  if  any 
had  been  inclined  to  linger,  the  Egyptians  themselves  would 
not    have    allowed  it  (Exod.  xii,  11).      So    that    an    almost 


66  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

simultaneous  departure  was  actually  secured "  (Moses,  p. 
ii8). 

The  sacred  text  informs  us  that  when  they  left  Egypt,  the 
Israelites  were  "about  600,000  men  besides  children,"  which 
makes  it  probable  that  they  formed  a  body  of  emigrants 
which  exceeded  t\Vo  millions  of  souls.  This  great  number 
renders  it  indeed  difficult  for-ws  to  imagine  how  the  whole 
Hebrew  nation  could  depart  under  the  circumstances  nar- 
rated ;  yet  this;^^^!  migration  of  an  entire  people  is  not 
without  parallelHiPrbfane  history,  for  we  read  in  the  history 
of  Russia  that,  in  the  la%t  cefitury,  400,000  Tartars,  under  the 
cover  of  a  single  night,  departed  from  Russia  and  made  their 
way  over  several#housand  miles  of  steppes  to  the  frontiers  of 
China.  ^f 

Together  with  their  national  freedom,  the  Israelites  ob- 
tained most  valuable  gifts  from  the  panic-stricken  Egyptians. 
They  had  been  instructed  by  Moses  that  on  the  night  of  the 
exodus,  they  should  ask  jewels  of  silver  and  gold,  and 
raiment  from  their  oppressors,  and  under  the  excitement 
which  the  tenth  plague  caused  in  each  Egyptian  household, 
they  obtained  at  once  whatever  they  asked  for.  These  were, 
of  course,  very  valuable  things,  but  however  precious,  they 
were  but  a  feeble  compensation  secured  by  Jehovah  to  His 
chosen  people  for  their  long  years  of  unpaid  labor. 

Thus  ended  the  sojourn  of  the  IsraeUtes  in  the  land  of 
Egypt.  The  length  of  their  stay  is  variously  given  in  the 
Hebrew  text  and  in  the  Septuagint  or  oldest  Greek  transla- 
tion of  the  Old  Testament.  According  to  the  former  it  ex- 
tended to  430  years,  according  to  the  latter  (cfr.  also  Galat. 
iii,  17)  it  was  much  shorter,  about  125  years;  the  longer  du- 
ration is  more  probable  (cfr.  Crelier,  Exode,  p.  103). 

3.  The  Passage  of  the  Red  Sea  (Exod.  xii,  37-xv, 
21).  Of  the  road  which  the  Israelites  followed  from  Ra- 
messes  to  the  Red  Sea,  nothing"  is  known  except  its  general 


THE    DELIVERANCE    FROM    EGYPT.  6/ 

direction.  As  the  goal  of  their  journey  was  the  Land  of 
Chanaan,  they  naturally  made  for  the  Arabian  desert,  and 
having  reached  its  borders,  they  turned  south  toward  the 
Red  Sea,  in  order  to  avoid  the  armed  opposition  they  would 
have  met  with  from  the  Philistines  had  they  continued  their 
journey  to  the  northeast.  It  is  true  that  besides  this  general 
direction,  the  sacred  narrative  mentions  the  encampments  of 
the  children  of  Israel  at  Soccoth,  Ethatn  and  Phihahiroth ; 
but  these  stages  of  their  road  are  now  liitle-mor^e  than  names 
of  places  which  cannot  be  identified,  becaus€f  of  the  scanti- 
ness of  biblical  and  archaeological  da^a  concerning  them. 

Great  uncertainty  prevails  also  among  scholars  as  to  the 
exact  place  where  the  Hebrews  crossed  the.  Western  arm  of 
the  Red  Sea,  for  it  is  still  a  debated  question  whether  the 
northern  limit  of  this  western  arm  is  now  practically  the  same 
as  in  the  time  of  Moses.  Various  writers  maintain  that  at  the 
time  of  the  exodus,  this  arm  —  now  called  the  Gulf  of  Suez, 
from  the  town  built  near  its  northern  extremity  —  extended 
some  thirty  or  forty  miles  farther  north,  and  they  admit  for 
the  actual  place  of  crossing  some  point  of  this  former  exten- 
sion of  the  Red  Sea.  Others,  on  the  contrary,  and  appar- 
ently with  greater  probability,  think  that  in  the  lime  of 
Moses  the  nonhern  limit  of  the  Gulf  of  Suez  did  not  vary 
much,  if  at  all,  from  what  it  is  in  the  present  day,  and  they 
maintain  that  the  crossing  took  place  at  some  point  of  the 
present  head  of  the  Gulf,  either  a  little  above  or  a  little  below 
the  town  of  Suez.  (For  an  able  discussion  of  this  question, 
see  Barti.ett,  From  Egypt  to  Palestine,  chap,  vii;  Vigour- 
oux,  vol.  ii.) 

Whilst. the  Israelites  moved  slowly  towards  the  nearest 
desert,"  and  next  towards  the  Red  Sea,  Pharao  and  his  sub- 
jects recovering  from  their  first  terror,  regretted  that  these 
numerous  slaves  should  have  been  allowed  to  depart,  and 
with  a  view  to  compel  them  to  return,  started  hurriedly  after 
them.     Great  indeed  was  the  distress  of  the  Hebrews  when 


68  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

they  noticed  the  Egyptian  hosts  approaching,  and  in  point 
of  fact  the  position  of  the  chosen  people  was  extremely  peril- 
ous; eastward  was  the  sea,  and  whilst  the  mountains  barred 
their  escape  to  the  south  and  west,  the  well-trained  and  nu- 
merous army  of  Pharao  approached  Israel  from  the  north- 
Thus  hemmed  in  on  all  sides,  the  Israelites  naturally  ex- 
pected their  prompt  and  utter  destruction  ;  but  it  was  not  so 
with  their  leader,  who,  trustful  in  God's  protection,  foretold 
both  the  timely  help  of  Jehovah  and  the  complete  overthrow 
of  the  Egyptians. 

The  sacred  narrative  makes  known  to  us  how  perfectly 
this  prediction  of  Moses  was  fulfilled.  It  tells  us  how,  on 
the  one  hand,  about  nightfall  and  at  the  stretching  forth  of 
Moses^  hand  over  the  sea,  there  arose  a  violent  wind  which, 
by  dividing  the  waters,  secured  a  safe  passage  to  the  children 
of  Israel  and  how,  on  the  other  hand,  at  break  of  day  and 
at  the  same  stretching  of  Moses'  hand  after  the  Hebrews  had 
passed  over,  the  waters  returned  to  their  former  place  and 
drowned  the  Egyptian  army. 

This  wonderfu.  passage  of  the  Red  Sea  by  the  Hebrews 
was  ever  considered  by  them  not  only  as  a  great  event  in 
their  national  history,  but  also  as  one  of  the  most  stupend- 
ous miracles  wrought  by  the  Almighty  in  behalf  of  His  chosen 
people  In  point  of  fact,  no  unprejudiced  reader  of  the  book 
of  the  Exodus  can  help  noticing  that  whilst  the  inspired 
writer  clearly  admits  the  actual  play  of  natural  forces  —  such 
as  that  of  a  violent  northeastern  wind  —  in  the  production  of 
this  event,  he  speaks  of  several  particulars  which  point  no 
less  clearly  to  his  conviction  that  the  safe  passage  of  Israel 
was  no  mere  result  of  these  natural  forces,  but  was  brought 
about  by  a  timely  intervention  of  Jehovah,  who  superadded 
to  their  energy  all  the  power  necessary  to  secure  the  deliver- 
ance He  had  so  distinctively  foretold  by  the  mouth  of  Moses. 
(See  ViGOUROUX,  vol.  ii,  livre  iv,  chap,  viii.) 
.  But  whilst  the  Jewish  writers  refer  repeatedly  to  this  mi- 


THE    DELIVERANCE    FROM    EGYP  ['.  69 

raculous  deliverance  of  their  ancestors  (Ps.  Ixxvi,  17-21; 
cxiii ;  Wisdom  x,  18,  19;  etc.),  tiie  Egyptian  monuments,  as 
might  naturally  be  expected,  keep  the  strictest  silence  about 
the  ignominious  overthrow  of  Pharao's  army  on  this  occasion. 
It  must  be  said,  however,  that  Josephus,  in  his  "Treatise 
against  Apion,"  has  quoted  the  accounts  of  this  event  as  re- 
corded by  the  three  P^gyptian  writers,  Manetho,  Chaeremon 
and  Lysimachus,  but  as  these  accounts  present  numerous 
contradictions,  they  deserve  but  little  credence.  Perhaps 
more  value  is  to  be  set  upon  the  local  traditions  which  have 
retained  the  remembrance  of  this  great  catastrophe.  The 
Arabs  of  the  Sinaiiic  peninsula  still  call  fountains  or  wells 
by  the  names  of  Moses  and  Pharao,  and  look  upon  the  whole 
coast  with  a  superstitious  awe.  Nor  should  we  reject  at  once 
these  traditions  of  the  modern  Arabs,  for  Diodorus  Siculus 
states  that  even  in  his  time  these  tribes  ascribed  them  to 
their  very  remote  ancestors  ;  yet,  it  will  ever  remain  true  that 
these  local  traditions  may  have  originated  in  the  Biblical  ac- 
count of  the  passage  of  the  Red  Sea,  and  that  consequently 
they  cannot  be  brought  forth  as  an  independent  confirmation 
of  this  memorable  event  (cfr.  Ewald,  History  of  Israel,  vol. 
ii,  p.  76,  sq.). 

Immediately  after  their  miraculous  deliverance,  the  chil- 
dren of  Israel  sang  unto  Jehovah  that  joyous  canticle  of 
praise  and  thanksgiving  which  Moses,  their  great  leader, 
composed  for  the  occasion  and  which  we  find  recorded  in  the 
book  of  Exodus  (xv,  1-2 1). 


SYNOPSIS    OF    CHAPTER   VII. 

Sinai    and    the    Giving    of    the    Law. 


7 


I. 

I.    The  stations    indicated  (Exodus    xv 
bers  xxxiii,  3-15). 

22-xix,  2;    Num- 

The 

K     -r^-r^     1..          .  •        ^  the  country. 
A.  Difficulties  arising  J                      -^ 

Journey 

2.   The  chief  inci- 
dents on  the 

from                        1     .       1 

[  Amalec. 

TO 

Sinai: 

way : 

B.  Helps  from  Heaven  (quails,  manna, 
etc). 

^  C.  Moses  and  Jethro. 

f  I.  Physical  description. 

II. 
Sinai  : 

2.   The  Giving  of 

the  Law : 

f  A.  The    traditional 
fitness  for  the 

B.  Accompanying 
incidents. 

Mount    Sinai :    its 
giving  of  the  Law. 

^    Various  ways    in 
which  God  com- 
municates   with 
his  people. 

The  Golden  Calf. 

[70] 


CHAPTER   VII. 


SINAI    AND    THE    LAW. 


I.  The  Journey  to  Sinai  (Exod.  xv,  22-xix,  2  ;  Numb, 
xxxiii,  3-15).  Of  the  various  stations  of  the  Israelites  on 
their  way  to  Sinai,  several  have  very  probably  been  identified. 
Thus  there  is  hardly  a  doubt  that  their  first  camping-place 
was  at  the  modern  'Ayun  Musa,  or  "  Wells  of  Moses,"  about 
half  an  hour  distant  from  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Gulf  of 
Suez.  Their  next  stage  is  no  less  certainly  identified  with 
the  spring  A"warah,  because  it  corresponds  exactly  with  the 
Mara  spoken  of  in  the  IJible,  both  as  to  position  —  a  three 
days' journey  from  'Ayun  Musa  —  and  as  to  the  l?iUer  taste 
of  its  waters  which  gave  it  its  name.  From  'Ain  Awarah  or 
Mara  a  short  march  brought  the  Israelites  to  the  oasis  of 
Elim,  probably  the  Wady  Gharandel,  whose  palatable 
waters  and  delightful  shade  they  so  highly  appreciated  as  to 
remain  "  encamped  by  the  waters  "  no  less  than  a  month  (cfr. 
Harper,  Bible  and  Modern  Discoveries,  pp.  95,  96). 

The  book  of  Numbers  mentions  next  an  encampment  of 
Israel  by  the  Red  Sea.  This  statement,  formerly  a  puzzle 
to  interpreters  who  could  not  understand  how  the  Israelites 
should  come  back  upon  the  Red  Sea  on  their  way  to  Sinai, 
which  lay  in  the  heart  of  the  peninsula,  is  now  justly  quoted 
by  travellers  as  a  proof  of  the  wisdom  of  the  Jewish  leader. 
In  Conducting  the  chosen  people  by  what  was  unquestion- 
ably the  less  direct  road  to  Sinai,  Moses,  who  was  well  ac- 
quainted with  the  country,  simply  caused  them  to  avoid  the 
mines  worked  by  Egyptians  in  the  heart  of  the  peninsula  and 
defended  by  strong  garrisons,  and    prudently  put  between 

[7-] 


72  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

the  Egyptian  warriors  and  his  own  untrained  hosts  a  barrier 
of  mountains. 

From  the  Red  Sea,  the  Israelites  struck  inland  and  entered 
the  Wilderness  of  Sin,  probably  identified  with  the  great 
plain  El  Markha.  The  next  two  stations  mentioned  in  the 
book  of  Numbers  are  those  of  Daphca  and  Alus,  but  of 
these  there  is  no  satisfactory  identification.  Not  so  however 
with  the  next  encampment  at  Raphidim,  which  Biblical 
scholars  justly  identify  with  the  long  and  fertile  plain  called 
Wady  Feiran,  overhung  by  the  granite  rocks  of  Mount 
Serbal,  probably  the  Horeb  of  Holy  Writ.  Finally,  leav- 
ing Raphidim,  the  Israelites  came  into  "  the  Desert  of  Sinai 
and  there  encamped  over  against  the  mountain,"  after  a 
journey  of  more  than  two  months,  during  which  they  had  to 
overcome  serious  difBculties  both  from  the  country  itself  and 
from  its  inhabitants. 

For  about  150  miles  they  had  had  to  traverse  a  country 
spoken  of  in  Deuteronomy  (viii,  15)  as  "the  great  and  terri- 
ble wilderness"  and  supplied  withno  better  roads  than  the 
pebbly  ground  of  its  wadies,  or  torrent-beds.  Several  times 
they  had  to  suffer  from  the  bitter  taste  and  even  from^  the 
want  of  water,  and  as  the  provisions  they  had  brought 
from  Egypt  were  soon  exhausted,  they  naturally  feared  for 
the  very  preservation  of  their  large  multitude. 

To  these  difficulties,  arising  from  the  character  of  the  coun- 
try, were  also  added  the  attacks  of  the  Amalecites,  a  tribe  of 
the  wilderness,  less  numerous  indeed  than  the  Israelites,  but 
better  armed  and  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  mountain- 
passes.  Hence  it  is  likely  enough  that  Israel  would  never 
have  succeeded  in  overcoming  all  the  difficulties  it  had  to 
contend  with  in  its  way  to  Sinai,  had  not  Jehovah  repeatedly 
intervened  in  behalf  of  His  chosen  people. 

Bearing  this  in  mind,  it  will  be  easy  for  us  to  recognize  as 
positive  helps  from  heaven  granted  to  the  children  of  Israel, 
rot  only  the  spring  of  water  which  issued  for  them  from  the 


SINAI    AND    THE    LAW. 


73 


rock  of  Horeb,  and  their  victory  over  Amalec,  but  also  other 
facts  which,  notwithstanding  their  close  analogy  with  mere 
natural  phenomena,  are  clearly  described  by  the  sacred 
writer  as  actual  miracles.  Such  is  the  case,  for  instance,  with 
the  plentiful  supply  of  quails  spoken  of  in  the  sixteenth  chap- 
ter of  Exodus,  for,  whilst  the  various  details  recorded  in  this 
connection  agree  very  well  with  what  travellers  tell  us  of  the 
usual  migration  of  quails  from  Africa,  it  is  plain  that  the 
Biblical  narrative  implies  a  miraculous  intervention,  inasmuch 
as  the  exact  time  for  the  sending  of  the  quails  had  been  most 
distinctly  foretold  by  Moses.  Such  is  also  the  case  with  the 
supply  of  manna  granted  to  the  Hebrews  during  the  forty 
long  years  of  their  wandering  in  the  wilderness.  It  must  be 
granted  indeed,  that  this  wonderful  food  resembles  closely 
the  resinous  substance  which  the  tamarisk-tree  of  the  Sinaitic 
peninsula  yields  under  the  prick  of  an  insect,  and  which  is 
collected  usually  in  June.  But  this  mere  natural  product  — 
called  also  "manna"  by  modern  writers  —  cannot  be  identi- 
fied with  the  manna  described  in  the  Bible ;  for,  differently 
from  the  latter,  it  cannot  be  gathered  all  the  year  round,  and 
its  quantity  is  very  far  short  of  what  would  suffice  to  consti- 
tute the  principal  article  of  food  for  so  great  a  multitude  of 
men  as  the  Hebrews  of  old.  (For  other  no  less  striking  dif- 
ferences, see  ViGOURoux,  vol.  ii ;  cfr.  also  Geikie,  vol.  ii,  p. 
245,  sq.) 

A  last  incident  well  worthy  of  mention  here  in  connection 
with  the  journey  of  the  Israelites  to  Sinai  is  the  meet- 
ing of  Moses  and  Jethro,  narrated  in  Exodus,  after  the  defeat 
of  Amalec  at  Raphidim.  This  was  a  peaceful  interview,  in 
which  Israel  and  Madian  entered  into  a  close  and  lasting 
alliance,  and  it  was  followed  by  an  important  change  in  the 
manner  in  which  Moses  had  heretofore  administered  justice 
in  Israel ;  henceforth  subordinate  judges  were  to  decide  minor 
matters,  and  only  the  more  important  cases  were  to  be  brought 
before  the  Jewish  leader.     It  seems  also  that  on  his  return  to 


74  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

his  own  estates  Jethro  left  behind  him  his  son  Hobab,  who 
proved  a  most  reliable  guide  for  the  chosen  people  from 
Sinai  to  the  border  of  Chanaan  (Numb,  x,  29,  sq.). 

2«  Sinai. .  The  whole  mountain-mass  now  designated 
under  the  name  of  Mount  Sinai  comprises  three  parallel 
mountains,  separated  by  the  valleys  Wady  el  Leja  and  Wady 
ed  Deir.  One  of  these  mountains  —  that  to  the  northeast  — 
is  called  Jebel  ed  Deir  and  looks  upon  the  convent  of  St. 
Catharine,  erected  at  its  base ;  the  mountain  to  the  south  of 
the  group  bears  the  name  of  Jebel  el  Hamr,  or  Jebel  Cath- 
arine, whilst  between  these  two  mountains  is  Mount  Sina 
proper,  now  called  Jebel  Musa.  This  last  mountain  is  ob- 
long in  form  and  about  two  miles  in  length  by  one  mile  in 
width.  Its  summit  presents  many  syenite  peaks  of  consider- 
able height  and  ends  north  and  south  in  still  higher  peaks, 
the  one  to  the  south  being  over  7,000  leet  above  the  level  of 
the  sea  and  bearing  the  name  of  Jebel  Musa,  like  the  moun- 
tain itself,  whilst  the  other,  to  the  north,  is  almost  7,000  feet 
in  altitude  and  is  known  as  Ras  Sufsafeh. 

The  old  tradition  which  connects  Mount  Sinai  proper  with 
the  giving  of  the  Law  has  of  late  been  powerfully  confirmed 
by  the  labors  of  the  Ordinance  Survey  Expedition  to  the  pen- 
insula of  Mount  Sinai.  From  these  long  labors,  it  clearly 
follows  that  neither  Jebel  Catharine,  nor  Mount  Serbal,  nor 
any  other  mountain  which  has  been  spoken  of  as  identical 
with  the  Mount  of  the  Law,  "  has  a  plain  at  its  foot  where  a 
multitude  could  encamp,  and  vegetation  in  its  front  on  which 
flocks  and  herds  could  feed,  as  the  Bible  tells  us  they  did  at 
Sinai"  (Harper,  Bible  and  Modern  Discoveries,  p.  11 1). 
From  these  same  labors,  it  follows  also  that  the  various  con- 
ditions required  by  the  Biblical  narrative  are  fully  realized 
in  Mount  Sinai.  Its  wellnigh  perfect  isolation  from  the  sur- 
rounding mountains  would  easily  allow  Moses  "  to  appoint 
certain  limits  to  the  people  round  about  "  (Exod.  xix,  12,  23), 


SINAI    AND    THE    LAW. 


75 


and  its  abrupt  rise  from  the  plain  agrees  well  with  the  state- 
ment that  the  Israelites  might  "  stand  at  the  bottom  of  the 
mount "  (Exod.  xix,  17).  Directly  in  front  of  Ras  Sufsilfeh 
is  the  immense  plain  Er  Rahah,  which  offers  more  than  suffi- 
cient standing  ground  for  all  the  children  of  Israel,  and  from 
the  summit  of  the  same  peak  it  is  easy  to  be  heard  by  a  very 
large  multitude.  The  southern  summit  of  Mount  Sinai  (the 
particular  peak  called  Jebel  Musa)  was  most  likely  the 
secluded  spot  to  which  Moses  went  when  Jehovah  called 
him  up  to  the  top  of  the  Mount  (Exod.  xix,  20),  for,  besides 
its  being  completely  hidden  from  the  plain  Er  Rahah,  it  was 
formerly  called  the  Mount  of  Moneijah  or  of  the  Confer- 
ence. 

Again,  near  the  base  of  Ras  Sufsafeh,  an  old  tradition 
points  justly  to  a  hill  at  the  opening  of  the  Wady  ed  Deir 
and  visible  from  every  part  of  the  valley  Er  Rahah  as  '*  the 
hill  of  the  golden  calf"  (Exod.  xxxii,  4,  sq.),  for,  whilst  the 
Hebrews  could  with  equal  facility  share  in  this  idolatrous  wor- 
ship and  witness  the  Divine  manifestations  taking  place  on 
the  summit  of  Ras  Sufsafeh,  "  Moses  and  Josue  when  de- 
scending from  that  mount  through  a  ravine  between  two 
peaks  might  have  first  heard  the  shouts  of  the  people  (Exod. 
xxxii,  17)  before  they  saw  them  dancing  round  the  golden 
calf "  (ScHAFF,  Bible  Dictionary,  p.  809).  Finally,  "in  the 
torrent  which  cometh  down  from  the  mountain  "  (Deuter.  ix, 
21),  through  the  ravine  into  the  plain  Er  Rahah,  Moses  could 
cast  the  dust  of  the  destroyed  idol  (Exod.  xxxii,  19). 

In  these  and  other  such  striking  coincidences  of  the  tradi- 
tional Mount  Sinai  with  the  sacred  narrative  we  find  plainly 
a  strong  argument  not  only  for  its  identity  with  the  scene  de- 
scribed in  the  book  of  Exodus  "but  also  that  the  scene  itself 
was  described  by  an  eye-witness  "  (Stanley,  Sinai  and  Pales- 
tine, p.  43). 

It  was  then  in  the  plain  Er  Rahah  and  at  the  foot  of  the 
cliffs  of  Ras  Sufsafeh  that  the  children  of  Israel  collected  in 


76  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

a  single  encampment,  prepared  themselves  carefully,  accord- 
ing to  the  directions  of  Moses,  for  the  glorious  manifestation 
Jehovah  was  about  to  make  of  Himself  to  them,  and  which 
actually  took  place  on  the  morning  of  the  third  day  (Exod. 
xix,  3,  sq.).  Everything  in  this  mysterious  event  was  calcu- 
lated to  impress  upon  the  people  the  greatest  and  most  last- 
ing idea  of  the  power  and  majesty  and  holiness  of  Jehovah. 
From  amid  the  thunders  and  lightnings  and  the  darkness 
which  had  settled  on  the  mount,  they  first  heard  the  Almighty 
speaking  to  Moses  and  treating  him  openly  as  His  ambassa- 
dor to  them^  and  next,  with  feelings  of  indescribable  terror, 
they  heard  this  same  voice  of  God  addressing  Himself  to 
them  and  giving  forth  the  Law  by  which  they  were  to  live, 
that  is  the  Ten  Commandments,  on  which  all  other  laws 
were  to  be  founded  (Exod.  xx,  1-18  ;  Deuter.  v,  5-21). 

With  this  revelation  of  the  Ten  Commandments  ended  the 
direct  outward  communication  of  Jehovah  with  His  people 
(Deut.  V,  22),  for  they  were  struck  with  such  terror  as  to 
pray  their  leader  that  he  would  henceforth  speak  to  them  in 
the  place  of  God,  lest  they  should  die,  and  Jehovah  acceded 
to  their  request.  Moses  was  accordingly  invested  with  the 
office  of  mediator  between  God  and  His  people,  and  dur- 
ing the  forty  days  and  forty  nights  he  remained  with  Jehovah 
in  the  cloud  he  received  from  Him  those  various  and  detailed 
precepts  the  perfect  fulfilment  of  which  would  make  of  Israel 
at  once  a  holy  and  a  happy  nation. 

In  point  of  fact^  the  Israelites  had  solemnly  pledged  them- 
selves to  do  all  that  Jehovah  would  require  of  them  (cfr. 
Plxod.  xix,  8;  Deut.  v,  27),  but  as  Moses  delayed  long  to 
come  down  from  the  mount,  they  thought  him  lost,  and  their 
idolatrous  instincts  revived.  To  please  them,  Aaron,  who 
governed  them  in  the  absence  of  his  brother,  made  them  a 
molten  calf,  the  symbol  of  the  Egyptian  Apis,  or  Mnevis,  and 
proclaimed  for  the  morrow  a  festival,  wjiich  the  people  cele- 
brated with    sacrifices  followed    by  those    licentious    orgies 


SINAI    AND    THE    LAW.  77 

which  were  so  common  among  heathen  nations  (Exod.  xxxii, 
1-6 ;  I  Cor.  x,  7,  sq.).  This  awful  breach  of  the  Divine  Cov- 
enant drew  forth  vengeance  from  both  Jehovah  and  Moses, 
in  a  manner  too  well  known  to  need  more  than  a  passing 
mention  here  ;  suffice  it  to  say  that,  after  Moses  had  repeatedly 
and  earnestly  pleaded  for  Israel,  God  at  length  forgave  en- 
tirely His  people,  renewed  His  covenant  with  them,  and  in  a 
second  period  of  forty  days  and  forty  nights  of  communion 
with  the  Jewish  leader  on  the  holy  mount,  He  imparted  to 
Moses  fresh  instructions  respecting  the  various  laws  of  the 
Theocracy  (Exod.  xxxii,  7-xxxiv). 


SYNOPSIS    OF    CHAPTER    VIII. 

The  Mosaic  Law. 

Section  I,     General  Remarks.  —  The  Tabernacle  and  its 
Ministers. 


General 
Remarks 


ABOUT 


THE 


Mosaic 
Law  : 


IL 

The 

Taberna- 
cle 

AND   ITS 

Minis- 
ters. 


Main  piu-poses  of  the  Mosaic  Law. 


f  A.  Constitutional    (the   Jewish   Theoc- 
racy). 
B.  Civil  (no  distinction  of  castes  ;  high 
regard  for  individual  rights). 
2.   Its  principal  ,  C.  Criminal    (human    and    disciplinary 
character  of  punishments). 

D.  Judicial  (judges  the  representatives 
of  God  ;   their  principal  qualities). 

E.  Religious    (enforcement     of     Mon- 
otheistic belief  and  worship). 


features : 


f  General  idea  of  this   centre   of  Jewish 
worship. 

f  The  Court  and  its  con- 
tents. 
The     Sanctuary    (size, 
divisions    and    con- 
\  I        tents). 


The  Taberna 

cle    (Exod.  ^  j^^    principal    ] 
xxxvi-xl):  .  ^ 


parts  : 


The  Tribe  of  Levi  (why  selected  ?  how 

divided)  .-* 
The    simple    Levites    (dedication    and 

functions). 
xxix  ;      Levit.  {  The  Jewish  Priests  (consecration  ;     sa- 


2.  Its    Ministers 
(Exod.  xxviii, 


viii,  ix;  Numb. 
iii,iv): 


cred  vestments ;     duties    and   main- 
tenance). 
The    High    Priest    (sacred    character; 
special  garments  and  functions). 

[78J 


C^ 


CHAPTER   VIII. 

the  mosaic  law. 

Section  i.     General   Remarks.     The  Tabernacle   and 
ITS   Ministers. 

§  I.     General  Remarks  about  the  Mosaic  Law. 

I.  Main  Purposes.  If  we  except  the  Christian  law,  no 
legislation  was  ever  enacted  for  higher  and  better  purposes 
than  the  Mosaic  law,  the  record  of  which  occupies  a  large 
portion  of  the  books  of  Exodus  and  Numbers  and  almost 
the  whole  of  the  books  of  Leviticus  and  Deuteronomy. 
It  aimed,  first  of  all,  at  organizing  into  a  civilized  nation 
hordes  of  slaves  but  recently  delivered  from  the  most  abject 
servitude,  and,  as  such,  very  little  fitted  for  the  duties  and 
privileges  of  personal  freedom  and  national  independence. 
It  aimed,  in  the  second  place,  at  making  Israel  a  monotheis- 
tic nation,  and  indeed  succeeded  in  making  it  the  sole  mono- 
theistic nation  of  antiquity,  that  is,  the  sole  nation  of  the 
ancient  world,  which  possessed  the  correct  idea  of  the  Divin- 
ity. But  more  particularly  was  the  Mosaic  law  intended  to 
fashion  the  Jewish  people  into  "  a  priestly  kingdom  and  a 
holy  nation  '  (Exod.  xix,  6),  bound  to  be  holy  because  Jeho- 
vah theii  God  is  holy,  destined  to  offer  to  the  true  God  the 
only  sacrifices  acceptable  to  the  Divine  Majesty,  and  to  pre- 
serve and  spr«-ad  among  all  the  nations  of  the  earth,  together 
with  the  belief  in  Jehovah,  the  expectation  of  the  promised 
Redeemer  of  the  world  Of  course  some  of  these  purposes 
could  be  obtained  but  slowly  and  gradually,  and  this  is  why 
the  student  of  the  Mosaic  law  should  never  consider  it  was 

[79] 


So  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

its  purpose  to  bring  all  things  at  once  to  perfection,  but  rather 
to  correct  old  abuses  as  far  as  allowed  by  the  present  reli- 
gious and  moral  condition  of  the  Jewish  nation,  and  usually 
to  suggest,  and  even  at  times  simply  foreshadow,  the  perfec- 
tion which  was  to  be  introduced  into  the  world  by  Christianity. 

2.  General  Features.  At  the  basis  of  the  Hebrew 
commonwealth,  the  Mosaic  law  placed  a  theocratic  consti- 
tution in  virtue  of  which  Jehovah  was  to  be  not  only  the  God 
but  also  the  Xing  oi  Israel,  as  He  was  indeed  the  founder  of 
the  state  and  the  proprietor  of  the  land  which  He  would  be- 
stow upon  His  people.  In  accepting  freely  this  order  of 
things,  the  Jews  acknowledged  themselves  as  Jehovah's  ten- 
ants, holding  their  lands  on  well-defined  terms  of  vassalage, 
foremost  among  which  was  their  faithfulness  to  the  exclusive 
worship  of  the  one  great  and  invisible  Creator.  The  social 
compact  in  Israel  was  not  therefore  primarily  between  the 
people  at  large  and  one  or  several  members  of  the  commu- 
nity, but  between  the  entire  nation  and  its  God,  and  as  long  as 
this  fundamental  relation  of  Jehovah  to  His  people  was  fully 
secured,  it  mattered  but  little  in  the  eyes  of  Moses  what 
manner  of  political  organization  was  in  vigor  among  the 
Hebrews.  Hence  while  retaining  the  time-honored  organiza- 
tion of  the  people  into  tribes,  families  and  houses,  under 
their  respective  heads  (cfr.  Josue  vii,  14),  he  did  not  consider 
as  incompatible  with  the  Jewish  theocracy  the  monarchical 
form  of  government  which  he  foresaw  would  one  day  exist  in 
Israel  (Deuter.  xvii,  14,  sq.). 

As  a  natural  consequence  of  this  same  theocratic  character 
of  the  Jewish  polity,  Moses  looked  upon  all  the  members  of 
God's  people  as  being  equally  His  subjects,  and,  in  conse- 
quence, he  granted  to  all  equal  civil  rights.  Differently  from 
the  Egyptians,  they  were  to  constitute  but  one  great  caste, 
that  of  husbandmen  cultivating  their  own  inalienable  prop- 
erty; and  although  the  Levites  formed  in  the  Jewish  state  a 


THE    MOSAIC    LAW.  8 1 

distinct  class  analogous  in  several  ways  to  the  priestly  caste 
of  Egypt,  yet,  differently  from  the  Egyptian  priests,  they  were 
forbidden  to  own  lands  and  prevented  from  accumulating 
riches  and  exercising  any  influence  which  might  endanger 
the  liberties  of  the  people.  With  the  same  high  regard  for 
civil  freedom,  the  Jewish  lawgiver  made  but  few  changes  in 
all  that  concerned  the  organization  and  government  of  the 
natural  basis  of  society,  —  the  family.  He  deprived,  how- 
ever, the  father  of  the  right  of  life  and  death  upon  his  house- 
hold, and  restricted  the  practice  of  divorce.  The  regulations 
of  the  Mosaic  law  respecting  the  poor,  the  slaves,  the 
strangers,  the  travellers,  the  working-classes,  etc.,  bespeak 
also  the  greatest  regard  for  man's  life,  individual  rights  and 
personal  freedom.  Its  deep  concern  for  the  religious  educa- 
tion of  children,  and  the  strict  practice  not  only  of  justice 
but  also  of  equity  in  business  transactions,  is  no  less  remark- 
able. 

When  we  pass  from  the  civil  to  the  criminal  code  of  the 
Jews  we  find  that  it  also  is  permeated  with  the  theocratic 
spirit.  "  Each  breach  of  the  law  was  an  act  of  disobedience 
to  God's  holy  will,  and  not  merely  an  offence  against  soci- 
ety;  the  rewards  of  obedience  and  the  punishment  of  sin  had 
reference  to  the  covenant  under  which  the  people  lived  " 
(Smith,  Old  Testament  History,  p.  220).  In  virtue  of  this 
same  theocratic  character  of  the  Mosaic  law,  crimes  directly 
against  God,  such  as  idolatry,  blasphemy,  etc.,  were  natur- 
ally considered  as  most  heinous,  and  many  others,  usually 
beyond  the  cognizance  of  ordinary  codes,  were  really  amen- 
able to  the  tribunal  of  Jehovah,  the  great  King  of  Israel  and 
the  all-knowing  Judge  of  men's  deeds.  Many  offences  were 
indeed  punishable  with  death  —  which  was  inflicted  by  ston- 
ing, by  fire,  or  by  the  sword  —  but  no  torture  could  be  re- 
sorted to  in  order  to  force  the  confession  of  crimes,  no  cruelty 
was  allowed  after  the  guilt  of  a  man  had  been  proven,  and  in 
opposition  to  the  political  custom  of  Asia,  the  punishment 


82  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

of  a  father  did  not  entail  that  of  his  children.  The  other 
forms  of  punishment  were  (i)  scourging,  which  was  not  to 
exceed  forty  stripes  of  the  lash  at  a  time ;  (2)  mutilation,  and 
(3)  various  fines.  But  whatever  the  punishments  threatened 
or  the  rewards  promised,  the  chief  object  of  the  criminal  code 
in  Israel  was  ^'disciplinary,  and  to  this  its  retributive  element 
was  subordinate"  (Smith,  ibid,  p.  221).  It  should  also  be 
noticed  that  some  customs  —  such  as  that  of  retaliation  ap- 
plied to  malicious  or  accidental  wounding  —  which  appear 
to  us  extremely  severe,  not  to  say  barbarous,  were  indeed 
allowed  to  exist,  but  only  as  minor  evils  destined  to  be 
mitigated  as  soon  as  the  conditions  of  a  more  settled  life 
would  permit. 

As  Jehovah  was  the  real  King  of  Israel,  so  was  He  also 
its  Supreme  Judge,  who  intervened  at  times  to  mete  out  to 
the  transgressors  of  His  Law  the  chastisements  which  they 
deserved.  But  however  numerous  and  striking  these  in- 
stances of  direct  Divine  judgment  in  Jewish  history,  it  re- 
mains true  that  the  ordinary  application  of  laws  was  among 
the  Hebrews,  as  among  all  other  nations,  intrusted  to  a  judi- 
ciary whose  members  acted  as  ministers  of  the  Head  of  the 
State.  The  Law  required  that  they  should  be  "  able,  godly, 
truthful  and  incorrupt"  (Smith,  ibid,  p.  275),  and  this  is  why 
they  were  selected  from  among  the  elders  of  Israel,  and  also 
later  on,  from  among  the  Levites,  that  is,  from  the  best  in- 
structed and  most  independent  members  of  the  community. 
As  the  representatives  of  God's  power  and  majesty  they  are 
oftentimes  called  "gods"  in  Holy  Writ,  and  their  persons 
and  characters  were  held  sacred  by  all  the  Jews.  After  the 
settlement  in  Chanaan,  they  rendered  justice  in  the  gates  of 
the  cities,  so  that  trials  were  actually  held  in  public. 

The  last  general  feature  to  be  mentioned  here  in  connec- 
tion with  the  Mosaic  law  is  its  religious  character.  Viewed 
from  this  standpoint,  the  Mosaic  legislation  will  ever  appear 
the  greatest  effort  of  antiquity  to  promulgate  and  maintain 


THE    MOSAIC    LAW.  83 

the  belief  in,  and  worship  of,  one  only  God,  for  such  was  un- 
questionably the  object  of  its  dogmatic  teaching,  and  of 
many  of  its  moral  precepts  and  ceremonial  enactments.  The 
chief  dogma  of  Israel  is  absolute  Monotheism,  which  —  as 
might  naturally  be  expected  —  is  inculcated  in  such  a  man- 
ner as  to  imply  a  formal  opposition  to  Egyptian  idolatry  (cfr. 
Exod.  xxii,  2,  sq.,  the  wording  of  which  points  back  to  the 
custom  long  witnessed  by  the  Hebrews  in  Egypt  of  worship- 
ping countless  images  of  the  Divinity  and  of  its  various  at- 
tributes).' Many  moral  precepts  of  the  Mosaic  law  —  how- 
ever closely  this  law  may  resemble  Egyptian  legislation  in 
other  respects  —  tend  no  less  manifestly  to  enforce  among 
the  chosen  people  the  exclusive  worship  of  Jehovah  (cfr.  for 
instance,  Exod.  xxiii,  13,  24;  Deuter.  vii,  2,  sq. ;  xvii,  2-7); 
and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  the  entire  omission  of  the  rewards 
and  punishments  in  the  next  life  from  the  Pentateuch,  as  a 
sanction  of  the  moral  law,  must  be  explained  by  the  desire 
of  the  Jewish  lawgiver  not  to  recall,  even  indirectly,  to  the 
Israelites  the  idolatrous  practices  with  which  the  Egyptians 
had  surrounded  the  burials  and  tombs  of  their  dead.  But 
it  is  more  particularly  in  connection  with  the  ceremonial 
enactments  of  the  Mosaic  law  that  the  desire  of  the  great 
lawgiver  of  Israel  to  guard  his  people  against  Egyptian  idol- 
atry appears  evident,  for,  whilst  he  borrowed  from  Egypt 
many  of  the  externals  of  Jewish  worship,  he  is  very  careful 
to  divest  them  of  their  polytheistic  character  (cfr.  \V. 
Smith,  The  Pentateuch,  Authorship,  etc.,  p.  289,  sq.).  As 
this  ceremonial  law  plays  a  very  important  part  in  the  history 
of  the  Jewish  nation,  and  is  described  with  many  details  in 
the  sacred  narrative,  we  now  proceed  to  give,  though  briefly, 
its  principal  features. 

1  Perhaps  the  familiarity  of  the  Israelites  with  the  worship  of  the  Egyptian  gods  in 
iriads,  togelh&r  with  their  tendency  to  retain  the  idolatrous  beliefs  and  practices  of  Egj'pt 
(Exod.  xxxii,  4,  sq.),  may  account  for  the  fact  that  the  mysterious  existence  of  one  God  in 
iAreg  persons  was  not  included  in  the  revelation  of  Mount  Sinai. 


84  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

§  2.      The    Tabe?'nacle  and  its  Ministers. 

I.  The  Tabernacle  (Exod.  xxxvi-xl).  The  centre  of 
public  worship  in  Israel  was  the  Tabernacle,  or  Tent,  which 
Jehovah,  as  God  and  King  of  His  people,  wished  to  have 
among  them.  Erected  by  means  of  the  free-will  offerings  of 
the  Israelites  it  ever  reminded  them  that  they  were  a  theocratic 
nation,  since  their  God,  like  the  chieftain  of  a  tribe,  resided  in 
their  midst,  and  in  a  portable  building,  whose  form  exhibited 
at  the  same  time  several  features  of  the  more  solid  and  more 
majestic  temples  of  Egypt.  This  portable  temple  was  sur- 
rounded by  an  oblong  court  wherein  were  found  the  Altar  of 
Holocausts,  and  between  it  and  the  Sacred  Tent  itself  the 
laver  of  brass  at  which  God's  ministers  washed  their  hands 
and  feet  on  entering  the  Tabernacle.  The  Tabernacle  itself, 
called  also  the  Sanctuary,  was  placed  toward  the  western  end 
of  the  court,  and  was  an  oblong  rectangular  tent,  52  feet  long 
by  17  feet  in  height  and  width.  It  was  divided  by  a  magnifi- 
cently embroidered  veil,  into  two  parts:  the  Holy  Place  and 
the  Holy  of  Holies.  The  Holy  Place  contained,  beside  the 
sacred  utensils,  (i)  the  table  whereon  the  twelve  loaves  of 
proposition  were  placed  every  Sabbath  day,  (2)  the  golden 
candlestick  with  its  seven  branches,  and  (3)  the  small  port- 
able altar  of  wood  covered  with  gold,  called  the  Altar  of 
Incense.^  Whilst  the  simple  priests  were  allowed  to  enter 
the  Holy  Place  for  the  exercise  of  their  sacred  functions, 
only  Moses  and  the  high  priest  had  the  privilege  of  pene- 
trating into  the  mysterious  darkness  of  the  Holy  of  Holies, 
which  contained  nothing  but  the  Ark  of  the  Covenant.  This 
ark  was  a  wooden  chest  three  feet  nine  inches  in  length  by  two 
feet  three  inches  in  width  and  height,  and,  as  the  symbol  of  the 
covenant  between  Jehovah  and  His  people,  it  contained  the 
two  stone  tables  of  the  Law.  Its  lid,  made  of  the  purest  gold, 
was  called  the  Mercy  Seat,  or  propitiatory,  because  it  was  con- 
sidered as  the  throne  whence  Jehovah  exercised  mercy  and 


THE    MOSAIC    LAW  85 

forgiveness  towards  His  people ;  it  was  also  overshadowed 
by  the  outstretched  wings  of  two  symbolical  figures  which 
the  Bible  calls  Cherubim.  This  Biblical  description  of  the 
Ark  shows  that  it  resembled  in  a  striking  manner  the  Naos, 
or  portable  wooden  chapel  which  was  found  in  the  sanctuary 
of  every  Egyptian  temple  and  which  contained  the  image  of 
a  deity  over  whom  two  symbolical  figures  extended  their 
wings.  But  however  close  this  resemblance,  it  should  never 
make  us  forget  that  a  most  important  difference  existed  be- 
tween the  Jewish  ark  and  the  Egyptian  naos ;  whilst  the  lat- 
ter contained  an  image  of  the  deity  to  whom  it  was  dedi- 
cated, the  former  offered  to  the  eyes  of  the  Hebrews  no  visi- 
ble representation  of  Jehovah  (Exod.  xxv,  sq.). 

2.  The  Ministers  of  the  Tabernacle  (Exod.  xxviii, 
xxix  ;  Levit.  viii,  ix  ;  Numb,  iii,  iv).  For  the  service  of  His 
Tabernacle,  God  selected  the  whole  tribe  of  Levi,  apparently 
as  a  reward  for  the  zeal  in  favor  of  religious  unity  which  they 
had  exhibited  on  the  occasion  of  the  idolatrous  worship  of 
the  golden  calf  (Exod.  xxxii,  25,  29).  Moreover,  as  Moses 
belonged  to  this  tribe,  he  might  naturally  depend  more  on 
them  than  on  any  other  tribe  in  Israel  to  establish  and  for- 
ward His  religious  institutions  among  the  chosen  people. 

Although  the  special  mission  of  the  whole  tribe  seems  to 
be  described  as  that  of  mediating  between  Jehovah  and  His 
people  (Numb,  xviii,  22,  23),  it  is  probable  that,  from  the  be- 
ginning, a  distinction  was  established  between  the  sons  of 
Aaron  and  the  rest  of  the  tribe ;  the  former  and  their  de- 
scendants alone  were  the  priests  of  Jehovah,  the  latter  and 
their  descendants  were  simply  the  assistants  of  the  priests 
and  retained  the  distinctive  name  of  Levites. 

The  simple  Levites  were  dedicated  to  the  service  of 
Jehovah  in  the  person  of  His  priests,  by  solemn  ceremonies 
which  are  detailed  in  the  book  of  Numbers  (viii,  5-22),  and 
which  were  not  repeated  at  the  induction  of  each  Levite  into 


86  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

his  office.  Besides  their  general  function  of  assisting  the 
sons  of  Aaron  in  the  discharge  of  their  priestly  duti-es,  the 
Levites  were  charged  to  carry  the  Tabernacle  and  its  vessels, 
to  keep  watch  about  the  sanctuary,  etc.,  and  other  like  duties 
which  required  a  man's  full  strength,  and  hence  they  did  not 
enter  upon  their  functions  before  the  age  of  thirty. 

The  sons  of  Aaron,  together  with  their  male  descendants^ 
were  the  only  lawful  priests  of  Jehovah.  If  properly  quali- 
fied for  the  exercise  of  the  priestly  ministry,  they  had  to  be 
individually  consecrated  by  special  ceremonies,  which  lasted 
seven  days  and  which  consisted  in  sacrifices,  purificationsr 
the  putting  on  of  the  holy  garments,  the  sprinkling  of  blood, 
and  anointing  with  oil.  During  their  ministrations,  they 
wore  vestments  in  several  respects  similar  to  those  of  the 
Egyptian  priests,  and  the  principal  of  which  were  :  fine  linen 
drawers,  a  close-fitting  tunic,  also  of  white  linen,  and  reach- 
ing to  the  feet,  a  long  linen  girdle  confining  the  tunic  round 
the  waist;  upon  their  heads  they  wore  a  kind  of  a  tiara, 
formed  by  the  foldings  of  a  linen  cloth,  and  of  a  round  tur- 
ban-like shape.  Their  manifold  duties  were  briefly  as  follows  : 
In  the  court  of  the  Tabernacle  they  kept  ever  burning  the 
fire  on  the  Altar  of  Holocausts  and  offered  various  sacri- 
fices to  God ;  in  the  Holy  Place  they  were  charged  to  offer 
the  morning  and  evening  sacrifice  of  the  incense,  to  take  care 
of  the  golden  candlestick  and  its  lights,  and  to  place,  every 
week,  on  the  table  the  loaves  of  proposition ;  independently 
of  these  functions  connected  with  the  Tabernacle,  they  also 
acted  as  judges,  and  as  teachers  and  interpreters  of  the  law. 
Finally,  for  their  maintenance,  they  had  a  considerable  share 
in  the  victims  offered  to  Jehovah,  and  received  dues  of  vari- 
ous kinds,  such  as  first-fruits,  one-tenth  of  the  tithes  of  the 
produce  of  the  country  paid  to  the  Levites,  the  redemption- 
money  for  the  first-born  of  man  and  beast,  etc. 

At  the  head  of  the  whole  Jewish  priesthood  was  Aaron 
with-  the  title  and  dignity  of  High  Priest,  which  were  to 


THE    MOSAIC    LAW.  87 

pass  to  his  son  Eleazar  and  his  male  descendants.  The  high 
priest  was  to  be  a  person  especially  sacred,  as  was  clearly  set 
forth  by  the  gold  plate  which  was  attached  to  his  tiara  and 
on  which  was  engraved  "  Holy  to  the  Lord,''  and  hence  any 
bodily  imperfection  or  blemish  excluded  him  from  the  office. 
He  was  consecrated  in  the  same  manner  as  the  simple  priests, 
with  this  difference,  however,  that  the  sacred  oil  was  poured 
upon  his  head.  His  special  garments  were  :  ( i)  the  Robe  of 
the  Ephod,  which  the  high  priest  wore  in  place  of  the  close- 
fitting  tunic  of  the  simple  priests.  It  was  a  robe  of  woven 
work,  without  sleeves,  drawn  over  the  head  through  an  open- 
ing, and  its  skirt  was  set  with  a  remarkable  trimming  of 
pomegranates  alternating  with  golden  bells;  (2)  the  Ephod, 
a  short  cloak  made  of  two  parts,  one  covering  the  back  and 
the  other  the  breast  and  upper  part  of  the  body ;  they  were 
clasped  together  on  the  shoulder  with  two  onyx  stones,  on 
each  of  which  were  engraved  the  names  of  six  of  the  tribes; 
(3)  just  above  the  very  fine  girdle  of  the  high  priest  which 
gathered  around  the  waist  both  the  Robe  of  the  Ephod  and 
the  Ephod  itself  was  the  Breastplate.  This  was  an  orna- 
ment of  embroidered  cloth,  set  with  four  rows  of  precious 
stones,  three  in  each  row,  and  on  each  stone  was  engraved 
the  name  of  one  of  the  tribes  of  Israel.  It  was  about  ten 
inches  square  in  size  and  had  its  two  upper  corners  fastened 
to  the  two  onyx  stones  on  the  shoulders,  whilst  the  two  lower 
ones  were  fixed  to  the  ephod.  Within  the  Breastplate,  or 
*'  Breastplate  of  Judgment,"  were  the  Urim  and  Thum- 
mim,  whose  meaning,  now  so  mysterious  to  us,  was  so  well 
known  to  the  Hebrews  as  not  to  require  any  explanation 
from  the  sacred  writer.  They  were  most  likely  analogous 
to  the  small  figure  of  sapphire  which  the  Egyptian  supreme 
judge  (who  was  ordinarily  the  high  priest)  wore  suspended 
from  his  neck  when  delivering  judgment,  and  which  was 
a  representation  of  the  goddess  worshipped  under  the  charac- 
ter of  Truth  and  Justice  (VV.  Smith,  The  Pentateuch,  author- 


88  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

ship,  credibility,  etc.,  p.  298,  sq.).  When  using  them,  the 
Jewish  high  priest  appealed  not  to  a  pagan  deity  but  to 
Jehovah,  who  by  their  means  was  pleased  to  make  known  to 
Israel  His  true  and  just  judgment  (cfr,  I  Kings,  xxviii,  6; 
xiv,  3,  18;  etc.). 

Besides  the  right  of  presiding  over  the  court  of  judgment 
(Deuter.  xvii,  9)  and  of  consulting  the  Divine  Oracle  (Numb, 
xxvii,  21),  the  high  priest  enjoyed  the  exclusive  privilege  of 
officiating  on  the  great  Day  of  Atonement,  and  of  entering 
on  that  same  day  into  the  Holy  of  Holies.  He  held  his 
office  for  life,  and  was  naturally  recognized  as  the  supreme 
administrator  of  sacred  things  and  the  final  arbiter  of  all  re» 
ligious  controversies. 


SYNOPSIS   OF   CHAPTER   IX. 

The  Mosaic  Law. 

Section  11.     Sacrificial  and  Festival  Rites. 


I. 

Mosaic 

Sacrifices  : 

(Exod.  xxix, 

XXX. 

Levit.  i-vii. 
Numb.  XV.) 


I.  Sacrifice,  an  Expression  of  Religious  Worship. 

f  Principal  kinds  (Holocausts;   Expia- 
/  I        tory  and  Pacific  sacrifices). 

(J/2.  Bloody  Sacri-  J  Features  common  to  them  all. 


fices 


Animals  s&lected:  why  offered  to  the 
true  God  ? 


yy  Unbloody  Sac-  [  Principal  kinds. 


rifices 


V  Sac-  ( 


Chief  objects  of  unbloody  sacrifices. 
4.  Place  where  the  Sacrifices  were  to  be  Offered. 


5.  Laws  of  Purity 


II. 

Mosaic 

Holidays 


A' 


The    Sabbath 
and      Holi- 
days connec- 
ted there- 
with : 


\y^.  The   Weekly   .Sabbath   (why   and 

^    how  sanctified  }) 
'''Br The  P'east  of  the  New  Moon. 

C.  The  F'east  of  Trumpets  (why  called 

^     so  .''  how  celebrated  .'') 
^-TT  The  Sabbatical  Year  (meaning  and 

^^    special  regulations). 
L'^CTThe  Year  of  Jubilee  (special  enact- 
ments; their  importance). 


The     Three 
Great  Joyous 
Festivals : 


A.  The  Paschal  Festival  (Levit.  xxiii, 

5-8;  Numb,  xxviii,  16-25;  Deut. 
xvi,  1-8). 

B.  The    Feast    of    Pentecost    (Levit. 

xxiii,  15-22;  Numb,  xxviii,  26-31; 
Deut.  xvi,  9-12). 

C.  The  Feast  of  Tabernacles  (Levit. 

xxiii,  34-43;  Numb,  xxix,  12-39; 
Deut.  xvi,  13-15). 


3.    The  Day  of  Atonement  (Levit.  xvi ;  xxiii,  26-32) 
[89] 


i 


CHAPTER   IX. 

THE    MOSAIC    LAW. 


Section   II.     Sacrificial  and  Festival-  Rites. 
§  I.      The  .Mosaic  Sacrifices. 

I.     Sacrifice,  an  Expression  of  Religious  Worship. 

THe  rite  of  sacrifice,  as  a  public  expression  of  religious  wor- 
ship, goes  back  to  the  most  remote  antiquity,  and  will  ever 
remain  not  only  the  most  fitting  acknowledgment  of  God's 
supreme  Majesty,  infinite  holiness,  justice  and  liberality,  but 
also  the  means  best  calculated  to  impress  upon,  and  develop 
in,  the  minds  and  hearts  of   men,  the  feelings  which  they 
should  bear   towards  their  almighty  Maker  and  Preserver. 
In  the  time  of  the  exodus,  numerous  sacrifices  were  offered 
to  their  gods  by  the  Egyptians,  as  well  as  by  the  other  nations 
of  the  ancient  world,  and  it  behooved  Moses,  who  was  so 
anxious  to  preserve  in  its  purity  the  religious  belief  in  Israel, 
to  determine,  in  detail,  which  sacrificial  rites  the  Hebrews 
should  retain  from  the  Egyptian  ceremonial,  and   which  they 
should  discard.     This,  therefore,  he  did  with  a  completeness 
and  precision  all  the  more  necessary,  because  he  knew  he 
was  legislating  in  a  most  important  matter  and  for  all  future 
ages.     The  numerous  sacrifices  which  he   prescribed  to  the 
Jewish  people  can  be  divided  into  two  great  classes  :  (i)  the 
bloody  sacrifices,   in   which  the  Israelites  testified,  by  the 
slaying  of  animals,  the  supreme  power  of  God  over  the  life 
and  death  of  His  creatures  ;  (2)  the  unbloody  sacrifices,  by 
which  they  acknowledged  Jehovah   as  the  bestower   of   the 
land  and  of  its  produce. 

[90] 


THE    MOSAIC    LAW.  91 

2.  The  Bloody  Sacrifices.  Three  principal  kinds  of 
bloody  sacrifices  can  be  distinguished  in  the  Mosaic  cere- 
monial, namely,  the  Holocausts,  the  Expiatory  and  the 
Pacific  sacrifices.  The  distinguishing  feature  of  the  holo- 
causts consisted  in  the  burning  of  all  the  parts  of  the  vic- 
tim upon  the  altar,  whereby  it  was  signified  that  the  offerer 
belonged  wholly  to  Jehovah,  dedicated  himself  entirely  to 
His  honor  and  glory,  and  placed  his  life  at  His  disposal.  In 
the  Expiatory  sacrifices,  which  were  to  be  offered  for  sins  of 
ignorance  or  for  sins  committed  knowingly,  only  the  fat  of 
the  victim  was  burned  on  the  altar,  and  in  some  cases  the 
flesh  of  the  animal  was  burned  without  the  camp,  whilst  in 
others  it  belonged  to  the  priests.  The  leading  characteris- 
tic of  the  Pacific  sacrifices  was  the  sacrificial  meal  by  which 
they  were  followed.  After  the  fat  of  the  victim  had  been 
burned  on  the  altar,  its  right  shoulder  and  breast  were 
"waved  before  Jehovah,"  and  then  became  the  portion  of 
the  priest,  whilst  the  remaining  parts  were  restored  to  the 
offerer,  who,  the  same  day,  feasted  thereon,  in  a  meal  which 
was  both  the  symbol  and  the  pledge  of  God's  friendship  to 
His  worshippers. 

But  howev^er  different  in  many  particulars  they  might  ap- 
pear, these  various  kinds  of  bloody  sacrifices  exhibited  im- 
portant features  common  to  them  all.  Thus  in  all  cases  the 
offerer  was  required  to  bring  the  victim  into  the  court  of  the 
Tabernacle,  there  to  lay  his  hand  on  its  head  and  then  to 
slay  it  himself.  In  all  cases  also  the  priest  received  the 
blood  of  the  animal  in  a  basin,  and  then  sprinkled  it  in  dif- 
ferent ways  upon  the  Altar  of  the  Holocausts.  In  all  these 
sacrifices,  finally,  the  selection  of  the  victims  was  limited  to 
animals  of  the  herd,  of  the  flock  and  to  all  clean  birds,  and 
the  victim  offered  was  required  to  be  perfect  of  its  kind  and 
without  blemish. 

Thus,  then,  the  animals  to  be  selected  as  victims  were  those 
"  most  nearly  connected  with  man,  and  of  these  again,  such 


92  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

as  were  most  meek,  innocent,  pure  and  valuable  "  (Maclear, 
Old  Testament  History,  p.  136,),  such,  in  a  word,  as  would  en- 
tail a  real  sacrifice  upon  the  man  who  willingly  parted  with 
them,  and  would  suggest  the  purity  and  innocence  with  which 
Jehovah  was  to  be  worshipped.  Moreover,  in  prescribing 
animal  sacrifices,  God  not  only  affirmed  His  supreme  domin- 
nion  over  living  things — even  over  animals  which  were 
regarded  as  gods  by  the  Egyptians  —  but  He  also  helped  to 
prevent  His  people  from  falling  back  into  idolatry,  as  might 
indeed  be  apprehended  had  He  not  required  from  them 
bloody  sacrifices  similar  to  those  which  were  then  offered 
by  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  and  which  the  Israelites  had 
offered  themselves  in  the  land  of  Egypt.  Finally,  these 
animal  sacrifices  —  however  imperfect  —  suggested  to  the 
Hebrews  inward  sentiments  of  piety,  such  as  thanksgiving 
for  benefits  received,  sorrow  for  sins  committed,  etc.,  and 
foreshadowed  the  great  and  perfect  sacrifice  which  Jesus, 
the  High  Priest  of  the  New  Law  and  the  true  Lamb  of  God, 
was  to  offer  in  fulfilment  of  all  the  bloody  sacrifices  of  the 
old  Covenant. 

3.  Unbloody  Sacrifices.  The  second  class  of  Mosaic 
sacrifices  included  all  those  which  were  to  be  offered  to  God, 
either  in  conjunction  with,  or  independently  of,  the  bloody 
sacrifices.  These  unbloody  offerings  were  of  three  principal 
kinds,  namely  :  (i)  First-fruits  and  Tithes  of  the  produce 
of  the  land,  which  were  presented  either  in  their  natural  state, 
as  grain,  fruit,  wool,  etc.,  or  prepared  for  man's  use,  such  as 
flour,  oil,  wine  ;  (2)  Meat-offerings  and  Drink-offerings, 
the  latter  consisting  in  wine  poured  out  at  the  foot  of  the 
altar,  the  former  consisting  in  corn  either  in  the  form  of  fine 
flour  seasoned  with  salt  and  mingled  with  frankincense  and 
oil,  but  without  leaven,  or  made  into  cakes  offered  with  oil 
and  salt,  but  without  leaven  or  honey;  (3)  offering  of  In- 
cense,   which,  besides    accompanying  every  meat-offering, 


THE    MOSAIC    LAW.  93 

was  also  made  separately  every  day  on  the  golden  altar  in 
the  Holy  Place,  and  in  the  Holy  of  Holies  on  the  great  Day 
of  Atonement. 

As  the  Holocaust  "  signified  the  consecration  oi  life  to  God, 
both  that  of  the  offerer  himself  and  of  his  living  property,  so 
in  the  meat-offering  the  produce  of  the  land  was  presented 
before  Jehovah  as  being  His  gift"  (Smith,  Old  Testament  His- 
tory, p.  247).  Another  object  of  the  first-fruits,  and  espe- 
cially of  the  tithes,  was,  as  we  already  noticed,  to  provide 
for  the  maintenance  of  the  priests  and  Levites  who  were  not 
allowed  territorial  possessions  in  Israel.  Finally,  even  ad- 
mitting, as  supposed  by  many,  that  the  incense  which  was 
burned  with  the  various  sacrifices  was  intended  to  make  a 
sweet  odor  in  the  court  of  the  Tabernacle,  it  can  hardly  be 
denied  that  the  sacrifice  of  the  incense  when  made  separately 
was  meant,  even  perhaps  from  the  first,  to  have  the  symboli- 
cal signification  of  the  prayer  of  the  worshipper  rising  before 
the  throne  of  God  (cfr.  Psalm  cxl,  2). 

4.  PIdce  where  the  Sacrifices  were  to  be  Offered. 
As  might  naturally  be  expected  from  a  legislation  framed  for 
a  nation  which  was  encamped  around  the  tent  of  its  God, 
the  court  of  the  Tabernacle  was  the  only  place  where  the 
Hebrews  were  allowed  to  offer  sacrifices  to  Jehovah  (Levit. 
xvii,  3-9).  The  enactment  of  this  rule  was  also  in  perfect 
harmony  with  the  great  wish  of  the  Mosaic  lawgiver,  namely : 
to  secure  the  monotheism  of  Israel,  inasmuch  as  it  pre- 
scribed that  all  sacrifices  should  be  offered  under  the  very 
eyes  of  priests  whose  plain  duty  it  was  to  exclude  all  idolatry 
from  the  sacrificial  rites  of  the  people.  Notwithstanding 
these  and  other  such  reasons  in  favor  of  the  view  that  the 
Unity  of  Sanctuary  was  prescribed  to  the  Hebrews  at  tiie 
time  of  the  exodus,  many  scholars  think  that  this  point  of 
Jewish  worship  was  defined  only  centuries  after  the  death  of 
Moses,  and  that  meanwhile  the  Israelites  were  at  liberty  to 


94  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

offer  sacrifices  in  different  places.  To  substantiate  their 
position  these  scholars  appeal  (i)  to  Exodus  xx,  22-26, 
which  seems  clearly  to  allow  the  use  of  several  altars  where- 
on to  offer  sacrifices  to  Jehovah;  (2)  to  the  constant  and 
apparently  lawful  practice  in  Israel  of  offering  sacrifices  in 
many  places  besides  the  court  of  the  Tabernacle,  such  as 
Mount  Ebal  (Josue  viii,  30,  31),  Bochim  (Judges  ii,  5),  Beth- 
sames,  (I  Kings  vi,  15),  Hebron,  (II  Kings  xv,  7-9),  etc. 

5.  Laws  of  Purity.  Under  the  name  of  "Laws  of 
Purity  "  may  be  designated  many  Mosaic  regulations  which 
are  intimately  connected  with  the  offering  of  sacrifices,  inas- 
much as  any  one  who  was  not  legally  clean  was  forbidden 
the  approach  of  God's  sanctuary  until  he  had  first  undergone 
a  purification  which  often  entailed  various  kinds  of  offerings 
according  to  the  character  of  the  legal  impurity  he  had  con- 
tracted. It  cannot  be  doubted  that  many  of  these  regula- 
tions were  laws  of  hygiene  regulating  diet,  enforcing  cleanli- 
ness, and  preventing  the  spread  of  contagious  diseases.  Yet 
it  must  be  admitted  that  they  had  all  a  higher  object,  namely : 
that  of  reminding  the  Jews  of  their  separation  from  the  other 
nations  and  from  all  that  is  impure,  because  they  had  been 
chosen  as  the  special  people  of  the  thrice  holy  God  (Levit. 
XX,  24-26). 

The  principal  laws  of  purity  regarded  (i)  Things  unclean 
to  touch,  such  as  the  dead  body  of  any  animal,  the  body, 
bones  or  grave  of  a  dead  man  ;  (2)  Things  unclean  to  eat, 
wherein  were  included  all  quadrupeds  which  did  not  both 
divide  the  hoof  and  chew  the  cud,  all  birds  of  prey  and  nearly 
all  the  water-fowl,  all  fishes  that  have  not  both  fins  and 
scales,  all  the  reptiles  and  insects  except  the  locusts;  (3) 
Unclean  conditions,  such  as  those  which  resulted  from 
the  use  of  marriage,  from  childbirth,  and  particularly  the  un- 
cleanness  entailed  by  leprosy  (Levit.  xi-xv). 

It  should  also  be  noticed  that  partaking  of  the  blood  of  all 


THE    MOSAIC    LAW. 


95 


animals,  whether  clean  or  unclean,  was  most  strictly  prohib- 
ited by  the  Mosaic  law  (Levit.  iii,  17  ;  xvii,  10,  12),  and  that 
the  rites  prescribed  for  purification  varied  very  considerably 
according  to  the  character  of  the  legal  uncleanness  which 
had  been  contracted. 

§  2.     Mosaic  Holidays. 

I.  The  Sabbath  and  Holidays  connected  there- 
with. Of  all  the  holidays  prescribed  by  the  Mosaic  law, 
none  was  to  be  observed  more  strictly  than  the  Sabbath  or 
seventh  day  of  the  week.  Absolute  rest  from  worldly  toil 
was  enjoined  on  this  weekly  holiday  in  remembrance  of  God's 
rest  after  the  six  days  of  Creation,  and  for  this  reason  it  was 
called  "  Sabbath  "  or  "  Rest "  (Exod.  xx,  8-1 1  ;  xxxi,  13-17). 
Bodily  labor  was  prohibited  under  penalty  of  death,  and 
work  apparently  most  necessary,  such  as  kindling  the  fire, 
cooking  food,  etc.,  was  to  be  done  on  the  preceding  day. 
This  strict  prohibition  of  bodily  labor  extended  also  to  slaves 
and  strangers,  even  to  beasts  of  burden.  Besides  this  pre- 
scribed rest,  a  few  religious  services  were  enjoined  on  the 
Sabbath  day;  they  consisted  in  the  doubling  of  the  morning 
and  evening  sacrifice  which  was  offered  on  ordinary  days 
(Numb,  xxviii,  3-10),  the  renewal  of  the  loaves  of  proposi- 
tion (Levit.  xxiv,  8),  and  finally  some  kind  of  religious  meet- 
ing for  the  people. 

Just  as  every  week  was  marked  by  a  day  especially  conse- 
crated to  Jehovah,  so  was  also  every  month  of  the  Jewish 
year.  The  feast  of  the  New  Moon  —  a  kind  of  monthly 
Sabbath  —  was  celebrated  on  the  first  day  of  the  month  by  the 
sounding  of  the  two  sacred  silver  trumpets  and  by  the  sacrifice 
of  eleven  victims  over  and  above  the  daily  offerings  (Numb. 
X,  10  ;  xxviii,  1 1-15). 

The  seventh  month  of  the  ecclesiastical  year  among  the 
Jews  had  a  kind  of  Sabbatic  character,  and  hence  its  new 


96  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

moon  was  observed  with  special  solemnity.  It  was  a  holy 
convocation  and  was  called  the  Feast  of  Trumpets,  be- 
cause it  was  "  a  day  for  the  sounding  of  trumpets  "  (Numb. 
xxix,  i),  and  in  addition  to  the  daily  sacrifices  and  the  eleven 
victims  offered  on  the  first  day  of  the  other  months,  ten  other 
victims  were  offered  to  Jehovah, 

During  the  seventh  or  Sabbatical  Year,  the  land  was  to 
enjoy  its  Sabbath.  It  was  not  to  be  sown,  nor  the  vineyards 
and  olive-trees  dressed,  nor  the  spontaneous  produce  of  the 
year  to  be  gathered,  but  left  entirely  for  the  poor,  the  slave, 
the  stranger  and  even  the  cattle.  By  this  rest,  the  land  did 
homage  to  its  Lord  and  Creator  in  the  same  way  as  man  by 
the  rest  of  the  seventh  day.  The  seventh  year  was  also  called 
the  "year  of  remission,"  because  in  it  creditors  were  bound 
to  release  poor  debtors  from  their  obligations,  and  its  reli- 
gious character  was  emphasized  by  the  solemn  reading  of 
the  Law  to  the  people  assembled  at  the  feast  of  Tabernacles 
(Levit.  XXV,  3-7  ;  Deuter.  xv;  xxxi,  10-13). 

At  the  end  of  seven  times  seven  years  was  the  Year  of 
Jubilee.  During  this  fiftieth  year,  the  land  was  left  uncul- 
tivated, as  in  the  Sabbatical  year ;  all  the  territorial  posses- 
sions, which  poor  owners  had  alienated,  were  to  return  to  the 
families  to  which  they  had  been  originally  allotted,  and  all 
slaves  of  Hebrew  blood  were  set  free.  By  this  semi-centen- 
nial restitution  of  land  and  liberation  of  Hebrew  bondmen,  it 
was  clearly  asserted  that  both  land  and  people  belonged  to 
Jehovah  alone,  whilst  the  accumulation  of  riches  and  the 
formation  of  castes  were  effectively  prevented. 

2.  The  Three  Great  Joyous  Festivals.  Besides  the 
Sabbath  and  Sabbatic  holidays,  the  Mosaic  law  enjoined 
the  celebration  of  three  annual  festivals  of  a  joyous  char- 
acter, because  intended  to  return  thanks  to  God  for  benefits 
received.  The  first  and  greatest  of  them  all  was  the  Pasch, 
whose  original    institution  was    noticed  in  connection  with 


THE    MOSAIC    LAW.  97 

Israel's  departure  from  .Egypt.  It  commemorated  this  great 
national  event,  and  at  the  same  time  marked  the  beginning 
of  the  harvest.  It  lasted  seven  days,  from  the  evening  of 
the  14th  to  the  end  of  the  21st  of  the  first  month  of  the 
Jewish  ecclesiastical  year,  and  during  its  celebration  no 
leavened  bread  was  to  be  eaten.  Each  paschal  lamb  was 
slain  on  the  evening  of  the  14th  of  the  first  month  (Nisan), 
in  the  court  of  the  Tabernacle,  its  blood,  received  by  priests 
in  basins,  was  sprinkled  on  the  altar,  and  the  fat  was  burned 
upon  the  Altar  of  Holocausts.  Thence  the  lamb  was  carried 
into  private  houses,  where  it  was  roasted  whole  with  fire,  and 
eaten  with  unleavened  bread  and  a  salad  of  bitter  herbs.  On 
the  15th  and  the  six  following  days  an  offering  of  eleven 
animals  was  made,  in  addition  to  the  daily  sacrifices,  and  the 
first  and  last  days  (the  15th  and  21st)  were  holy  convoca- 
tions. Finally,  on  the  i6th  of  Nisan,  the  first  ripe  sheaf  of 
barley  was  offered  to  Jehovah,  and  this  marked  the  beginning 
of  the  harvest,  whose  first-fruits  had  thus  been  dedicated  to 
the  God  of  Israel  (Levit.  xxiii,  5-8;  Numb,  xxviii,  16-25; 
Deuter.  xvi,  1-8). 

The  second  great  joyous  festival  of  the  Jewish  year  was 
the  Feast  of  Pentecost,  called  the  Feast  of  Weeks  in 
the  Pentateuch,  because  celebrated  seven  weeks  after  the 
Pasch.  It  lasted  but  one  day,  which  was  kept  as  a  holy  con- 
vocation, and  during  which  the  whole  people  were  especially 
exhorted  to  rejoice  before  Jehovah  with  free-will  offerings. 
Eleven  animals  were  also  publicly  offered  in  the  court  of  the 
Tabernacle,  in  addition  to  the  daily  sacrifices.  But  the  chief 
and  distinguishing  feature  of  this  festival  was  the  offering  of 
two  leavened  loaves,  made  from  the  new  corn  of  the  now  com- 
pleted harvest,  together  with  two  lambs,  which  were  sacrificed 
as  peace-offerings.  "  The  whole  ceremony  was  the  comple- 
tion of  that  dedication  of  the  harvest  to  God,  as  its  Giver, 
which  was  begun  by  the  offering  of  the  wave-sheaf  at  the 
Passover  "  (Smith,  p.  265). 


98  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

The  last  great,  joyous,  annual  festival  of  the  Jews  was  the 
Feast  of  Tabernacles,  which  was  celebrated  in  the  autumn, 
on  the  15th  of  the  seventh  month,  and  was  at  once  a  thanks- 
giving for  the  completion  of  the  harvest  and  a  commemora- 
tion of  the  time  when  the  Israelites  dwelt  in  tents  during 
their  sojourn  in  the  wilderness.  Its  duration  was  strictly- 
only  of  seven  days,  the  first  and  last  of  which  were  holy 
convocations ;  as,  however,  it  was  followed  by  a  day  of 
holy  convocation,  the  festival  is  sometimes  spoken  of  as 
lasting  eight  days.  During  it  the  Israelites  were  commanded 
to  live  in  tents  or  booths  of  green  boughs,  and  to  make  burnt- 
offerings  far  more  numerous  than  at  any  other  festival.  When 
this  feast  fell  on  a  Sabbatical  year,  portions  of  the  Law  were 
read  each  day  in  public.  The  Feast  of  Tabernacles  com- 
pleted the  cycle  of  the  annual  festivals,  and  was  one  of  the 
most  joyous  of  them  all,  for  it  marked  the  crowning  of 
Divine  mercy,  which  had  just  allowed  the  chosen  people  to 
complete  the  ingathering  of  the  vintage  and  of  all  the  fruits 
of  the  year. 

For  the  celebration  of  these  three  great  festivals,  all  male 
Israelites  were  required  to  appear  before  Jehovah. 

3.  The  Day  of  Atonement.  To  these  great  national 
holidays  was  added  another,  of  a  very  different  character. 
The  tenth  day  of  the  seventh  month  —  five  days  only  before 
the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  —  was  the  Day  of  Atonement, 
that  is,  the  great  day  of  expiation  for  the  sins  of  both  priests 
and  people.  From  the  evening  of  the  9th  to  the  evening  of 
the  loth  of  the  seventh  month  no  bodily  labor  could  be  done, 
no  food  taken  under  penalty  of  death.  All  the  ritual  of  the 
day  was  carried  out  by  the  high  priest  himself.  Having 
bathed  himself  and  dressed  in  the  white  linen  garments  com- 
mon to  himself  and  the  rest  of  the  priesthood,  he  brought 
forward  a  young  bullock  as  sin-offering  and  a  ram  as  burnt- 
offering  for  himself  and  for  the  priests;  and  next,  two  he- 


THE    MOSAIC    LAW.  99 

goats  as  a  sin-offering  and  a  ram  as  a  burnt-offering  for  the 
people.  The  t\yo  goats  were  then  led  to  the  entrance  of  the 
Tabernacle,  and  lots  cast  upon  them,  one  lot  being  marked 
'•'•for  Jehovah ^^  the  other  '^for  Azazael.^^  This  done,  the  high 
priest,  making  atonement  for  himself  and  for  the  priesthood, 
offered  the  bullock,  carried  live  coals  in  a  censer  with  two 
handfuls  of  incense  into  the  Holy  of  Holies,  where  he  threw 
the  incense  upon  the  coals,  and  soon  after  sprinkled  the 
blood  of  the  bullock  seven  times  before  the  Mercy-Seat. 
He  then  killed  the  goat  that  was  "  for  Jehovah,"  and  sprin- 
kled its  blood  in  the  same  manner.  Over  the  goat  that  was 
*'for  Azazael "  he  solemnly  confessed  the  sins  of  the  people 
and  then  sent  it  away  into  the  desert.  After  this,  the  high 
priest  bathed  again,  put  on  his  special  gorgeous  robes  and 
offered  the  two  rams  as  a  burnt-offering,  one  for  himself 
and  the  other  for  the  people. 

The  typical  meaning  of  these  victims  and  ceremonies  is 
set  forth  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  (chaps,  viii-x). 


SYNOPSIS    OF    CHAPTER   X. 

From  Sixai  to  the  Southern  I^order  of  Palestinp:. 


J  -H>^^i 


From 

Sinai  to 

Cades  : 


Departure:  Time;  Manner;  Aim. 

2.  Route  fol-  (General     direction.  —  Stations     indi- 

lowed:  cated.) 


3.  Principal  In- 
cidents : 


Israel's  murmurings. 
Seventy  elders  appointed. 
The  land  espied. 


II. 

The 
Wilder- 
ness AND 


I.  The    Wilder-    {  Its  boundaries  and  divisions. 
■hA.  Why  imposed  by  God. 


Forty 


Years' 
Wander- 
ing: 


f  Almost   un- 
B.  The  road  followed  by  J      known. 


Israel : 


years  wan-  { 
dering: 


j  Various 
(      opinions. 


(Facts  unknown. 
Conditions  conjectured. 
A  few  incidents  related. 


[100] 


iy 


CHAPTER    X. 

FROM    SINAI    TO    THE    SOUTHERN    BORDER    OF    PALESTINE. 

^  ;»     From  Sinai  to  Cades. 

I.  Departure  from  Sinai.  The  great  events  which 
occurred  at  Mount  Sinai  —  the  giving  of  the  law,  the  conse- 
cration of  the  priests,  the  construction  and  erection  of  the 
Tabernacle  —  had  detained  Israel  very  nearly  a  year  in  that 
region  (Exod.  xix,  i  ;  Numb,  i,  i)  ;  after  which  time  Jehovah 
commanded  Moses  to  take  a  census  of  all  who  were  fit  for 
war.  This  first  signal  of  their  approaching  departure  from 
Sinai  was  followed  by  a  due  celebration  of  the  anniversary 
of  the  Passover,  soon  after  which  the  Israelites  —  numbering 
altogether  between  two  and  three  millions  —  received  the 
final  signal  for  departure  (Numb,  x,  ii). 

Under  the  guidance  of  Hobab,  the  brother-in-law  of  Moses, 
who  intimately  knew  the  usual  resting-places,  the  water- 
springs,  etc.,  of  the  country  which  the  Israelites  were  about 
to  traverse,  the  twelve  tribes,  divided  into  four  great  bodies 
and  preceded  by  the  Ark,  began  their  march.  At  this  solemn 
moment,  the  Jewish  lawgiver  and  leader  of  Israel  broke  the 
silence  of  the  desert,  and  exclaimed  : 

"  Arise,  Jehovah,  and  let  Thy  enemies  be  scattered, 
And  let  them  that  hate  Thee,  flee  from  before  Thy  face.'' 

In  these  poetical  words  Moses  clearly  set  forth  the  object 
of  Israel's  present  departure  ;  headed  by  Jehovah,  the  chosen 
people  was  starting  to  conquer  the  idolatrous  tribes  of 
Chanaan,  which  were  the  enemies  of  both  God  and  His 
people,  and  to  enter  at  once  upon  the  possession  of  the  land 

[lOl] 


I02  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISIORY. 

promised  to  the  patriarchs  of  old  (Numb,  x,  35  ;  Denter.  i, 
6-8). 

2.  Route  followed  by  Israel.  The  general  direciio.i 
of  the  road  followed  by  the  Israel 'tes  lay  northward,  between 
Sinai  on  the  south  and  Cades  on  the  north,  the  distance 
between  these  two  points  being  an  "eleven  days'  journey/^ 
or  about  one  hundred  and  seventy  miles,  "by  the  way  of 
Mount  Seir "  (Numb,  xxxii,  8  ,  Deuter.  i,  2).  They  most 
likely  took  the  ordinary  route,  which  passes  first  along  the 
eastern  arm  of  the  Red  Sea  —  now  called  the  Gulf  of 
Akabah  —  and  next  through  the  wide  plain  of  the  Arabah, 
between  Mount  Seir  on  the  east  and  the  desert  of  Et-Tihy 
that  is,  of  the  Wandering,  on  the  west. 

Of  the  twenty  stations  indicated  in  the  book  of  Numbers 
(xxxiii,  16-35),  <^^^y  the  first  two  belong  most  likely  to  the 
present  journey  of  the  Israelites;  these  are  (i)  Kibroth 
Hattaavah  (graves  of  lust),  a  three  days'  journey  from 
Sinai,  and  probably  to  be  identified  with  Erweis  el  Ebeirig; 
(2)  Hazeroth,  identical  with  the  modern  'Ain  Hudherah 
both  in  name  and  in  position  (one  day's  journey  from  Ki- 
broth Hattaavah).  The  next  encampment  spoken  of  in  the 
book  of  Numbers  (xiii,  i)  was  in  the  desert  of  Pharan^  that  is 
in  that  part  of  the  northeastern  division  of  the  Peninsula  of 
Sinai  in  which  Cades  —  called  also  Cadesbarne  —  was 
situated.  The  position  of  the  city  of  Cades,  so  important  in 
the  topography  of  the  exodus,  has  not  yet  been  identified 
with  certainty;  it  may  be  said,  however,  with  great  proba- 
bility, that  Cades  is  identical  with  '-Ain  Gadis,  some  fifty 
miles  south  of  Bersabee  (cfr.  art.  Cades,  in  Vigouroux,  Dic- 
tionnaire  de  la  Bible;  see  also  Revue  Biblique,  J^^ly?  1896,  p. 
440,  sq). 

3.  Principal  Incidents.  During  their  lengthened  stay 
in  the  wadies  of  Mount  Sinai,  the  Israelites  had  lost  a  great 


FROM    SINAI  NORTHWARD.  IO3 

deal  of  their  power  of  endurance,  and  this  is  why  shortly 
after  setting  out  for  Cades  they  openly  "repined  at  their 
fatigue."  This  first  murmuring,  however  natural  under  the 
circumstances,  was  not  left  unpunished  ;  a  fire  broke  out  in 
the  encampment,  and  ceased  only  at  the  prayer  of  Moses. 
It  is  likely  that  this  fire  was  not  looked  upon  by  the  children 
of  Israel  as  a  divine  punishment,  for  we  see  them  very  soon 
afterwards  rising  in  an  almost  general  rebellion  against 
Moses  and  against  Jehovah  Himself.  Sitting  and  weeping, 
they  longed  for  their  fill  of  flesh,  and  speaking  scornfully  of 
the  manna  they  were  ever  supplied  with,  regretted  the  fish 
and  the  vegetables  of  Egypt.  It  was  springtime,  and  a  plen- 
tiful supply  of  quails  was  granted  to  Israel  —  as  it  had  been 
granted  a  year  before  —  not  however,  without  entailing  the 
dreadful  punishment  uf  a  plague,  which  gave  the  place  its 
name,  "the  graves  of  lust." 

Out  of  this  second  murmuring  there  also  arose  an  im- 
portant institution.  In  presence  of  such  widespread  discon- 
tent, Moses  had  complained  to  God  of  the  great  burden  he 
had  to  bear  alone  in  leading  the  Hebrew  nation,  and  had 
asked  for  relief.  Jehovah  granted  the  request  of  His  faith- 
ful servant,  and  appointed  seventy  elders,  to  whom  He  im- 
parted something  of  Moses'  spirit,  and  who  were  to  help  him 
in  the  government  of  the  chosen  people,  and  it  is  to  this  ap- 
pointment of  seventy  elders  that  the  tradition  of  the  Jews 
traces  back  the  origin  of  the  Sanhedrim,  the  supreme 
tribunal  of  their  nation,  and  made  up  also  of  seventy  mem- 
bers (Numb.  xi). 

Another  severe  trial  befell  Moses,  when,  in  Hazeroth,  his 
very  brother  and  sister  (Aaron  and  Mary)  claimed  an  au- 
thority equal  to  his  own.  The  Jewish  lawgiver  bore  this  new 
insult  with  his  wonted  patience,  but  Jehovah  not  only  vindi- 
cated in  words  His  chosen  servant,  He  also  struck  Mary  with 
a  leprosy,  which  would  have  been  permanent  had  not  Moses 
successfully  intervened  in  her  behalf  (Numb,  xii,  1-16). 


I04  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

The  last  incident  to  be  mentioned  here  in  connection  with 
this  period  is  the  spying  of  the  Promised  Land  after  the 
Israelites  had  reached  Cades.  Before  attacking  the  Cha- 
naanites,  the  Hebrews  wished  to  know  what  sort  of  country 
lay  before  them,  and  whether  its  conquest  was  not  too  diffi- 
cult, and,  accordingly,  one  man  from  each  tribe  was  sent 
to  make  a  thorough  examination  of  the  land  of  Chanaan, 
After  an  absence  of  forty  days,  the  spies  came  back,  carry- 
ing on  a  staff,  borne  by  two  men,  one  cluster  of  grapes,  of 
enormous  size,  as  a  proof  of  the  fertility  of  the  land,  and  re- 
ported at  the  same  time  that  giants  of  the  race  of  Enac  occu- 
pied the  country.  Only  two  of  the  Jewish  messengers,  Caleb 
and  Josue,  represented  the  conquest  of  Chanaan  as  possible 
if  an  immediate  attack  was  made,  and,  in  consequence,  the 
multitude,  giving  themselves  to  despair,  openly  murmured 
against  Moses  and  Aaron,  and  proposed  to  select  a  leader 
who  would  bring  them  back  into  E^ypt.  As  the  mutiny  in- 
creased, Jehovah  interfered,  threatening  to  destroy  utterly 
the  rebels  with  pestilence,  but,  touched  again  by  the  entreaty 
of  Moses,  He  announced  that  the  chosen  people,  as  a  people, 
would  indeed  be  preserved,  but  that  not  one  of  the  rebellious 
generation  —  save  Caleb  and  Josue  —  should  enter  the  land 
of  Chanaan.  They  were  condemned  to  die  during  a  forty 
years'  wandering  in  the  Wilderness,  and  after  a  mad  effort 
to  evade  this  awful  sentence  by  rushing  against  their  ene- 
mies ^  Amorites  and  Amalecites  combined  —  routed  and 
discomfited,  they  had  to  resign  themselves  to  their  well- 
deserved  fate  (Numb,  xiii,  xiv ;  Deuter.  i,  i9b-45). 

§  2.      The  Wilderness  and  the  Forty  Years''  IVanderin^. 

I.  The  Wilderness  of  the  Wanderings.  The  desert 
through  which  the  Israelites  were  now  condemned  to  wan- 
der —  whence  its  modern  name  of  Badiet  et  Tih,  or 
"  Wilderness  of  the  Wanderings  "  —  occupies  about  one- 
third  of  the  Sinaitic  Peninsula.      Its  precise  limits  cannot 


FROM    SINAI   NORTHWARD.  I05 

be  determined ;  it  is  commonly  admitted,  however,  that  it 
was  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  Land  of  Chanaan  ;  on  the 
west  by  the  River  of  Egypt,  which  parted  it  from  the  wilder- 
ness of  Sur ;  on  the  south  by  a  great  sand  belt,  extending 
from  the  Gulf  of  Suez  to  the  Gulf  of  Akabah,  and  forming 
the  line  of  demarcation  between  it  and  the  Sinaitic  range ; 
on  the  east  by  the  Gulf  of  Akabah  and  the  deep  valley  of 
the  Arabah. 

The  principal  divisions  of  this  immense  region  are  desig- 
nated in  Holy  Writ  under  the  respective  names  of  the  Negeb 
or  South  Country  of  Chanaan,  the  desert  of  Pharan 
(under  which  name  the  whole  Wilderness  of  the  Wanderings 
is  also  known),  and  the  desert  of  Sin,  probably  the  south- 
eastern part  of  the  Badiet  et  Tih.  The  general  aspect  of 
the  Wilderness  is  that  of  a  series  of  limestone  plateaus  as- 
cending in  successive  steps  from  the  Sinaitic  range  to  the 
hill  country  of  Southern  Palestine.  "  To  European  eyes  it 
is  a  blanched  and  dreary  waste,  intersected  by  water-courses, 
almost  always  dry,  except  in  the  rainy  season,  and  crossed  by 
low  ranges  of  horizontal  hills,  which  relieve  but  little  the 
general  monotony  of  its  appearance.  It  does  not  exhibit  the 
savage  and  frightful  desolation  of  the  Arabah ;  but  neither 
is  it  enlivened  by  the  fertile  valleys  to  be  found  amid  the 
granite  mountains  of  Sinai. 

"Its  soil  is  mostly  strewn  with  pebbles,  through  which  a 
slight  coating  of  vegetation  struggles ;  yet  here  and  there 
level  plains  may  be  found  in  it  of  rich,  red  earth  fit  for  cult- 
ure, or  valleys  abounding  in  shrubs  and  trees,  and  offering 
coverts  for  hares.  It  has  been  remarked  that  vegetation  is 
readily  produced  wherever  the  winter  rains  do  not  at  once 
run  to  waste.  But  this  vegetation  has  probably  been  long  on 
the  decrease,  and  is  still  decreasing,  principally  from  the 
reckless  destruction  of  trees  for  charcoal,  and  the  aspect  of 
the  Wilderness  has  been  proportionately  deteriorated  "  (The 
Speaker's  Bible,  vol.  i,  part  2,  p.  685). 


io6 


OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 


2.  The  Forty  Years'  Wandering.  It  was  not  the 
original  purpose  of  God  that  the  IsraeUtes  should  spend 
long  years  in  the  Wilderness  before  conquering  the  land  of 
Chanaan  (cfr.  Deuter.  i,  21,  26,  sq.),  but  their  conduct  at 
Cades  had  shown  how  little  they  were  worthy  of  entering  at 
once  upon  their  inheritance.  Their  very  sending  of  spies  to 
explore  the  land  of  Chanaan  implied  a  great  distrust  of  God's 
goodness  and  power,  and  their  despair,  together  with  the 
acts  of  positive  disobedience  to  Moses  and  to  God,  which  fol- 
lowed the  report  of  the  spies,  clearly  proved  that,  although 
selected  by  Jehovah  as  His  covenanted  people,  they  were 
yet  but  hordes  of  slaves,  so  utterly  unable  to  appreciate  their 
dignity  and  privileges  as  to  be  ready  to  set  at  naught  all  the 
past  mercies  of  God  and  all  His  glorious  promises  regarding 
the  future,  by  entertaining  the  project  of  going  back  into  the 
land  of  Egypt.  Their  unworthy  conduct  well  deserved  the 
awful  punishment  which  awaited  them  in  the  Wilderness,  and 
which  was  to  be  a  solemn  warning  to  their  immediate  de- 
scendants. Finally,  whilst  these  descendants  would  thus 
learn  to  fear  Jehovah,  to  desire  the  fulfilment  of  His  prom- 
ises to  their  forefathers,  their  very  life  in  the  Wilderness 
would  fit  them  for  undertaking,  in  due  time,  the  conquest  of 
the  Holy  Land. 

For  these,  and  other  such  reasons,  the  children  of  Israel 
were  condemned  to  wander  40  years  —  this  is,  however, 
simply  a  round  figure  for  their  actual  38  years  of  wandering 
—  in  the  Wilderness.  The  road  they  followed  during  this 
long  period  is  almost  entirely  unknown,  for  nearly  all  the 
18  stations  which  are  enumerated  in  the  book  of  Numbers 
(chap,  xxxiii,  18-35)  cannot  be  identified  even  with  prob- 
ability. Opinions  vary  also  concerning  the  character,  time 
and  general  locality  of  these  encampments,  and  only  the  fol- 
lowing points  can  be  regarded  as  probable  in  reference  to 
them.  The  stations  named  in  the  book  of  Numbers  (xxxiii) 
are  likely  enough,  only  those  headquarters  where  the  Taber- 


FROM    SINAI    NORTHWARD.  lO/ 

nacle  was  pitched,  and  where  Moses  and  the  priests  en- 
camped, while  the  main  body  of  the  Israelites  was  scattered 
in  various  directions.  Again,  these  stations  belong  most 
likely,  not  to  the  journey  of  Israel  from  Sinai  to  Cades, 
already  described,  but  to  the  period  of  wandering  whose 
starting-point  and  terminus  was  Cades  on  the  southern 
border  of  Chanaan.  Finally,  most  of  these  stations  were 
made  by  the  children  of  Israel  in  the  Badiet  et  Tih,  rather 
than  in  the  tract  between  this  desert  and  the  eastern  shore 
of  the  gulf  of  Akabah. 

The  student  of  the  Bible  will  easily  notice  that  the  sacred 
writer  deals  with  this  considerable  period  of  Jewish  history 
in  pretty  much  the  same  reticent  manner  as  he  dealt  with 
the  much  longer  period  of  Israel's  sojourn  in  Egypt,  appar- 
ently because  in  both  these  periods  nothing  of  great  impor- 
tance occurred  either  on  the  part  of  the  Israelites  or  on  the 
part  of  God.  Besides,  of  course,  the  present  sojourn  of  the 
Hebrews  in  the  wilderness  was  an  inglorious  time  spent  in 
expiating  national  unfaithfulness  to  Jehovah,  and  conse- 
quently hardly  deserving  more  than  a  passing  mention,  after 
God's  dealings  with  His  chosen  people  had  been  amply 
shown  both  just  and  merciful  by  the  detailed  account  of 
Israel's  most  unworthy  conduct  in  Cades. 

It  is  not  difficult,  however,  conjecturally  to  picture  to  our- 
selves the  conditions  in  the  midst  of  which  the  children  of 
Israel  spent  the  40  years  of  their  wanderings.  The  people 
naturally  spread  themselves  widely  in  search  of  pasture  for 
their  flocks  and  herds  from  which  they  drew  —  as  do  the 
Arabs  of  the  present  day  whom  they  undoubtedly  resembled 
in  their  mode  of  life  —  ample  means  for  their  sustenance. 
They  would  also  buy  provisions  from  the  neighboring  tribes 
(cfr.  Deuter.  ii,  26-29)  ^^  from  the  caravans  which  crossed 
the  desert  on  their  way  to  Egypt.  Perhaps  the  soil  of  the 
Et  Tih  was  then  in  many  places  much  more  fertile  than  it  is 
now,  and  they  could  easily  tarry  long  enough  in  one  place 


I08  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

for  sowing  and  reaping;  finally,  they  certainly  had  during 
this  long  period  the  miraculous  help  of  the  manna.  But, 
whilst  they  thus  adapted  themselves  to  what  may  be  called 
a  Bedouin  life,  by  a  reversion  to  the  patriarchal,  that  is  to 
the  nomad,  traditions  of  their  race,  it  is  most  likely  that 
they  lost  much  of  that  knowledge  of  the  industrial  arts  which 
they  had  acquired  in  the  land  of  the  Pharaohs. 

Finally,  from  the  few  incidents  which  the  sacred  narrative 
has  preserved  to  us  regarding  this  nomadic  life  of  the 
Hebrews,  it  may  readily  be  inferred  that  they  also  persevered 
in  their  murmuring  frame  of  mind,  and  that,  at  times,  they 
were  severely  dealt  with  by  Jehovah  (cfr.  Numb,  xvi,  xvii). 


SYNOPSIS    OF    CHAPTER    XI. 
Geography  of  Palestine. 


I.  f 

I 
Various    ■{  Palestt}ie :  The  most  common  ;  origin. 


Names  : 
II. 


A.  Site:  Latitude  and  longitude.  —  Boundaries. 
Site  and  \  Admirable  situation. 

I  B.  Size  :  Length.  —  Breadth.  —  Total  area. 
Size:        [ 


IIL      General  Aspect  and  Divisions. 


^    IV. 
Physical 
Descrip-  1 

tion  of     ! 

i 
I 

1 


f  The  high  table-land  beyond  Jordan. 
Eastern    Pal-  J  Rivers  and  mountains. 
estiue :  |  Pastoral  character  of  the  Transjordanic 

J^  region. 


^  Three  long 
I  Parallel  tracts; 


Sea-coast. 

The  hilly  country. 

The  Jordan  valley 


^esttne-   ^"^  1  fountains  :  begin  in  the  South  and  pro- 
^^  *^'^ '  ceed  Northward. 

Lowlands :    (three  principal). 

Rivers  :  Only  one  ;  streams  or  torrents. 

Lakes. 


[109] 


CHAPTER   XI. 

GEOGRAPHY    OF    PALESTINE. 

1.  Various  Names,  Palestine,  whose  conquest  the 
children  of  Israel  were  about  to  undertake,  has  in  different 
ages  been  designated  by  the  following  names  :  (i)  the  land 
of  Chanaan ;  (2)  the  land  of  Promise  ;  (3)  the  land  of 
Israel ;  (4)  the  land  of  Juda  or  Judsea ;  (5)  the  Holy  Land ; 
(6)  Palestine.  This  last,  by  far  the  most  common  name, 
was  originally  applied  by  the  Hebrews  merely  to  the  strip  of 
maritime  plain  inhabited  by  their  encroaching  neighbors  ; 
but  ultimately  it  became  the  usual  appellation  for  the  whole 
country  of  the  Jews. 

2.  Site  and  Size.  Although  the  extent  of  Palestine 
varied  considerably  in  the  different  periods  of  Jewish  his- 
tory, it  may  be  said  that  the  region  where  the  children  of 
Israel  settled  was  probably  comprised  between  the  31°  and 
33°  20  of  north  latitude,  and  between  the  34°  20'  and  36° 
20'  of  east  longitude.  The  country  within  these  limits  was 
bounded  on  the  west  by  Phenicia  and  the  Great  or  Mediter- 
ranean Sea;  on  the  south  by  the  Brook  of  Egypt,  the  Negeb, 
the  south  end  of  the  Dead  Sea  and  the  Arnon  River ;  on  the 
east  by  Arabia  ;  on  the  north  by  Anti-Lebanon,  Lebanon  and 
Phenicia.  Its  situation  in  the  temperate  zone,  in  the  centre 
of  the  ancient  world,  has  often  been  admired  ;  it  combined, 
with  a  sufficient  isolation  from  heathen  influences,  a  position 
well  suited  to  the  preservation  and  spread  of  the  true  religion 
among  mankind. 

[no] 


GEOGRAPHY    OF    PALESTINE.  m 

As  many  countries  which  have  played  a  great  part  in  the 
world's  history,  Palestine  is  a  very  small  country.  Its  aver- 
age length  is  about  150  miles,  and  its  average  breadth  west 
of  the  Jordan  a  little  more  than  40  miles,  east  of  the  Jordan 
a  little  less  than  40  miles.  The  total  area  between  the  Jor- 
dan and  the  Great  Sea  is  about  6,600  square  miles ;  the  por- 
tion east  of  the  Jordan  has  an  area  of  about  5,000  or  perhaps 
6,000  square  miles,  —  making  the  whole  area  of  Palestine 
12,000  or  13,000  square  miles,  or  about  equal  to  the  two 
States  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  together. 

3.  General  Aspects  and  Divisions.  A  single  glance 
at  a  physical  map  of  the  Holy  Land  is  quite  sufficient  to 
make  us  realize  that  its  general  aspect  is  that  of  a  mountain- 
ous country.  It  owes  this  hilly  appearance  to  the  great 
Lebanon  range,  whose  eastern  branch  (the  Anti-Lebanon)  is 
prolonged  through  Palestine  by  two  distinct  chains  of  moun- 
tains, the  one  to  the  west,  with  the  exception  of  one  broad 
depression,  extending  as  far  as  the  Desert  of  Sinai,  the  other 
to  the  east,  reaching  as  far  as  the  mountains  of  Arabia  Petraea 
(cfr.  Stanley,  Sinai  and  Palestine,  chap.  ii).  To  the  west 
of  each  one  of  its  mountain-chains  Palestine  has  one  large 
plain,  namely,  the  valley  of  the  Jordan  and  the  sea-coast,  so 
that  the  Moly  Land  is  naturally  divided  into  four  long  paral- 
lel tracts  extending  north  and  south.  Three  of  these  parallel 
tracts  are  almost  entirely  situated  to  the  west  of  the  Jordan 
and  are  usually  designated  under  the  name  of  Western 
Palestine,  whilst  the  tract  altogether  east  of  the  Jordan,  is 
known  as  Eastern  Palestine  or  the  Transjordanic  region. 

4.  Physical  Description  of  Eastern  and  West- 
ern Palestine.  The  region  beyond  Jordan  consists  in  a 
table-land  whose  length  is  about  150  miles  from  the  Anti- 
Lebanon  on  the  north  to  the  Arnon  River  on  the  south,  and 
whose  breadth  varies  from  30  to  80  miles  from  the  edge  of 


112  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

the  Jordan  valley  to  the  edge  of  the  Arabian  desert.  Its 
surface,  which  is  tolerably  uniform,  has  an  average  elevation 
of  about  2,000  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea,  and  whilst  its 
western  edge  is  broken  by  deep  ravines  running  into  the 
valley  of  the  Jordan,  its  eastern  edge  melts  away  into  the 
desert. 

Eastern  Palestine  has  three  natural  divisions  marked  by 
the  three  large  rivers  which  cut  it  at  right  angles  to  the  Jor- 
dan—  the  Arnon,  the  Jaboc  and  the  Yarmuk.  Across 
the  norhernmost  of  these  divisions,  which  extends  from  Anti- 
Lebanon  to  the  Yarmuk,  "the  limestone  which  forms  the 
basis  of  the  country  is  covered  by  volcanic  deposits.  The 
stone  is  basalt,  the  soil  is  rich,  red  loam,  resting  on  beds  of 
ash,  and  there  are  vast  "  harras  "  or  eruptions  of  lava,  sud- 
denly cooled  and  split  open  into  the  most  tortuous  shapes. 
Down  the  edge  of  the  Jordan  valley  and  down  the  border  of 
the  desert  run  rows  of  extinct  volcanoes.  The  centre  of  this 
northern  province  is  a  great  plain,  perhaps  fifty  miles  long 
by  twenty  broad,  scarcely  broken  by  a  hill,  and  almost  abso- 
lutely without  trees.  This  is  Hauran  proper.  To  the  west 
of  this,  above  the  Jordan,  is  the  hilly  and  once  well-wooded 
district  of  Jaulan  (Golan  of  Scripture);  to  the  east  the  "har- 
ras "  and  extinct  volcanoes  already  noticed  ;  and  in  the  south- 
east, the  high  range  of  Jebel  Hauran.  All  beyond  is  desert 
draining  to  the  Euphrates  "  (G.  A.  Smith,  The  Historical 
Geography  of  the  Holy  Land,  1897,  p.  534). 

In  the  second  division  of  Eastern  Palestine,  which  extends 
from  the  Yarmuk  to  the  Jaboc  rivers,  the  volcanic  elements 
almost  entirely  disappear  and  the  limestone  comes  into  view 
again.  The  surface  of  the  country  is  generally  made  up  of 
high  ridges  covered  with  forests  and  furnishing  rich  pastur- 
age; eastward,  however,  there  are  plains  covered  with  luxu- 
riant herbage. 

The  third  division  of  the  Transjordanic  region  lies  between 
the  Jaboc  and  the  Arnon  rivers.     In  it  "  the  ridges  and  forests 


GEOGRAPHY   OF    PALESTINE.  I  13 

alike  diminish,  till  by  the  north  of  the  Dead  Sea  the  country 
assumes  the  form  of  an  absolutely  treeless  plateau,  in  winter 
bleak,  in  summer  breezy  and  fragrant.  This  plateau  is 
broken  only  by  deep,  wide,  warm  valleys  like  the  Arnon, 
across  which  it  rolls  southward  ;  eastward  it  is  separated  from 
the  desert  by  low  rolling  hills"  (Smith,  Ibid,  p.  535). 

The  principal  ranges  of  mountains  are  those  of  Basan  and 
those  of  Galaad,  the  latter  of  which  include  the  following 
mountains  named  in  Scripture :  (i)  the  Abarim  (Numb, 
xxvii,  12  ;  xxxiii,  47,  48),  (2)  Mount  Phasga  (Numb,  xxi,  20; 
xxiii,  14,  etc.);  (3)  Mount  Nebo  (F)euter.  xxxii,  4;  xxxiv,  i); 
(4)  Mount  Phogor  (Numb,  xxiii,  28;  xxv,  18,  etc.). 

Of  the  two  great  divisions  of  the  Holy  Land,  Eastern 
Palestine  was  unquestionably  the  better  fitted  for  pastoral 
pursuits,  and  this  is  why  it  became  the  share  of  the  two  main 
pastoral  tribes  of  Israel  even  before  the  conquest  of  the 
country  west  of  the  Jordan  was  attempted ;  this  is  why  also 
"so  large  a  part  of  the  annals  of  Eastern  Palestine  is  taken 
up  with  the  multiplying  of  cattle,  tribute  in  sheep  and  wool, 
and  the  taking  of  spoil  by  tens  of  thousands  of  camels  and 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  sheep  "  (Smith,  ibid,  p.  524). 

The  region  west  of  the  Jordan,  or  Western  Palestine,  by 
far  the  most  important  in  Jewish  history,  is  naturally  divided 
into  three  long  parallel  tracts  extending  north  and  south  : 

(i)  Sea-Coast.  This  tract  is  a  plain,  the  main  portion  of 
which  extends  without  a  break  from  the  desert  below  Gaza 
to  the  ridge  of  Mount  C.'armel.  A  great  part  of  this  plain  is 
flat  and  naturally  fertile.  It  is  intersected  by  deep  gullies, 
which  have  high  earthen  banks,  and  through  some  of  which 
flow  perennial  streams.  The  neighborhood  of  these  streams 
is  marshy,  especially  towards  the  north.  This  main  portion 
of  the  maritime  plain  is  some  80  miles  long  and  from  100  to 
200  feet  above  the  sea,  with  low  cliffs  near  the  Mediter- 
ranean ;  towards  the  north  it  is  8  miles,  and  near  Gaza  20 
miles  broad.     North  of  the  headland  of  the  Carmel,  which 


114  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

comes  within  200  yards  of  the  sea,  is  the  second  and  narrower 
portion  of  the  maritime  plain  extending  to  Phenicia  through 
the  territory  of  Acre  ;  very  near  this  town  the  plain  has  an 
average  width  of  about  five  miles  and  is  remarkably  fertile. 

(2)  The  Hilly  Country.  Next  to  the  coast-plain  east- 
ward comes  the  high  table-land,  which  gives  to  Western 
Palestine  the  aspect  of  a  hilly  region.  This  tract  is  about  25 
miles  wide,  and  its  eastern  slopes  are  extremely  steep  and 
rugged.  The  fertility  of  this  highland  region  improves  grad- 
ually as  one  goes  northward. 

The  southern  district  below  Hebron  is  mostly  made  up  of 
barren  uplands.  Passing  a  little  farther  north  into  what  was 
called  later  Judsea,  we  find  the  central  and  northern  parts 
of  the  hilly  country  scarcely  more  fertile,  for  the  soil  is  poor 
and  scanty,  and  springs  are  very  rare ;  its  western  and  north- 
western parts  being  reached  by  sea-breezes  offer  a  better 
vegetation,  olives  abound,  and  some  thickets  of  pine  and 
laurel  are  to  be  noticed  ;  the  eastern  part  is  an  unhabitable 
tract  known  as  the  Wilderness  of  Judaea. 

Passing  northward  from  Judasa  to  the  central  section  of 
W^estern  Palestine,  the  Samaria  of  later  days,  the  country 
gradually  opens  and  is  more  inviting.  Its  rich  plains  become 
gradually  larger ;  the  valleys  are  tillable  and  possess  springs; 
there  are  orange-groves  and  orchards  ;  the  mountains  are  still 
bare  of  wood  ;  northwest  of  Nablous,  however,  the  slopes  are 
dotted  with  fields  of  corn  and  tracts  of  wood. 

Proceeding  northward,  we  reach  the  northernmost  division 
of  Western  Palestine,  so  well  known  under  the  name  of 
Galilee,  and  where  we  find  the  plain  of  Esdraelon,  15  square 
miles  in  extent.  The  vegetation  is  more  luxuriant  here  than 
elsewhere  west  of  the  Jordan,  and  springs  are  abundant. 
The  hills  are  richly  wooded  with  oaks,  maples,  poplars; 
covered  with  wild  flowers,  rich  herbage,  etc.  East  of  these 
hills  is  the  rounded  mass  of  Mount  Tabor,  covered  with  oaks 
and  contrasting  with  the  bare  slopes  of  the  Little  Hermon 


GEOGRAPHY    OF    PALESTINE.  115 

about  four  miles  distant  to  the  southwest.  North  of  Tabor 
is  the  plain  El  Buttauf,  of  a  similar  nature  to  that  of  Esdraelon, 
but  much  more  elevated. 

(3)  The  Jordan  Valley.  This  valley  extends  from  the 
base  of  Mount  Hermon  to  the  southern  shore  of  the  Dead 
Sea.  Its  width  varies  from  one-half  a  mile  to  five  miles;  at 
some  points  it  is  12  miles  broad.  At  the  foot  of  Mount  Her- 
mon this  valley  is  about  1,000  feet  above  the  sea;  12  miles 
below,  it  is  upon  the  sea-level;  10  miles  farther  south  it  is  still 
lower  by  692  feet ;  and  65  miles  farther,  at  the  Dead  Sea,  it 
is  1,292  feet  below  the  level  of  the  Mediterranean.  The 
mountains  on  either  side  reach  a  great  altitude,  some  points 
being  4,000  feet  high.  These  heights  combined  with  the 
deep  depression  of  the  valley,  afford  a  great  variety  of  tem- 
perature, and  bring  into  close  proximity  productions  usually 
found  widely  apart. 

Mountains,  Lowlands,  Rivers  and  Lakes,  of  West- 
ern Palestine.  Along  the  coast,  the  only  mountain  of  im- 
portance is  the  ridge  of  Carmel,  the  highest  point  of  which 
is  about  1,750  feet.  In  the  hilly  region,  the  best-known  points 
of  elevation  are:  Hebron,  3,000  feet;  Mount  Olivet,  2,600 
feet ;  Mounts  Ebal  and  Garizim,  3,000  feet ;  Little  Hermon 
and  Tabor,  1,900  feet. 

The  three  principal  lowlands  are:  (i)  the  Maritime  plain 
subdivided  into  Philistia,  the  plain  of  Saron  and  the  plain  of 
Acre  ;  (2)  the  plain  of  Esdraelon  ;  (3)  the  valley  of  the  Jordan. 

The  most  important  river  of  Palestine  is  the  Jordan.  At 
the  junction  of  its  three  principal  sources  it  is  45  feet  wide 
and  flows  in  a  channel  from  10  to  20  feet  below  the  level  of 
the  plain.  It  traverses  successively  the  lakes  of  Merom  and 
Genesareth,  and  empties  itself  into  the  Dead  Sea  after  an 
actual  course  of  260  miles,  although  the  distance  between  its 
source  and  the  Dead  Sea  is  not  more  than  136  miles  in  a 
straight  line.  Its  width  varies  from  45  to  180  feet,  and  its 
depth  from  3  to  12  feet. 


Il6  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

Three  things  are  chiefly  noticeable  in  connection  with  this 
river,  namely :  (i)  its  enormous  fall  of.  nearly  3,000  feet ;  (2) 
its  endless  windings ;  (3)  the  absence  of  towns  on  its  banks. 
The  other  streams  of  Western  Palestine  worthy  of  mention 
are,  the  Leontes,  the  Belus,  the  Cison  and  the  Zerka. 

The  three  principal  lakes  are  the  lake  of  Merom,  the  lake 
of  Genesareth,  and  the  Dead  Sea. 


SYNOPSIS    OF    CHAPTER    XII. 
Conquest  of  Eastkkx  Palkstine. 


I-         ( 

I.  Manifold  difficulties  tn  the  tv  ay  of  reaching  Palestitie  from 
The        I  the  South'. 

'^.  Circuitous  Koute  followed  by  the  Israelites. 


Advanck  < 


C  hanaan: 


3.  Accompany 
events 


[Yhe  death  of  Aaron. 

'  *  •<   The  victory  over  Arad. 

4^The  Hrazen  Serpent. 


II. 

C(JNQUEST 
OK   THE 

Kegion     ' 
Kast  of 

THE 

Jordan : 


1.  Political  divisions  (The  Kingdoms  of  Og  and  Sehon). 

2.  Rapid  Con-    [  Kingdoms  north  of  the  Arnon  River 
^      qu/:st  by  the<       conquered. 

/sraelites :      [  Moab  and  Madian  (History  of  Balaam). 


2- Settlement :       \    Under  what  conditions.'* 

[   With  what  subsequent  results? 


~M-    III.    The  Last  Days  of  Moses.— His  Character. 

[•■7] 


/    ' 


CHAPTER   XII. 

CONQUEST    OF    EASTERN    PALESTINE. 

§  /,      The  Advance  to   Chanaan. 

I.  Manifold  Difficulties  in  the  Way  of  Reaching 
Palestine  from  the  South.  In  the  beginning  of  the 
fortieth  year  of  their  wanderings,  the  hosts  of  Israel  were 
encamped  again  at  Cades,  on  the  southern  border  of  Pales- 
tine. At  this  place  Mary,  the  sister  of  Moses,  died ;  here 
also  the  great  Jewish  leader,  when  causing  water  to  flow  from 
the  rock,  distrusted  the  Divine  assistance,  and  because  of  this, 
received  the  sentence  that  he  should  not  bring  the  nation 
into  the  land  of  Chanaan  (Numb,  xx,  1-13).  But,  although 
thus  deprived  of  the  hope  he  had  so  long  cherished,  namely, 
that  of  entering  the  Holy  Land  and  that  of  leading  into  it 
the  chosen  people,'  Moses  did  not  for  a  moment  shrink  from 
doing  all  in  his  power  to  bring  the  Israelites  nearer  and 
nearer  their  inheritance.  He  did  not  think  it  prudent,  how- 
ever, to  attempt  an  invasion  into  Chanaan  from  the  south, 
because  many  formidable  difficulties  forbade  such  an  attempt 
at  this  time.  Directly  north  of  the  Jewish  camp  lay  the  lofty 
mountains  of  Southern  Palestine,  inhabited  by  warlike  tribes 
which  could  no  longer  be  surprised  by  a  sudden  invasion,  as 
was  certainly  possible  when  Israel  reached  the  southern 
border  of  Chanaan  for  the  first  time.  These  various  tribes 
would  have  the  further  advantage  of  defending  defiles,  with 
which  they  were  perfectly  acquainted,  and  of  fighting  on 
their  own  territory,  the  hills  of  which  were  protected  by  strong 
fortresses.     To  have  attempted  either  of  the  narrow  passes 

[118] 


CON()UEST    OF    EASTERN    PALESTINE. 


119 


which  led  into  Southern  Palestine,  besides  the  difficulty  of 
transporting  baggage  and  driving  the  flocks  and  herds,  would 
have  exposed  the  Israelites  to  the  danger  of  being  cut  off  by 
piecemeal,  and,  finally,  the  Philistines,  who  occupied  the 
coast,  might  have  fallen  on  their  rear  (F.  G.  Hibbard,  Pales- 
tine, p.  230,  sq.). 

For  these,  and  other  such  reasons,  Moses  gave  up  all 
project  of  reaching  Palestine  from  the  south,  and  determined 
to  make  a  circuit,  to  pass  round  the  Dead  Sea  and  cross  the 
Jordan  into  the  richest  and  least  defended  part  of  the  Holy 
Land. 

2.  Circuitous  Route  Followed  by  the  Israelites. 
The  Jewish  leader  had  all  the  more  willingly  adopted  this 
method  of  advancing  tovaids  Chanaan,  because  on  their 
way  eastward  the  children  of  Israel  would  have  to  traverse 
the  territories  of  Edom,  Moab  and  Ammon,  who  all  three 
were  connected  by  descent  with  the  chosen  people,  and  who, 
he  had  every  reason  to  hope,  would  show  themselves  friendly 
to  him  and  his  hosts,  since  he  only  wished  to  pass  quietly 
through  their  territory.  But  the  permission  he  had  asked 
to  cross  the  mountainous  tracts  of  Edom  was  refused  with 
a  great  display  of  force,  to  be  used  if  needed  (Numb,  xx, 
14-21). 

Thus  denied  the  most  direct  route  towards  the  country 
east  of  the  Jordan,  the  Israelites  were  forced  to  journey 
southward  down  the  Arabah  towards  the  Gulf  of  Akabah,  or 
eastern  arm  of  the  Red  Sea,  and  then  make  a  long  circuit 
round  the  territory  of  Edom;  the  whole  extra  journey  thus 
imposed  on  them  was  probably  not  less  than  one  hundred 
and  fifty  miles.  On  their  way  they  reached  Mount  Hor,  where 
they  delayed  thirty  days,  and  after  encamping  at  the  eastern 
end  of  the  Red  Sea,  rounded  the  southern  possessions  of  the 
Edomites.  Thence  they  marched  northwards,  skirting  the 
eastern  frontier  first  of  Edom  and  next  of  Moab,  and,  finally, 


I20  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

encamped  over  against  the  Arnon  River,  which  then,  as  ever, 
marked  the  southern  limit  of  Eastern  Palestine. 

3.  Accompanying  Events.  Of  the  many  events  which 
must  have  accompanied  this  long  circuitous  advance  of  the 
Hebrews  towards  Chanaan,  only  three,  because  of  their  es- 
pecial importance  in  Jewish  history,  are  recorded  in  the  book 
of  Numbers  (chaps,  xx,  xxi).  The  first  was  the  death  of 
Aaron,  the  first  Jewish  high  priest,  at  the  age  of  one  hundred 
and  twenty-three  years.  He  was  buried  on  Mount  Hor,  a 
mountain  which  tradition  identifies  with  the  Jebel  Nebi 
Harun  (the  mountain  of  the  Prophet  Aaron),  which  rises 
to  the  height  of  4,350  feet  above  the  level  of  the  Mediterra- 
nean, and  on  the  top  of  which  Aaron's  place  of  burial  is  still 
pointed  out  by  the  natives.  As,  however,  the  traditional 
Jebel  Harun  is  on  the  east  side  of  Edom,  it  can  hardly  be  the 
place  where  Aaron  died  and  was  buried,  since  Holy  Writ 
clearly  implies  that  the  Israelites  were  still  on  the  western 
border  of  the  possessions  of  the  Edomites,  when  this  melan- 
choly event  occurred.  It  is,  therefore,  much  more  probable 
that  the  modern  Jebel  Madurah,  on  the  western  side  of 
the  Arabah,  and  at  a  comparatively  short  distance  of  Cades, 
is  the  actual  Mount  Hor,  the  more  so  because  the  actual 
place  of  Aaron's  death  and  burial  is  called  Mosera  in  Deu- 
teronomy (x,  6).  Upon  the  death  of  Aaron,  his  son  Eleazar 
was  solemnly  invested  with  the  insignia  of  the  high  priest- 
hood, and  regularly  inducted  into  that  most  important  office 
in  Israel. 

The  second  incident  noted  in  the  sacred  narrative  is  the 
brilliant  victory  which  the  Israelites  won  over  Arad,  a  Cha- 
naanite  king,  who  had  attacked  them  on  the  borders  of  Edom. 
The  importance  of  this  event  should  be  measured  far  less  by 
the  greatness  of  its  actual  consequences,  than  by  the  consid- 
erable change  it  denotes  in  the  temper  of  Israel  after  the 
forty  years'  wandering.     Differently  from  their  conduct  thirty. 


CONQUEST   OF    EASTERN    PALESTINE.  12  i 

eight  years  before,  the  Hebrews  are  now  careful  to  call  upon 
Jehovah  before  going  to  battle,  and  their  actual  success 
against  Arad  does  not  betray  them  either  into  a  further  ad- 
vance into  Chanaan,  or  into  a  conflict  with  Edom,  when  this 
nation  so  rudely  refused  them  passage  through  its  own  terri- 
tory, because  they  wished  faithfully  to  comply  with  the  Divine 
will,  that  they  should  pass  by  the  borders  of  the  Edomites 
without  fighting  against  them  (Deuter.  ii,  4,  sq.). 

This  does  not  mean,  however,  that  the  children  of  Israel 
had  fully  profited  by  their  training  in  "  The  Wilderness  of  the 
Wanderings,"  for  as  we  learn  from  the  third  event,  which  is 
recorded  as  accompanying  their  advance  to  Chanaan,  their 
inveterate  murmuring  frame  of  mind  awaited  only  peculiarly 
trying  circumstances  to  show  itself  again.  But  their  mur- 
murs were  severely  punished;  venomous  serpents  —  which 
still  abound,  as  travellers  tell  us,  in  the  very  neighborhood 
of  the  encampment  of  the  Israelites  —  "  bit  them  and  killed 
many  of  them  "  (cfr.  Geikie,  Hours  with  the  Bible,  vol.  ii,  p. 
396).  As  a  remedy,  Moses  caused  a  serpent  of  brass  to  be 
made,  "  which  when  they  that  were  bitten  looked  upon,  they 
were  healed."  This  brazen  serpent,  which  became  later  an 
idolatrous  object  in  Israel  (IV  Kings,  xviii,  4),  was  the  mys- 
teuiors  symbol  of  "  the  Son  of  Man  lifted  up  like  the  serpent 
in  the  desert,  that  whosoever  believeth  in  Him  may  not 
perish,  but  may  have  life  everlasting"  (John  iii,  14,  15). 

^  J.      Conquest  of  the  Region  East  of  the  fordan. 

I.  Political  Divisions  of  Eastern  Palestine.  At 
the  time  of  Israel's  encampment  on  the  Arnon,  the  territory 
betv\'een  this  river  and  Mount  Hermon  was  politically  divided 
into  two  powerful  kingdoms,  whose  common  boundary  was 
the  Jaboc  River.  The  kingdom  to  the  north  of  that  river 
extended  northward  to  the  foot  of  Mount  Hermon,  and  was 
known  as  the  Kingdom  of  Basan.     This  country,  so  famous 


122  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

by  its  pastures,  cattle  and  forests,  was  then  crowded  with 
cities  and  villages,  and  their  ruins  are  not  improbably  those 
which,  in  the  present  day,  attest  to  recent  travellers  present 
distress  and  former  grandeur.  The  ruler  over  this  vast  and 
prosperous  country  was  an  Amorrhite  king  named  Og,  a 
man  of  gigantic  stature,  and  whose  huge  iron  bedstead  was 
long  preserved  as  a  curiosity  (Deuter.  iii,  i-i  i).  The  second 
kingdom  east  of  the  Jordan  included  that  territory  between 
the  Jaboc  and  the  Arnon  rivers,  which  an  Amorrhite  colony, 
come  from  across  the  Jordan,  had  recently  wrested  from  the 
Moabites  (Numb,  xxi,  26,  29).  Its  ruler  was  King  Sehon, 
and  its  capital  the  Fortress  of  Hesebon,  whose  ruins  still 
exist  about  fifteen  miles  east  of  the  northern  end  of  the  Dead 
Sea.  •  (For  details  concerning  recent  discoveries  east  of  the 
Jordan,  see  Selah  Merrill  ;  Herr  Schumacher,  etc.) 

The  other  political  divisions  east  of  the  Jordan  consisted 
of  the  distinct  territories  of  Moab,  Madian  and  Ammon,  but 
as  the  Israelites  were  forbidden  to  conquer  them,  they  lay 
beyond  the  territory  promised  to  the  chosen  people,  and 
consequently  require  here  but  a  passing  mention.  The 
possessions  of  the  Ammonites  at  this  time  lay  to  the  east  of 
the  Kingdom  of  Sehon,  being  limited  to  the  west  by  a  branch 
of  the  river  Jaboc,  on  which  indeed  their  capital,  Rabbath, 
or  Rabbath  Ammon,  stood,  whilst  the  territory  of  the  Madian- 
ites  extended  far  to  the  east  and  south  of  the  Moabites. 

2.  Rapid  Conquest  by  the  Israelites.  Whilst  still 
camping  outside  the  territory  of  King  Sehon,  the  Israelites 
sent  him  a  message,  asking  a  peaceful  passage  through  his 
territory,  and  promising  the  same  regard  for  his  possessions, 
which  they  had  already  promised  to  the  Edomites.  Sehon 
not  only  refused,  but  assembling  his  army,  went  forth  to 
give  battle  against  Israel.  The  battle  v\ras  fought  at  Jasa 
(Jahaz,  in  the  Hebrew  Text),  probably  "  in  the  southeast 
corner  of  Sehon's  territory"   (G.  A.  Smith,  p.  559).     The 


CONQUEST   OF    EASTERN    PALESTINE.  1 23 

result  was  the  total  defeat  of  the  Amorrhite  king,  and  as  a 
further  consequence  the  capture  of  his  capital  and  his  walled 
towns,  of  his  numerous  flocks  and  herds,  and  even  the  pos- 
session of  the  entire  country  between  the  Arnon  and  the 
Jaboc  rivers  (Numb,  xxi,  27-30). 

Crossing  the  Jaboc,  the  Israelites  pursued  their  victorious 
course  into  the  Kingdom  of  Og.  This  prince  having  gath- 
ered his  forces,  resolved  to  encounter  his  enemies  in  Edrei 
(the  modern  Edhra),  one  of  the  most  formidable  strongholds 
of  his  dominion.  Like  the  King  of  Hesebon,  the  King  of  Basan 
was  utterly  routed  by  Israel,  and  the  result  of  this  new  victory 
of  the  Hebrews,  was  such  a  subjugation  of  the  northern 
Amorrhite  kingdom  as  to  allow  them  to  prepare  freely  for 
an  invasion  into  Western  Palestine  *  (Numb,  xxi,  32-35  ;  xxxii, 
39,  41,  42  ;  Deuter.  iii,  i,  sq.).  For  this  purpose,  they  pitched 
their  tents  "  in  the  plains  of  Moab,  over  against  Jericho," 
that  is  in  that  part  of  Moabite  territory  which  the  Amorites 
had  formerly  wrested  from  Moab,  and  which  Israel  had  re- 
cently conquered  (Numb,  xxii,  i).  But  whilst  they  were  pre- 
paring to  cross  the  Jordan  at  the  fords  nearly  opposite  Jeri- 
cho, new  and  unexpected  enemies  arose  on  their  rear. 

These  enemies  were  no  other  than  Moab  and  Madian, 
tribes  kindred  indeed  to  Israel,  but  which  now  regretting 
that  they  allowed  the  Hebrews  to  pass  unmolested  on  their 
borders,  and  fearing  for  their  own  independence  so  near  a 
nation  which  had  already  conquered  the  mighty  kings  of  the 
north,  entered  into  an  alliance  against  the  Israelites.  Their 
combined  forces  encamped  on  the  heights  of  Abarim  from 
which  Israel's  camp  could  be  seen.  Meantime  Balac,  the 
present  King  of  Moab  and  a  worshipper  of  Baal,  wished  to 
place  his  enemies  under  a  divine  curse,  before  attacking 
them.     With  this  end  in  view,  he  sent  elders  both  of  Moab 

*  For  a  careful  discussion  of  the  difficulties  concerning  the  historical  character  of  the 
wars  against  Sehon  and  Og,  see  G.  A.  Smith,  Historical  Geography  of  the  Holy  Land, 
pp.  560,  sq.,  and  also  Appendix  iii  ;  see  also  R.  Kittel,  A  History  of  the  Hebrews,  voL 
i,  p.  228,  sq.  (English  translation). 


124  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

and  Madian  "wiih  the  price  of  divination  in  their  hands"  to 
Balaam,  the  most  famous  soothsayer  of  the  time.  This  strange 
personage,  whose  real  character  has  ever  been  a  matter  of  dis- 
cussion, and  who,  although  living  in  Mesopotamia,  had  some 
knowledge  of  the  one  true  God,  refused  at  first  to  come  and 
utter  the  curse  required  of  him.  Upon  the  reception  of  a 
second  and  more  select  embassy  and  of  more  brilliant  prom- 
ises, he,  however,  agreed  to  repair  to  Moab,  with  the  express 
understanding  that  he  should  utter  only  what  God  would 
inspire  him  wuth.  The  episode  of  his  ass's  speaking  to  him, 
when  on  his  way  to  Moab,  is  too  well  known  to  be  detailed 
here  ;  suffice  it  to  say  that  the  episode  is  clearly  referred  to  as 
a  historical  event,  in  the  Second  Epistle  of  St.  Peter  (chap,  li, 
16).  After  his  arrival  in  Moabite  territory,  the  famous  sooth- 
sayer strove  indeed  by  every  means  in  his  power  to  secure 
from  Jehovah  oracles  against  the  chosen  people,  but,  as  it 
were,  in  spite  of  himself,  he  uttered  a  fourfold  blessing  upon 
Israel.  (For  the  exact  meaning  and  Messianic  bearing  of 
Balaam's  prophetic  utterances,  see  Vigouroux,  Manuel 
Biblique,  tome  i;  Meignan,  Propheties  Messianiques ; 
Trochon,  Manuel  d'Introduction  h  I'Ecriture  Sainte,  tome 
ii,  p.  182,  sq.) 

After  thus  frustrating  all  the  hopes  of  the  King  of  Moab, 
Balaam  withdrew  without  the  promised  honors  and  rewards, 
but  not  without  giving  to  the  enemies  of  the  Israelites  a 
counsel  which  proved  most  hurtful  to  the  chosen  people. 
Following  his  advice,  the  allied  nations  succeeded  in  seduc- 
ing Israel  to  their  impure  and  idolatrous  riles,  in  punishment 
of  which  a  plague  broke  out  among  the  Hebrews  and  carried 
off  upwards  of  24.000  of  them.  Justice  prompt  and  severe 
was  meted  out  to  the  guilty.  Israelites,  by  Moses  and  the 
princes  of  the  tribes,  and  especially  by  Phinees,  the  son  of 
Eleazar,  whose  zeal  was  rewarded  by  the  cessation  of  the 
pestilence  and  the  promise  of  a  perpetual  priesthood  in  his 
family  (Numb,  xxii-xxv,  15;  xxxi,  16). 


CONQUEST    OF    EASTERN    PALESTINE.  125 

And  now  a  terrible  vengeance  was  wreaked  on  the  crafty 
Madianites;  pursued  into  their  own  territory  by  24,000  Isra- 
elites under  the  command  of  Phinees,  they  were  utterly 
routed,  their  chiefs  and  all  the  male  population  were  put  to 
death ;  their  cities  were  burned  ;  their  women  and  children 
taken  captive  ;  Balaam  himself  perished  by  the  sword  ;  and 
an  immense  booty  divided  between  the  combatants,  the  rest 
of  the  people  and  the  sacred  treasury  in  charge  of  the  priests 
and  Levites  (Numb,  xxv,  16-18  ,  xxxi).  In  seducing  the  Israel- 
ites to  idolatry,  the  Madianites  had,  in  fact,  instigated  the 
people  of  God  to  rebellion  against  their  lawful  sovereign,  and 
this  is  why  they  were  so  severely  punished  ;  that  Moab  was 
spared  a  like  punishment,  is  probably  due  to  the  fact  that 
Jehovah  had  already  forbidden  Israel  to  war  against  that 
nation,  a  prohibition  not  to  be  set  aside  so  soon  after  it 
had  been  enjoined. 

4.  Settlement  in  Eastern  Palestine.  After  these 
events,  it  was  plain  that  no  one  could  prevent  the  Israelites 
from  settling  quietly  in  the  conquered  kingdoms  of  Sehon 
and  Og,  if  only  Jehovah  would  permit  them  to  do  so. 
Accordingly,  the  pastoral  tribes  of  Ruben  and  Gad  —  and 
afterwards  the  half-tribe  of  Manasses — asked  of  Moses,- 
Eleazar  and  the  elders  that  they  might  have  for  their  pos- 
session the  conquered  land  east  of  the  Jordan,  whose  upland 
pastures  were  so  desirable  for  their  numerous  flocks  and  cat- 
tle. To  this  petition  Moses  first  strongly  objected  ;  but,  on 
their  promise  of  helping  effectually  their  brethren  in  con- 
quering Western  Palestine,  whilst  their  own  families  and 
docks  would  settle  east  of  the  Jordan,  the  Jewish  leader 
acceded  to  their  request  (Numb,  xxxii ;  Deuter.  iii,  18-20). 

As  might  naturally  be  expected,  the  tribes  of  Israel  which 
were  allowed  to  occupy  Eastern  Palestine  were  destined  to  be 
greatly  injured  socially  and  religiously,  because  of  their 
immediate  contact  with  the  pagan  and  wandering  tribes  of 


126  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

the  great  desert,  and  because  of  their  separation  from  their 
brethren  on  the  west  of  the  Jordan.  We  see,  for  instance, 
that  the  children  of  the  half-tribe  of  Manasses  gave  them- 
selves up  to  idolatry,  and  that,  together  with  Ruben  and  Gad, 
they  were  the  first  tribes  transported  into  captivity  (I  Paralip. 
V,  23-26)  ;  but  yet,  for  long  centuries  after  their  settlement, 
the  Israelites  who  dwelt  in  the  land  of  Galaad  played  an 
important  part  in  the  history  of  the  Jewish  nation  (cfr.  G.  A. 
Smith,  Historical  Geography  of  the  Holy  Land,  p.  578,  sq.). 

§j.      TJie  Last  Days  of  Moses.     His  Character. 

I.  The  Last  Days  of  Moses.  Whilst  Israel  encamped 
opposite  Jericho,  and  as  the  time  approached  when  the  chosen 
people  were  to  cross  the  Jordan  to  lake  possession  of  the  land 
promised  to  the  patriarchs  of  old,  Moses  was  directed  by  God 
to  ascend  the  Abarim  mounts  and  to  view  from  thence  the 
Holy  Land,  into  which  he  was  never  to  penetrate.  This 
direction,  he  understood,  was  the  signal  of  his  approaching 
death,  and  he  accordingly  prayed  to  God  for  a  successor  in 
his  arduous  office  of  leader  of  Israel.  Josue  was  designated 
by  Jehovah,  and  then  presented  by  Moses  himself  to  the 
whole  nation  as  the  one  they  should  henceforth  obey  (Numb, 
xxvii,  12-23  5  Deuter.  xxxi,  7,  8). 

Another  care  of  the  Jewish  lawgiver,  conscious  that  his 
end  was  approaching,  was  to  bid  Israel  by  every  means  in 
his  power  to  remain  forever  faithful  to  the  worship  of  the 
one  true  God,  and  to  observe  all  the  ordinances  of  the  law 
they  had  received  through  him,  in  order  that  they  might 
enjoy  the  Divine  blessings  promised  to  faithfulness  and 
avoid  the  terrible  punishments  wherewith  disobedience  was 
sure  to  be  visited.  This  Moses  did  in  three  long  discourses 
which  are  recorded  in  the  first  thirty  chapters  of  Deuter- 
onomy. In  his  first  discourse  he  reminded  the  Israelites  of 
God's  past  mercies  to  them  since  their  departure  from  Sinai, 


CONQUEST    OK    EASTERN    PALESTINE.  127 

and  drew  from  this  historical  retrospect  the  practical  conclu- 
sion that  they  should  not  forget  their  obligations  to  Jehovah, 
nor  the  great  truths  of  His  spirituality  and  perfect  unity  which 
they  had  been  taught  in  Sinai.  In  his  second  address,  Moses 
exposed  the  general  Divine  law  which  made  of  Israel  a  theo- 
cratic nation,  together  with  a  code  of  special  laws  which  it 
was  his  particular  object  to  expound  and  encourage  Israel  to 
obey;  then  he  emphatically  set  forth  the  blessings  and  curses 
which  Israel  should  expect  according  as  it  observed  or  vio- 
lated these  same  Divine  laws.  The  third  discourse  insists 
again  upon  the  fundamental  duty  of  loyalty  to  Jehovah  and 
embraces  (i)  an  appeal  to  Israel  to  accept  the  terms  of  the 
Divine  Covenant  together  with  a  renewed  warning  of  the  dis- 
astrous consequences  of  a  fall  into  idolatry  ;  (2)  a  promise 
of  restoration,  even  after  the  abandonment  with  which  the 
nation  had  been  threatened  in  the  preceding  discourse,  pro- 
vided Israel  should  sincerely  repent;  (3)  the  choice  now  set 
before  the  people  between  life  and  good  on  the  one  hand, 
and  death  and  evil  on  the  other  (Driver,  Deuteronomy, 
Introd.,  §  i). 

After  these  pathetic  exhortations  the  great  lawgiver  deliv- 
ered the  Book  of  the  Law  into  the  hands  of  the  priests  and 
elders  of  Israel,  and  next  gave  vent  to  his  feelings  in  '*  an  ode 
worthy  of  him  who  composed  the  hymn  of  triumph  by  the 
Red  Sea"  (Milman).  Then  having  received  the  final  sum- 
mons for  his  departure,  Moses  pronounced  a  last  prophetical 
blessing  —  similar  in  several  ways  to  Jacob's  parting  bless- 
ing —  after  which  he  ascended  Mount  Nebo,  from  the  sum- 
mit of  which  his  undimmed  sight  contemplated  for  the  last 
time  the  vast  territory  so  long  promised  by  Jehovah  as  Israel's 
inheritance.  There  also  he  breathed  his  last,  at  the  age  of 
one  hundred  and  twenty  ;  but  the  place  of  his  burial  ever 
remained  unknown,  lest  perhaps  the  Hebrews  should  be 
tempted  to  surround  with  Divine  honors  the  sepulchre  of 
their  great  liberator  and  lawgiver  (Deuter.  xxxi-xxxiv). 


128  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

2.  Character  of  Moses.  It  is  no  easy  task  briefly  to 
point  out  even  the  salient  features  of  the  character  of  a  man 
who,  like  Moses,  appears  in  history  in  so  many  different 
capacities.  Moses  is  at  once  the  liberator,  the  lawgiver, 
the  leader,  the  prophet,  the  historian  of  the  Jewish  nation, 
but  above  all  he  is  the  great  "  servant  of  Jehovah  "  (Deuter. 
xxxiv,  5  ;  Numb,  xii,  7  ;  Exod.  xiv,  31  ;  etc.),  for  it  was  his 
unshaken  fidelity  to  God  which  gave  to  his  long  and  event- 
ful life  unity  of  purpose  and  firmness   of  action  (cfr.  Heb. 

iii»  5)- 

Because  he  is  the  obedient  servant  of  God  he  undertakes 
the  liberation  of  Israel,  a  work  which  he  justly  deemed  so 
far  above  his  natural  abilities,  and  deals  with  Pharao  pre- 
cisely as  bidden  by  Jehovah.  As  a  faithful  servant  set  over 
the  house  of  his  Divine  Master,  he  is  ever  attentive  to  look 
up  to  Him  for  guidance  and  carries  out  constantly  His  least 
directions.  As  his  sole  object  in  life  is  to  fulfil  the  great 
work  intrusted  to  him  —  to  train  Israel  to  the  pure  belief  in 
and  faithful  worship  of  the  one  true  God, — he  never 
courts  popular  favor,  but  represses  every  violation  of  the 
theocratic  constitution  with  all  promptness  and  energy,  "  and 
his  leadership  of  the  people  is  little  less, than  a  constant  plead- 
ing to  them  of  Jehovah's  claims,  of  Jehovah's  will  to  bless, 
and  of  Jehovah's  power  to  punish  "  (Rawlinson,  Moses,  p. 
201).  It  is  God's  honor  and  glory  that  he  has  in  view  when 
he  subdues  his  own  quick  temper  so  as  to  become  the  meek- 
est of  men,  and  when  he  loves  the  chosen  people  with  such 
a  fatherly  affection  as  to  offer  himself  a  willing  victim  for 
their  sins,  and  to  intercede  with  God  in  their  behalf  when 
his  own  authority  and  devotion  have  been  set  at  naught  by 
Israel.  He  is  not  jealous  of  the  prophetical  gifts  Jehovah 
may  bestow  upon  others,  and  when  the  time  has  come  he 
willingly  passes  over  his  sons,  and  assigns  to  a  stranger  his 
succession  in  the  leadership  of  the  Jewish  nation. 

In  these,  and  other  such  respects,  Moses  was  the  beautiful 


CONQUEST    OF    EASTERN    PALESTINE.  1 29 

type  of  "a  future  prophet  like  unto  him'"  (Deuter.  xviii,  15, 
18),  of  one  who  was  to  be  the  most  faithful  and  meekest  Ser- 
vant of  God,  the  Redeemer  of  the  chosen  people  to  whom  He 
would  give  a  higher  law,  train  them  during  their  journey 
through  the  wilderness  of  the  present  life  for  their  future 
inheritance,  and  intrust  the  care  of  the  Church  He  had 
founded  to  a  visible  shepherd. 

As  to  the  historical  existence  of  Moses  and  his  work,  see 
KiTTEL,  History  of  the  Hebrews,  vol  i,  p.  238,  sq.,  of  English 
translation. 


SYNOPSIS    OF    CHAPTER    XIII. 
Conquest  of  Western  Palestine. 


J 


The 
Inhabi- 
tants OF 
Western 
Pales- 
tine : 


1.  Names  and  Origin. 

2.  Position  in  the  Land  (probable  extent  of  each  tribe). 


r 


Civilization 


4.  Religion : 

A- 


Arts   of   peace  and  war.  —  Social /and 
moral  life. 

p-'The  worship  of  natural  phenonaena 
personified. 

-^"^hy  so  great  a  danger  for  the  Israel- 
ites ? 
f€*rincipal  cause  of  order  to  exterminate. 


II. 
The  Con- 
quest OF 

the 
West  of 

the 
Jordan: 


Invasion  of        \ 

Western  Pal-    \    Crossing  of  the  Jordan. 


esttne  : 


2,  Successive 

Conquest  of 
the 


V 


III. 

The 
Settle- 
ment : 


■  I .  The  Assign- 
ment of 
-t      Land: 


(  f  Jericho  and  Hai  taken  and 

A   Centre  J      destroyed. 

A.  centre  .^  g^^^^^  ^^  Sichem  (Mounts 

[      Ebal  and  Garizim). 

f  The   Gabaonites   deceive 
Josue  :  their  punish- 
ment. 

B.  South  :  {  Victory  over  five  confeder- 
ate kings:  (the  sun  and 
moon  stand  still). 

.  Various  cities  taken. 

Gathering  of  the  other 
Chanaanaean  kings. 

Their  defeat  at  Merom; 
rapid  conquest  of  their 
territories. 


Territories  allotted  to  the  twelve  tribes. 


■    2.  Particular         f  Caleb  and  Josue. 

grants  made  \  x 

to  J^      [  ^^^^  Levites  (cities  of  Refuge). 

^3.  The  last  days  of  Josue.     '^  -^-u-*     ^M.t,^r<^^'^    (*-^  -'^^M^ 

-^  ^  u.:   . 

[130] 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

CONQUEST    OF    WESTERN    PALESTINE. 

§  /.      TJie  InJiabiiants  of  Western  Palestine. 

I.  Names  and  Origin.  The  aboriginal  inhabitants  of 
Western  Palestine  had  long  disappeared  from  that  country 
when  the  Israelites  invaded  the  Promised  Land.  They  had 
given  place  to  settlers,  who,  dwelling  between  the  Jordan  and 
the  Great  Sea,  that  is  in  a  low  country  as  compared  with  the 
high  table-land  beyond  Jordan,  were  actually  designated 
under  the  generic  name  of  Chanaanites  or  Lowlanders 
(Exod.  xiii,  1 1  ;  Numb,  xxi,  3).  But  besides  this  general  name, 
the  inhabitants  of  Western  Palestine  receive  in  various  pas- 
sages of  Holy  Writ  referring  to  this  period  distinct  names, 
which  apparently  correspond  to  the  distinct  tribes  into  which 
they  were  divided  (cfr.  Exod.  xiii,  5  ;  xxiii,  23  ;  Deuter.  vii,  i, 
etc.).  Thus  we  read  of  the  Hethites,  the  Hevites,  the  Amor- 
rhites,  the  Jebusites,  the  Pherezites,  the  Gergezites,  and  the 
Chanaanites;  whence  it  seems  that  this  last  name,  besides 
being  used  in  a  wider  sense  to  designate  all  the  inhabitants 
of  the  country,  was  also  applied,  in  a  more  limited  sense,  to 
a  particular  tribe  west  of  the  Jordan  before  the  conquest. 

Scholars  agree  generally  that  these  distinct  tribes  were  de- 
scendants of  Cham,  through  Chanaan,  as  is  apparently  stated 
in  Gen.  x,  15-20  (cfr.  also  Gen.  ix,  18,  sq.  and  article 
Chanaan,  in  Vigouroux,  Dictionnaire  de  la  Bible).  Some, 
however,  have  affirmed  that  they  must  have  belonged  to  the 
Semitic  stock,  on  the  two  following  grounds  :  (i)  they  spoke 
a  language  very  closely  related  to,  if  not  identical  with,  He- 
brew, since  in  all  their  intercourse  with  the  Israelites  there 

[131] 


132  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

is  no  sign  of  the  necessity  of  an  interpreter  (cfr.  also  Isai. 
xix,  18) ;  (2)  their  chiefs,  when  overcome  by  Israel,  found  so 
easy  a  refuge  among  the  Philistines,  themselves  a  branch  of 
the  Semitic  race,  as  to  imply  their  common  origin.  It  is 
easy  to  realize  that  these  arguments  are  not  necessarily  con- 
clusive against  the  Chamitic  origin  of  the  Chanaanites,  who 
could  acquire  a  knowledge  of  the  Semitic  language  through 
their  intermingling  with  the  Semitic  aborigines  they  had  con- 
quered, and  who,  in  their  own  misfortune  when  defeated  by 
Israel,  could  the  more  easily  obtain  a  refuge  among  a  nation 
of  a  different  race,  such  as  the  Philistines,  because  Philistines 
and  Chanaanites  had  lived  long  in  amity  and  side  by  side  in 
Western  Palestine.  Furthermore,  the  Chamitic  origin  of  the 
Chanaanites  seems  well  established  by  ancient  traditions 
which  affirm  that  they  had  migrated  from  the  Chamitic  set- 
tlements in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Persian  Gulf  (cfr.  Herod- 
otus, History,  book  i,  chap,  i,  §  i),  and  more  particularly 
by  the  recently  discovered  "inscriptions  which  represent  the 
Hethites  as  the  dominant  Scythic  (and  consequently  Cham- 
itic) race  which  gave  way  slowly  before  the  Aramean  Jews 
and  the  Phenician  immigrants  "  (Fausset,  Biblical  Cyclo- 
paedia, art.  Chanaan). 

2.  Position  in  the  Land.  As  might  naturally  be  ex- 
pected, the  seven  Chanaanaean  tribes  mentioned  above  fol- 
lowed, to  a  large  extent,  the  physical  divisions  of  Western 
Palestine.  A  tribe  or  group  of  tribes  dwelling  in  the  low- 
lands of  the  country  naturally  received  the  name  of  Chanaan- 
ites, whilst  the  tribes  occupying  the  highland  districts  were 
called  Amorrhites,  that  is  highlanders  (cfr.  Numb,  xiii,  30). 

Outside  this  general  correspondence  of  the  tribal  divisions 
with  the  physical  divisions  of  the  land,  little  can  be  said  with 
certainty  about  the  exact  position  of  the  tribes  of  Chanaan 
at  the  time  of  the  conquest  of  Western  Palestine  by  Israel. 
One  of  the  most  important  among  those  tribes  were  the  Amor- 


CONQUEST    OF    WESTERN    PALESTINE.  133 

rhites,  called  Amaru  on  Egyptian  monuments,  and  who, 
at  this  time,  possessed  probably  all  the  mountain  region  on 
the  southeast  of  Chanaan.  They  were  a  warlike  tribe  which 
some  time  before  had  made  the  conquest  of  the  east  of  the 
Jordan,  and  which,  a  little  later,  were  "  to  straiten  the  chil- 
dren of  Dan  in  the  mountain  "  (Judges,  i,  34,  35).  In  the 
plains  of  Western  Palestine,  that  is,  in  the  valley  of  the  Jor- 
dan, in  a  large  portion  of  the  plain  of  Esdraelon  and  also  in 
the  sea-coast,  were  the  Chanaanites,  whose  name  remains 
yet  connected  with  one  place  to  the  southwest  of  Hebron 
(cfr.  Numb,  xiii,  30,  and  Josue  xi,  3).  Ofteti  named  along 
with,  yet  as  distinct  from,  the  Chanaanites,  are  the  Pherez- 
ites,  who  lived  also  in  the  plains,  probably  in  the  high  plains 
under  the  range  of  Carmel  (Josue  xvii,  15,  sq.).  The  Hev- 
ites  formed  apparently  a  confederacy  of  towns  in  the  vicin- 
ity of  Gabaon  (Josue  ix),  and  occupied  the  country  under 
Mount  Hermon  (Josue  xi,  3;  Judges  iii,  3).  The  Jebusites 
are  best  known  in  connection  with  the  mountain  fortress  of 
Jebus,  whilst  of  the  Gergesites  so  little  is  known  that  some 
have  assigned  them  a  position  in  the  west  of  Phenicia,  and 
others,  to  the.  east  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee.  The  last  tribe  of 
which  we  have  to  speak  here  is  that  of  the  Hethites,  upon 
whom  much  light  has  been  thrown  by  recent  discoveries.  In 
the  most  remote  antiquity,  they  formed  an  immense  empire 
whose  chief  towns  were  Cades  on  the  Orontes  and  Charcamis 
on  the  Euphrates  (Josue  i,  4),  and  which  for  long  centuries 
proved  a  most  powerful  rival  of  both  Egypt  and  Assyria.  It 
is  not  unlikely  that  the  Hethites  to  whom  Holy  Writ  refers 
were  but  a  portion  of  this  mighty  people,  which,  after  long 
conflicts  with  Egypt,  had  remained  in  Chanaan  (cfr.  Savce, 
Races  of  the  Old  Testament,  chap.  vii). 

3.  Civilization.  We  have  only  scanty  data  respecting 
the  civilization  of  Chanaan  at  this  time,  but  they  all  point  in 
the  same  direction,  that  of  a  high  development  of  material 


134  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

prosperity.  The  tribes  on  the  sea-coast  were  devoted  to 
commerce,  and  became  so  well  known  in  that  line  that  in 
later  days  the  name  of  "  Chanaanites  "  was  regarded  as  sy 
nonymous  of  "  merchant."  The  report  made  by  the  twelve 
spies  sent  by  Moses  during  Israel's  first  encampment  at 
Cades  (Numb,  xiii,  18-34),  together  with  the  abundant  crops 
which  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Hebrews  at  the  time  of  the 
conquest  (Josue  xxiv,  13),  gives  us  an  insight  into  the  fertil- 
ity and  culture  of  the  soil  at  that  time.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  fact  that  one  of  their  cities  was  called  Cariath-Sepher, 
that  is  "the  city  of  books"  (Judges  i,  11),  joined  to  the 
numerous  hieroglyphic  inscriptions  of  the  Hethites  which 
have  been  recently  discovered,  proves  that  reading  and  writ- 
ing were  in  use  among  them.  They  appear  also  as  a  warlike 
people  dwelling  in  cities  with  walls  and  gates  (Josue  x,  20; 
etc.) ;  they  had  fortresses  upon  the  heights  and  their  numer- 
ous iron  chariots  were  irresistible  (Josue  xi,  4;  xvii,  16; 
Judges  i,  19  ;  iv,  3).  This  view  of  their  high  civilization  and 
prosperity  is  confirmed  i^i  a  striking  manner  by  the  varied 
and  lavished  booty  which  the  Egyptians  took  from  the  Heth- 
ites and  represented  on  their  own  monuments,  and  by  the 
triple  list  of  the  118  towns  of  Chanaan  lately  found  in  an 
Egyptian  temple  at  Karnak  (cfr.  Geikie,  Hours  with  the 
Bible  ii,  p.  53,  sq.). 

Over  the  various  Chanaanaean  clans  or  tribes  reigned  many 
"kings,"  or  sheiks,  as  we  would  say  (Judges  i,  7),  and  whose 
authority  was  probably  limited  by  that  of  elders  (Josue  ix, 
11).  But  whilst  their  material  prosperity  was  so  great  and 
their  social  life  apparently  well  organized,  their  moral  condi- 
tion had  reached  a  frightful  degree  of  corruption  because  im- 
morality of  every  description  was  encouraged,  fostered  and 
even  imposed  by  their  idolatrous  worship. 


/ 


4.     Religion.     It  was,  in  fact,  the  infamous  worship  of 
Baal  and  Astarthe,  in  which  the  Israelites  had  already  so 


CONQUEST    OF    WESTERN    PALESTINE.  1 35 

lamentably  shared  when  on  the  confines  of  Moab,  that  the 
chosen  people  were  destined  soon  to  witness  in  its  lowest  and 
worst  forms  on  the  west  of  the  Jordan.  In  the  eyes  of  the 
Chanaanites,  Baal  and  Astarthe  were  the  two  divine  personi- 
fications of  the  quickening  and  producing  power  of  nature. 
The  former  represented  this  power  in  its  active  form,  and 
was,  therefore,  considered  as  a  male  god,  probably  identical 
with  the  sun-god  ;  the  latter  represented  this  same  power  in 
its  passive  character,  and  was  accordingly  considered  as  the 
necessary  female  counterpart  of  Baal.  Both  were  deemed 
equally  worthy  of  divine  honors,  and  whilst  Baal  was  wor- 
shipped on  the  mountain  tops,  Astarthe  was  adored  in  the 
sacred  grove  not  far  off.  But,  of  course,  as  the  worship  of 
the  mighty  power  of  nature  considered  simply  as  the  origin 
of  the  beneficent,  or,  on  the  contrary,  of  the  crushing  and 
painful  phenomena  of  the  world,  did  not  recognize  or  impose 
morality,  it  had  rapidly  degenerated,  and  at  the  time  of  the 
conquest  by  Israel,  it  a'.lowed,  or  even  required,  such  cruel 
and  licentious  rites  as  sacred  prostitution,  self-mutilation, 
human  sacrifices,  and  particularly  the  offering  of  children  as 
the  most  precious  and  propitiatory  sacrifices.  (For  details 
about  the  Chanaanix'an  religion,  see  Vigouroux,  Bible  et 
De'couvertes  Modernes,  tome  iii.) 

This  was  indeed  a  most  revolting  worship ;  and  yet,  strange 
to  say,  it  proved,  almost  immediately  after  the  conquest  of 
Chanaan,  a  very  great  danger  for  the  Israelites,  despite  the 
clear  and  awful  denunciations  of  their  law  against  all  idolatry. 
They  had  the  greatest  difficulty  in  remaining  faithful  to  the 
exclusive  worship  of  the  invisible  Jehovah,  surrounded,  as 
they  were,  on  all  sides  by  nations  —  even  by  peoples  of  their 
own  stock,  such  as  the  Moabites  and  Edomites — which 
were  addicted  to  the  magnificent  worship  of  Baal,  the  more 
so,  because  it  was  the  common  persuasion  of  the  nations  of 
antiquity  that  whilst  invaders  should,  of  course,  retain  their 
own  ancestral  worship,  they  should  also  conciliate  the  favor 


136  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

of  the  gods  of  the  country  they  had  conquered.  It  is  cer- 
tain also  that  the  sensual  rites  of  the  worship  of  Baal  and 
Astarthe  must  have  been  for  Israel  powerful  enticements  to 
idolatry  after  their  long  sufferings  and  privations  in  the 
desert  (cfr.  Numb,  xxv),  and  that,  in  many  cases,  intermar- 
riages with  members  of  idolatrous  tribes  naturally  betrayed 
them  into  sharing  their  religion  (Judges  iii,  6). 

To  prevent  the  Jews,  as  a  nation,  from  sinking  into  such 
gross  idolatry,  and  thus  forsaking  their  glorious  mission  of 
keeping  alive  the  belief  in  and  worship  of  the  one  true  God, 
Jehovah  wished  ever  to  be  represented  as  2l  jealous  God,  who 
regarded  the  simultaneous  practice  of  His  religion  and  of 
idolatrous  worship  not  indeed  as  a  divorce,  but  as  an  adul- 
tery. He  forbade  not  only  intermarriages  with  the  utterly 
corrupted  races  of  Chanaan,  he  also  repeatedly  gave  orders 
that  the  chosen  people  should  do  away  with  every  temptation 
to  idolatry  by  exterminating  the  Chanaanaean  tribes  (Exod. 
xxiii,  32,  33  ;  xxxiv,  12-16;  Numb,  xxxiii,  51-56,  etc.). 

§  2.      The  Conquest  of  the  West  of  the  Jordan  {Josiie  i-xii). 

I.  Invasion  of  Western  Palestine.  Soon  after  the 
death  of  Moses,  Josue,  an  Ephraimite  of  tried  valor  and 
the  successor  of  Moses  in  command  and  his  imitator  in  faith- 
fulness to  Divine  guidance,  received  an  order  from  Jehovah 
which  he  at  once  communicated  to  Israel.  They  were  to  be 
ready,  after  three  days,  to  cross  the  Jordan  and  begin  the 
conquest  of  Western  Palestine.  This  was  indeed  no  easy 
task,  for  the  Jordan  hid  no  bridge,  no  ford  that  could  give 
passage  to  nearly  two  and  a  half  millions  of  people  ;  and  then 
beyond  were  the  warlike  tribes  of  Chanaan  with  their  formid- 
able chariots  and  well -disciplined  armies.  Trustful,  however, 
in  God's  assistance,  Josue  did  not  shrink  from  undertaking 
this  twofold  task,  and  he  at  once  sent  spies  across  the  river 
to  reconnoitre  "the  land  and  the  city  of  Jericho."     On  their 


ly 


CONQUEST    OF    WESTERN    PALESTINE.  137 

return,  they  brought  back  to  the  Jewish  commander  the  com- 
forting news  of  the  extreme  terror  with  which  the  glorious 
victories  of  Israel  east  of  the  Jordan  had  struck  th'e  inhab- 
itants of  Western  Palestine  (Josue  i,  ii). 

It  was  apparently  on  the  fourth  day  (the  tenth  day  of  the 
first  month  of  the  fortieth  year  after  the  departure  from 
Egypt)  that  the  Israelites  crossed  the  Jordan  in  a  manner 
which  the  Sacred  Text  plainly  represents  as  miraculous  (cfr., 
for  instance,  Josue  iii,  13,  16,  17;  iv,  7,  18,  22-25).  After 
this  wonderful  event,  Josue  encamped  at  Galgal,  about  two 
miles  east  of  Jericho,  and  where,  after  undergoing  the  rite 
of  circumcision,  the  children  of  Israel  celebrated  the  Pasch, 
eating  bread  made  of  the  corn  of  the  land,  and  not  of 
the  manna,  whose  supply  ceased  entirely  on  the  next  day 
(Josue  v). 

2.  The  Conquest  of  Western  Palestine.  The  news 
of  the  miraculous  crossing  of  the  Jordan  by  the  Hebrews 
soon  spread  far  and  wide,  and  deprived  the  inhabitants  of 
Chanaan  even  of  their  lingering  hope  that  the  swollen  waters 
of  the  river  would  detain  the  invaders  some  time  longer  on 
its  eastern  banks  (Josue  v,  i).  The  city  of  Jericho,  so  near 
the  Israelite  camp,  although  very  strongly  fortified,  was  par- 
ticularly and  justly  affrighted,  for  it  was  supremely  impor- 
tant for  Josue  to  secure  the  possession  of  this  stronghold 
before  penetrating  into  Central  Palestine.  Nevertheless,  its 
king  and  valiant  soldiers  resolved  to  oppose  the  fiercest  re- 
sistance; and  there  is  no  doubt  that  they  would  have  long 
set  at  naught  the  efforts  of  the  besieging  Israelites  had  not 
Jehovah  once  more  intervened  miraculously  in  behalf  of  His 
people.  Despite  the  various  attempts  made  to  account  for 
the  fall  of  the  walls  of  Jericho  by  mere  natural  causes,  such 
as  the  undermining  of  the  walls,  an  earthquake,  etc.,  it  re- 
mains beyond  question  that  the  sacred  writer  intends  to 
describe  an  event  supernaturally  revealed  to  Josue  before  its 


138  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

occurrence  (Josue  vi,  2,  sq.),  and  regarded  by  ail  at  the  time 
as  the  result  of  positive  Divine  intervention. 

The  Capture  of  Jericho  opened  to  the  Jewish  leader  the 
important  passes  into  the  central  hills,  and  he  at  once  deter- 
mined to  make  the  most  of  this  advantage.  He,  therefore, 
sent  a  select  body  of  troops  against  the  strong  town  of  Hai, 
about  ten  miles  northwest  of  Jericho,  but  to  his  great  dis- 
may the  Israelites  were  repulsed.  This  first  defeat  seemed 
in  fact  to  imply  that  Jehovah  had  already  forsaken  His  peo- 
ple, and  was  calculated  to  greatly  encourage  the  Chanaanites 
in  their  resistance  against  Israel,  but  fortunately  it  was 
promptly  made  up  for.  By  a  clever  stratagem,  Hai  was  soon 
taken  and  destroyed,  and  the  road  to  a  broad  plateau  in  the 
centre  of  the  country  fully  secured  (cfr.  G.  A.  Smith,  His- 
torical Geography  of  the  Holy  Land,  p.  263,  sq.).  From 
Hai,  Josue  marched  northward  to  Sichem,  some  twenty  miles 
distant,  and  there  held  the  solemn  ceremony  of  the  Bless- 
ing and  the  Curse  on  Mounts  Garizim  and  Ebal,  as  prescribed 
in  Deuteronomy,  chap,  xxvii.  On  his  return  from  this  solemn 
ratification  of  the  Covenant,  he  doubtless  left  a  force  at  Hai 
to  secure  the  passes,  but  his  main  encampment  continued  in 
Galgal,  in  the  valley  of  the  Jordan  (Josue  vii,  viii). 

After  this  rapid  conquest  of  the  centre  of  Western  Pales- 
tine, there  was  a  general  uprising  against  Israel,  and  only 
the  Gabaonites  obtained  peace  by  their  well-known  strata- 
gem ;  but  in  punishment  for  their  deception,  they  were  con- 
demned to  perpetual  bondage  "  in  the  service  of  all  the  people 
and  of  the  altar  of  Jehovah."  The  desertion  of  GabaoH, 
which  was  then  the  chief  city  of  the  Hevite  confederation, 
from  what  seemed  to  be  the  common  cause  of  the  tribes  of 
Chanaan,  aroused  the  indignation  of  five  powerful  kings  of 
the  south,  who  resolved  at  once  upon  its  destruction.  But 
whilst  they  were  encamped  before  Gabaon  Josue  marched 
by  night  from  his  camp  at  Galgal,  and  surprised  and  routed 
them.     This  was  the  memorable  victory  of  Gabaon,  or  Beth- 


CO^'QUEST    OF    WESTERN    PALESTINE.  1 39 

Horon  (about  four  miles  distant  from  Gabaon),  for  the  full 
completion  of  which  the  Hebrew  commander  obtained  from 
God  that  the  sun  and  moon  should  stand  still  in  the  midst 
of  heaven,  a  miracle  differently  explained  by  Biblical  schol- 
ars. Many,  among  whom  are  reckoned  some  Catholic 
scholars,  looking  upon  this  passage  of  Holy  Writ  (Josue  x, 
12-15)  ^s  ^^  extract  from  the  poetical  book  of  Yashar,  or 
"  the  Just,"  have  thought  that  it  should  be  considered  as  a 
poetical  figure,  which  introduces  Josue  as  commanding  the 
sun  and  moon  to  stop  their  course,  and  even  asserts  that 
the  sun  and  moon  obeyed  the  mandate  of  a  man,  simply  to 
convey  the  idea  that  the  Hebrew  chief  most  earnestly  wished 
a  prolongation  of  the  day  to  complete  the  destruction  of  his 
enemies,  and  that  he  actually  destroyed  as  many  of  them  as 
if  the  day  had  been  really  lengthened.  Much  more  common 
than  this  bold  construction  of  the  passage  in  question  is  the 
view  which  sees  in  the  Biblical  narrative  the  historical  record 
of  an  actual  astronomical  miracle,  which,  being  of  course  very 
easy  to  the  Divine  Power,  was  all  the  more  opportune  at  that 
time,  because  it  proved  convincingly  to  both  Israelites  and 
Chanaanites  the  superiority  of  Jehovah  over  the  sun  and  the 
moon,  the  two  great  deiiies  of  Chanaan.  Perhaps  the  best 
way  of  meeting  the  various  objections  which  are  urged 
against  this  second  view  of  the  sacred  narrative  is  to  con- 
sider the  lengthening  of  the  day  as  the  result  of  a  miraculous 
deviation  of  the  rays  of  the  sun  and  the  moon,  because  this 
would  not  entail  either  the  stopping  of  the  earth,  or  disturb- 
ances in  the  heavenly  bodies.  (For  further  information  see 
ViGOUROUX,  Manuel  Biblique ;  Deane,  Joshua,  his  Life  and 
Times,  pp.  82-87  5  ^^^') 

Following  up  his  victory,  Josue  took  and  destroyed  the 
seven  cities  and  kings  of  Maceda,  Lebna,  Gazer,  Lachis, 
P^glon,  Hebron,  Dabir,  and  did  not  return  to  his  camp  in 
Galgal  before  he  had  completed  in  one  rapid  campaign  the 
conquest  of  Southern  Palestine  dosue  x\ 


140  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

There  still  remained  to  subdue  the  kings  of  the  north,  who, 
hearing  of  the  defeat  of  the  south,  had  rallied  round  Jabin 
(  "  the  Wise  "  ),  king  of  Azor,  a  strong  city  probably  to  the 
northwest  of  the  lake  of  Merom.  Their  troops  were  very 
numerous  and  plentifully  supplied  with  horses  and  chariots, 
but  they  proved  unable  to  resist  the  sudden  attack  of  Josue, 
who  routed  them  by  the  waters  of  Merom  and  pursued  them 
as  far  as  Sidon  to  the  northwest.  After  this  victory  Josue 
took  and  burned  Azor  and  subdued  numerous  northern 
towns,  so  that  at  the  end  of  his  third  campaign  he  found 
himself  practically  master  of  the  whole  country  between 
Mount  Halak,  at  the  ascent  of  Mount  Seir,  on  the  south, 
and  Baalgaad,  under  Mount  Hermon,  on  the  north.  A 
much  longer  time,  however,  was  required  for  the  reduction 
of  the  numerous  kings  who.  still  held  each  his  own  city,  and 
it  is  well  known  that  even  then  the  old  inhabitants  main- 
tained themselves  in  some  parts  of  the  land  despite  all  the 
efforts  of  Israel  (Josue  xi). 

§  J.      The  Settlejiient  (Josue  xH-xxH). 

I.  The  Assignment  of  Land.  The  main  part  of 
Western  Palestine  being  now  subdued,  Josue,  with  the 
help  of  the  high  priest  Eleazar  and  of  the  heads  of  the 
tribes,  divided  it  among  the  nine  and  one-half  tribes  which 
had  yet  to  receive  their  settlements  (Josue  xiii,  7).  Before 
detailing,  however,  their  particular  lots,  the  book  of  Josue 
reminds  us  of  two  facts:  (i)  that  the  sacerdotal  tribe  of  Levi 
was  not  to  share  in  the  division  of  the  land,  because  "Jeho- 
vah, the  God  of  Israel,  Himself  is  their  possession  "  j  (2) 
that  Moses  had  already  ascribed  to  Ruben,  Gad  and  the 
half  tribe  of  Manasses  their  territories  on  the  east  of  the  Jor- 
dan, and  on  the  occasion  of  this  second  fact,  the  inspired 
writer  gives  briefly  the  limits  of  the  possessions  of  the  two 
and  a  half  Transjordanic  tribes.     Ruben  had  the  southern- 


CONQUEST    OF    WESTERN    PALESTINE.  1 41 

most  territory  extending  from  the  Arnon  River,  on  the  south, 
to  a  little  beyond  Wady  Heshban,  on  the  north,  where  it 
reached  the  possessions  of  Gad  ;  and  from  the  Jordan,  on 
the  west,  to  the  eastern  desert.  Gad  was  included  between 
Ruben,  on  the  south,  and  about  the  middle  of  the  land  of 
Galaad,  on  the  north;  whilst  it  stretched  eastward  from  the 
Jordan  to  Aroer.  The  half  tribe  of  Manasses  embraced 
the  territory  between  Gad,  on  the  south,  and  Mount  Her- 
mon  and  Damascus,  on  the  north  ;  and  between  the  Jordan, 
on  the  west,  and  the  Arabian  desert  on  the  east. 

The  country  west  of  the  Jordan  was  now  divided  between 
the  nine  and  a  half  remaining  tribes  by  casting  lots  before 
the  Tabernacle,  and  their  territories  may  be  better  given 
under  the  threefold  divisioil  of  (a)  the  South,  (J))  the  Cen- 
tre, {f)  the  North. 

{a)  The  South.  The  four  southern  tribes  were  Simeon, 
Juda,  Benjamin  and  Dan.  The  most  southerly  district  was 
assigned  first  to  the  tribe  of  Juda,  but  afterwards  the  south- 
western portion  of  this  territory  was  given  to  Simeon,  which 
thus  became  the  southernmost  tribe.  Next  to  Simeon,  on  the 
north,  was  Juda,  which  extended  across  the  whole  Western 
Palestine  from  the  Dead  Sea  westward  to  the  Mediterranean, 
and  from  the  territory  of  Simeon  and  the  River  of  Egypt, 
on  the  south,  to  an  irregular  line  starting  from  a  little  to  the 
southeast  of  Jericho,  passing  south  of  Jerusalem  and  reach- 
ing the  Mediterranean  some  four  miles  below  Joppe.  To  the 
northeast  of  Juda  was  the  warlike  little  tribe  of  Benjamin, 
with  a  territory  of  about  25  miles  in  length  by  12  in  breadth, 
bounded  on  the  north  by  Ephraim,  on  the  east  by  the  Jordan, 
on  the  south  by  Juda,  and  on  the  west  by  the  tribe  of  Dan. 
The  last  tribe  of  the  south  was  that  of  Dan,  whose  fertile 
territory  was  so  compressed  between  the  northwestern  hills 
of  Juda  and  the  Mediterranean,  that  later  on  they  had  to 
seek  another  home  in  the  north  of  Palestine. 

{b)  The  Centre.     The  central  portion  of  Chanaan  was 


142  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

allotted  to  the  two  brother  tribes  of  the  house  of  Joseph, 
Ephraim  and  Manasses.  The  tribe  of  Ephraiixi;  to  whom 
josue  belonged,  received  the  more  southerly  portion  of  this 
large  territory  ;  its  possessions,  about  55  miles  in  length  and 
about  30  in  their  greatest  width,  extended  as  far  south  as 
within  a  few  miles  of  Jerusalem.  The  rest  of  Central  Pales- 
tine was  given  to  the  half  tribe  of  Manasses,  which,  differ- 
ently from  iheir  fellow-tribesmen,  had  waited  for  sharing  in 
the  division  of  the  country  west  of  the  Jordan,  ^nd  now 
obtained  a  territory  stretching  westward  to  the  Mediterra- 
nean and  the  slopes  of  Carmel,  but  not  quite  reaching  the 
Jordan  River  on  the  east. 

(c)  The  North.  The  northern  part  of  Chanaan,  extend- 
ing from  Mount  Carmel  to  the  chains  of  Lebanon,  was  assigned 
to  the  four  tribes  of  Issachar,  Zabulon,  Aser  and  Neph- 
tali.  The  tribe  of  Issachar  possessed  the  great  and  most 
fertile  plain  of  Esdraelon,  and  extended  from  Mount  Carmel 
to  the  Jordan,  and  from  Mount  Thabor  to  Engannim.  The 
territory  of  Zabulon  lay  immediately  north  of  Issachar,  to  the 
south  of  Aser  and  Nephtali  and  between  the  Sea  of  Galilee  and 
the  Mediterranean.  The  territory  allotted  to  Aser  extended 
probably  along  the  sea-shore  from  Carmel  to  Lebanon,  about 
60  miles  long  and  10  to  12  wide;  it  seems,  however,  that  out 
of  this  extent  the  Phenicians  kept  possession  of  the  plain  by 
the  sea,  whilst  Aser  had  to  be  satisfied  with  the  mountains. 
Finally,  to  the  east  of  Aser  was  Nephtali,  which  reached  north 
to  the  Leontes  River,  and  east  to  the  Jordan,  the  lake  of  Merom 
and  the  Sea  of  Galilee. 

2.  Particular  Grants  made  at  the  Time.  Indepen- 
dently of  this  general  division  of  the  land,  certain  distin- 
guished persons,  as  Caleb  and  Josue,  received  grant  of  the 
particular  territory  they  asked  for.  Caleb  claimed  for  his 
part  that  special  portion  of  the  land  of  Hebron  which  Moses 
had  promised  him  upwards  of  forty  years  before,  and  he  as- 


CONQUEST    OF    WESTERN    PALESTINE.  1 43 

sured  at  the  same  time  that  he  would  make  the  conquest  of  it. 
Josue  assented  to  Caleb's  request,  and  the  courageous  war- 
rior secured  for  himself  by  force  of  arms  the  territory  he  had 
wished  for  (Josue  xiv).  Josue  himself  received  as  his  per- 
sonal inheritance  the  place  he  had  asked,  namely  :  Tham- 
nath-Saraa,  in  Mount  Ephraim,  a  town  probably  identical 
with  the  modern  Tibnneh,  some  fifteen  miles  northeast  of 
Lydda  (Josue  xix,  49,  50). 
\^  Another  special  grant  was  made  to  the  Levitical  tribe, 
which,  as  we  have  seen,  did  not  share  in  this  allotment  of 
Chanaan.  Besides  the  tithes  of  the  produce  ot  land  and  cat- 
tle, and  other  sacerdotal  dues  already  granted  by  Moses  for 
its  maintenance,  this  tribe  especially  devoted  to  the  ministry 
of  Jehovah  now  received  from  each  tribe  four  cities  and 
suburban  pasture-lands,  or  forty-eight  in  all  (Josue  xxi). 
Among  these  were  included  the  Six  Cities  of  Refuge^  three 
on  each  side  of  the  Jordan,  which  were  so  wisely  set  aside 
to  check  the  barbarous  custom  of  blood  revenge,  which  still 
exists  among  the  Arabic  tribes,  and  in  virtue  of  which  the 
kinsmen  of  a  man  put  to  death  consider  it  a  duty  to  avenge 
him  by  the  death  of  his  intentional,  or  even  unintentional, 
murderer.  Any  one  who  had  shed  human  blood  could  find 
safety  and  protection  in  these  cities  of  refuge,  under  condi- 
tions carefully  laid  down  in  the  Mosaic  law  (cfr.  Numb. 
XXXV  ;  Josue,  xx). 


^/. 


3.  The  Last  Days  of  Josue.  The  great  military 
leader  of  the  Jews  was  well  advanced  in  years  when  he  pro- 
ceeded to  complete  the  division  of  the  conquered  land,  and 
probably  he  did  not  survive  long  the  dismissal  of  the  Trans- 
jordanic  tribes  in  peace  to  their  homes  (Josue  xii).  During 
the  last  days  of  his  career  Josue  enjoyed  in  his  own  estate  in 
the  Promised  Land  the  peaceful  rest  he  had  so  well  deserved 
by  his  military  services  to  Israel  and  his  constant  faithful- 
ness to  Jehovah.     Yet  he  could  not  forget  that  his  conquests, 


144  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

however  extensive,  had  not  brought  about  the  utter  destruc- 
tion of  the  Chanaanites,  which  had  been  ordered  by  the  God 
of  Israel.  Hence,  gathering  one  day  all  those  invested  with 
some  authority  in  Israel,  he  reminded  them  of  God's  past 
favors  to  His  people,  of  God's  willingness  to  do  away  entirely 
with  the  remains  of  the  conquered  races,  and  pointed  out  to 
them  that  the  means  to  secure  this  all-desirable  object  was 
a  grateful  and  persevering  faithfulness  to  Jehovah. 

Apparently  soon  afterwards  Josue  convoked  in  Sichem  an 
assembly  from  all  Israel,  reviewed  before  them  the  history  of 
God's  dealings  with  the  Jewish  race,  solemnly  bade  them 
choose  between  Jehovah  and  the  idols  of  the  land,  and  ob- 
tained from  them  a  public  renewal  of  the  covenant  with  their 
God.  Then,  as  a  memorial  of  their  sacred  promise,  he  set 
up  a  stone  pillar  "under  the  oak  that  was  in  the  sanctuary  of 
Jehovah,"  that  is,  probably,  under  the  sacred  oak  of  Abraham 
and  Jacob,  *'  and  wrote  all  these  things  in  the  volume  of  the 
Law  of  Jehovah."  The  dismissal  of  this  assembly  was  soon 
followed  by  the  death  of  Josue,  at  the  age  of  no  years,  and 
by  his  burial  in  the  border  of  his  possession  in  Thamnathsare 
(Josue  xxiii,  xxiv).  His  death  deprived  Israel  of  one  of  its 
most  successful  and  most  pious  warriors;  his  influence  upon 
his  countrymen  did  not,  however,  vanish  altogether  with  him, 
for  we  read  that  "  Israel  served  Jehovah  all  the  days  of  Josue, 
and  of  the  ancients  that  lived  a  long  time  after  him,  and  that 
had  known  all  the  works  of  Jehovah  which  He  had  done  in 
Israel  "  (Josue  xxiv,  31  ;  Judges  ii,  10). 

About  the  discovery  of  the  tomb  of  Josue  by  V.  Guerin^ 
see  ViGOUROUX,  Bible  et  Decouvertes  Modernes,  tome  iii. 


SYNOPSIS    OF    CHAPTER   XIV. 
The  Time  of  the  Judges. 


I.  Length  and  Obscurity  of  this  Tkriod. 


-r 


II. 
Social 
Condi- 
tion : 


I.  Within 


Without. 


^.  The  Judges 


A  return  in  general 
to  the  patriarchal 
life: 


[  Tribal  indepen- 
dence ; 

Family  life; 

Justice; 

War; 
I  Etc. 


A.  Further  conquests. 

Lyli.  Cohabitation  with  the  heathens ;  in-  ^ 
I  termarriages. 

C.  Successive  periods  of  oppression  and 
freedom. 

gleaning  of  the  title. 
JLHow  recognized  as  military  leaders  t 
^^^'ature  and  extent  of  their  power. 
-If^^ength  of  their  rule. 


■^<^ 


r 


III.  r>  7-   •        /^       i   Lack  of  powerful  unitv. 

I.  RehgtousOr-    \  p^^erty  of  Levites.      ' 
Religious  \  ganization  .    U^jg^  priests  without  influence. 

^  2.  /f/<7?a/rj'^i^uccessive  falls  of  the  Israelites. 

[145]     • 


Life 


V 


^Yv 


CHAPTER   XIV. 

THE    TIME    OF    THE    JUDGES. 
§  I.     Length  and  Obscurity  of  this  Pe7'iod. 


I.  Length  of  the  Period  of  the  Judges.  It  would  be 
a  hopeless  task  to  undertake  the  accurate  reckoning  of  the 
number  of  years  between  the  death  of  Josue  and  the  begin- 
ning of  the  judgeship  of  Heli.  Time  and  again  the  numbers 
given  for  the  duration  of  the  different  judgeships  appear  to  be 
only  round  figures  ;  and  in  fact,  some  scholars  look  upon  the 
whole  chronology  found  in  the  book  of  Judges  as  a  system- 
atic chronology,  in  which  a  generation  is  regularly  reckoned 
at  forty  years.  This  hypothesis  is  rendered  all  the  more 
probable,  because  it  removes  the  apparent  discrepancy  which 
would  arise  if  the  figures  supplied  by  the  book  of  Judges 
were  taken  strictly  and  their  total  of  410  years  compared 
with  III  Kings  vi,  i,  where  we  are  told  that  only  480  years 
elapsed  between  the  exodus  and  the  fourth  year  of  Solomon's 
reign  ;  whereas  at  least  600  years  should  be  admitted  for  this 
same  interval  if  the  figures  mentioned  for  the  different  judge- 
ships are  strictly  accurate.  There  is  another  way,  however, 
of  getting  rid  of  this  difficulty:  it  is  to  suppose  that  some 
of  the  oppressions  and  deliverances  were  in  part  synchro- 
nous ;  and  this  view  for  which  are  adduced  Judges  iii,  31,  com- 
pared with  ix,  I,  etc.,  has  numerous  supporters  in  the  present 
day,  although  it  can  hardly  be  denied  that  the  chronology 
of  the  period  as  presented  in  the  book  of  Judges  is  on  the 
face  of  it  continuous  (Moore,  Critical  Commentary  on  Judges, 
p.  xl). 

[.46] 


^  THE    TIME    OF    THE    JUDCxES.  1 47 

But  even  though  we  should  admit  as  probable  the  synchro- 
nism of  several  oppressions,  judgeships,  etc.,  falling  within  this 
period,  it  would  still  remain  impossible  to  tell  which  oppres- 
sions or  judgeships  were  actually  synchronous,  hoiv  far 
"rest "  enjoyed  by  some  tribes  coincided  with  the  oppres- 
sion undergone  by  the  others,  and  to  determine  how  many 
years  elapsed  between  the  death  of  Josue  and  that  of  the 
ancients  of  Israel  who  outlived  him  (Josue  xxiv,  31  ;  Judges 
ii,  7,  sq.). 

These  and  other  such  difficulties  ever  made  it  impossible 
to  determine,  with  anything  like  certainty,  the  duration  of 
the  period  of  the  judges.  The  ancient  Jews,  followed  in  this 
by  Eusebius,  simply  added  the  years  of  oppression  to  those 
of  the  different  judgeships,  and  thereby  obtained  for  this 
period  only  219  years.  Some  Catholic  scholars  of  this  cen- 
tury have  admitted  a  still  shorter  duration,  chiefly  because 
of  certain  synchronisms  with  the  annals  of  Egypt,  and  have 
reduced  this  period  to  about  160  years,  and  it  must  be  said 
that  the  many  notes  of  time  found  in  the  several  narratives 
of  the  book  of  Judges  seem  rather  to  favor  this  shorter  du- 
ration (cfr.  Speaker's  Bible,  vol.  ii,  p.  119).  The  most  com- 
mon view,  however,  holds  that  the  period  of  the  judges  lasted 
upwards  of  400  years  (see  Vigouroux,  Manuel  Biblique, 
tome  ii). 

2.  Obscurity  of  the  Period  of  the  Judges.  The  ob- 
scurity just  noticed  about  the  length  of  the  period  of  the 
judges  extends  also  to  its  events.  These  events  were  re- 
corded at  a  time  not  far  removed  from  their  occurrence,  and 
hence  numerous  details  which  were  then  so  well  known  both 
to  the  writer  and  his  readers  as  not  to  require  a  distinct  men- 
tion, are  now  altogether  unknown  to  us.  To  this  first  cause 
of  obscurity  we  may  add  another,  derived  from  the  fact  that 
the  writer  of  the  book  of  Judges  intended  to  compose  much 
less  a  history  of  the  period  than  a  thesis  in  which  he  would 


148  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY.  0 

prove  by  some  well-selected  facts  that  Israel's  apostasy  from 
Jehovah  invariably  resulted  in  national  misery,  whereas  its 
conversion  was  invariably  followed  by  Divine  rescue  from 
oppression  and  by  national  prosperity  (cfr.  Judges  ii,  1 1,  sq.). 
Accordingly,  the  facts  he  sets  forth  are  not  presented  m  those 
historical  circumstances  of  time,  place,  etc.,  which,  however 
necessary  for  our  good  understanding  of  this  period  of  Jew- 
ish history,  were  really  foreign  to  his  purpose.  But  the  main 
cause  of  obscurity  will  ever  be  the  very  peculiar  government 
of  the  Hebrew  commonwealth  during  this  same  period,  for 
whilst  "kings,  priests,  heads  of  tribes,  etc.,  offer  points  of 
comparison  with  the  same  functionaries  in  other  nations,  the 
judges  stand  alone  in  the  history  of  the  world ;  and  when  we 
think  we  found  ofBcers  resembling  them  in  other  nations,  the 
comparison  soon  breaks  down  in  some  point  of  importance," 
and  becomes  almost  useless  (Kitto,  Cyclopaedia  of  Biblical 
Literature,  art.  Judges). 

It  must  be  added,  however,  that  this  obscurity  is  being 
gradually  removed  by  a  careful  study  in  the  Eastern  coun- 
tries themselves  of,  the  archaeology,  topography,  public  and 
private,  social  and  domestic  customs  of  the  Arabic  tribes 
(cfr.  ViGOUROUX,  Bible  et  Decouvertes  Modernes,  tome  iii). 

§  2.     Social  Co7idition  during  the  Time  of  the  Judges. 

I.  Social  Condition  Within.  The  settlement  of  the 
tribes  in  their  respective  territories  and  the  death  of  Josue 
without  a  previously  appointed  successor,  brought  to  an  end 
even  the  appearance  of  that  supreme  power  and  central 
authority  which  had  prevailed  in  Israel  under  Moses  and 
Josue.  The  scattered  tribes  did  not  care  to  invest  any  mem- 
ber of  a  special  tribe  with  an  authority  superior  to  that  of 
their  own  local  officers,  and  in  preserving  their  independence 
within  their  own  territories  they  naturally  came  back  to  that 
simple  social  condition  of  their   ancestors,  which  we  have 


THE    TIME    OF    THE    JUDGES.  1 49 

already  described  under  the  name  of  the  Patriarchal  Life, 
and  which  is  substantially  that  of  the  Bedouin  tribes  of  the 
present  day ;  each  tribe  had  probably  its  hereditary  author- 
ities whose  power  was  very  limited  because  there  were  no 
new  laws  to  frame,  no  functionaries  to  appoint  and  pay,  no 
taxes  proper  to  fix  or  collect,  etc. 

Tliis  simplicity  of  organization  was  also  noticeable  in 
domestic  life.  The  father  of  a  family  was  ruler  aver  his  house- 
hold and  the  eldest  son  inherited  his  authority,  whilst  the 
women  attended  to  all  the  details  of  the  household.  All 
lived  on  the  produce  of  the  fiehd  and  of  the  flock,  which  pro- 
duce was  also  occasionally  exchanged  with  the  busy  Pheni- 
cians,  orXvith  passing  caravans,  for  some  rich  cloth  or  jewels, 
or  for  arms,  etc. 

The  administration  of  justice  was  also  of  the  simplest  de- 
scription, for  there  were  neither  judges  to  dispense  justice, 
nor  police  to  guard  the  laws,  nor  court-houses  for  the  trial  of 
offenders.  Cases  were  decided  at  the  gates  of  towns  by  the 
elders  of  each  community,  and  the  sentence  was  carried  out 
by  those  interested  in  its  execution.  It  was  also  at  the 
gates  of  towns  and  villages  that  private  business  transac- 
tions were  ratified  in  presence  of  the  inhabitants  who  acted 
as  witnesses  (Ruth  iv,  1-12).  In  case,  however,  the  elders 
could  not  settle  a  dispute  satisfactorily,  the  Mosaic  law  had 
provided  that  recourse  should  be  had  to  the  priests. 

Naturally,  there  was  no  standing  army,  no  militia,  so  that 
in  the  event  of  a  war,  each  man  armed  himself  as  best  he 
could,  and  following  the  head  of  his  village,  repaired  to  the 
common  rendezvous  of  the  tribe.  There  was  likewise  no 
provision  made  for  any  protracted  campaign,  and  military 
tactics  were  practically  limited  to  the  art  of  swift  marches 
and  sudden  attacks  (cfr.  Vigoukoux,  ibid.  ;  and  Geikie, 
vol.  ii,  chap,  xiv,  which  is  little  more  than  a  translation  of 
the  chapter  of  Vigouroux  on  this  question). 

Finally,  during  the  whole  period  of  the  judges,  we  would 


150  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

look  in  vain  for  the  national  commerce,  the  flourishing  in- 
dustry and  the  culture  of  arts  which  were  to  exist  under  the 
monarchy,  that  is,  when  the  Jewish  people  became  again  a 
national  unit,  not  only  in  belief,  but  also  in  public  life. 

2.  Social  Condition  Without.  The  imperfect  con- 
quest of  Chanaan  by  Josue  had  left  powerful  enemies  of 
Israel,  even  within  the  limits  of  the  territories  assigned  to 
the  different  tribes,  and  according  to  God's  designs  the 
Hebrews  were  to  conquer  and  destroy  them.  In  point  of 
fact,  the  opening  chapter  of  the  book  of  Judges  makes  us 
acquainted  with  the  wars  of  conquest  waged  by  Juda,  Ben- 
jamin, the  House  of  Joseph  (that  is  Ephraim  and  Western 
Manasses)  against  the  Chanaanites,  the  Jebusites,  etc.,  and 
with  the  remissness  of  which  several  tribes  were  guilty  in 
not  destroying  the  old  cities  and  inhabitants  of  Chanaan, 
because  they  deemed  it  more  advantageous  simply  to  make 
them  tributary.  It  tells  us  also  that  Juda  was  not  successful 
when  it  attempted  to  expel  the  lowlanders  from  its  own 
territory  "because  they  had  many  chariots  armed  with 
scythes,"  and  that  the  tribe  of  Dan  was  actually  compelled 
by  the  Amorites  to  forsake  the  plain  of  the  sea-coast  and  to 
take  refuge  into  the  mountains. 

The  immediate  result  of  this  lack  of  concerted  action  in 
pursuing  to  the  end  the  war  of  extermination,  was  the  cohab- 
itation of  the  Israelites  with  the  remnants  of  the  conquered 
races,  that  is,  the  very  social  condition  against  which  Moses 
and  Josue  had  repeatedly  and  strongly  warned  the  chosen 
people,  becauie  they  foresaw  that  truce  and  leagues  with  the 
heathen  Chanaanites,  would  soon  lead  to  intermarriages  and 
these  again  to  their  natural  consequences  :  idolatry,  moral 
and  social  degeneracy  (Judges  iii,  5,  6). 

It  is  the  same  lack  of  concerted  action  in  Israel  against 
its  enemies,  which  accounts,  at  least  partially,  for  the  many 
periods  of  oppression  and  freedom  which  are  mentioned  in 


THE    TIME    OP^    THE   JUDGES.  151 

the  book  of  Judges.  If,  as  granted  on  all  hands,  the  oppres- 
sions befell  only  a  part  of  the  land  at  a  time,  it  was  because 
that  part  of  the  land  had  been  left  by  the  other  tribes  to 
fight  alone  against  the  enemies  who  had  invaded  its  terri- 
tory;  and  again,  if  the  oppression  was  done  away  with,  it 
was  when  all,  or  at  least  several,  tribes,  combined  their 
efforts  under  the  guidance  of  a  common  leader  to  throw  oft" 
the  yoke  which  had  been  gradually  imposed  upon  them.  It 
was  then,  naturally  speaking,  the  lack  of  a  central  authority 
capable  of  keeping  grouped  together  and  of  directing  eft'ec- 
tively  all  the  forces  of  the  nation,  which  made  the  Israelites 
liable  to  be  subjugated  by  their  surrounding  enemies,  and 
which  ultimately  led  them  to  ask  for  a  king  (I  Kings,  viii, 
19,  20). 

3.  The  Judges.  From  the  foregoing;  remarks  it  is  easy 
to  gather  the  probable  meaning  of  the  title  of  Judges  in  con- 
nection with  this  period  of  Jewish  history.  It  did  not  mean 
primarily,  as  this  title  would  naturally  suggest  to  our  minds, 
one  in  charge  of  administering  justice,  except  in  so  far  as 
supreme  judicial  authority  in  the  East  belongs  invariably  to 
the  one  invested  with  the  highest  power  in  the  land,  and  in 
so  far  as  it  is  the  office  of  a  judge  to  free  those  who  appeal 
to  him  from  their  oppressors,  and  to  secure  the  punishment 
of  these  same  oppressors.  Beyond  this,  it  is  impossible  to 
point  out  a  connection  between  the  Judges  of  Israel  and  the 
peaceful  magistrates  to  whom  we  ascribe  this  title  ;  and  this 
is  important  to  bear  in  mind,  in  order  to  be  able  to  realize 
the  sense  in  which  such  personages  as  Samson,  Jephte,  etc., 
could  be  called  Judges :  they  freed  the  Israelites  from,  and 
avenged  them  of,  their  oppressors  (cfr.  Luke  xviii,  3,  5). 

"  In  nearly  all  the  instances  recorded,  the  appointment  of 
2,  Judge  seems  to  have  been  by  the  free  unsolicited  choice  of 
the  people.  The  election  of  Jephte,  who  was  nominated  as 
the  fittest    man    for   the    existing   emergency,    probably  re- 


152  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

sembled  that  which  was  usually  followed  on  such  occasions ; 
and  probably,  as  in  his  case,  the  judge  in  accepting  the 
office,  took  care  to  make  such  stipulations  as  he  deemed 
necessary.  The  only  cases  of  direct  Divine  appointment  are 
those  of  Gedeon  and  Samson,  and  the  last  stood  in  the  pe- 
culiar position  of  having  been  from  before  his  birth  ordained 
*  to  begin  to  deliver  Israel '  "  (Kitto,  Cyclopaedia  of  Biblical 
Literature,  2iXi.  Judges).  It  was  then  most  likely,  when  the 
oppression  had  become  unbearable,  that  popular  choice  or 
direct  Divine  appointment  led  to  the  recognition  of  a  man  as 
a  military  leader. 

Of  course  only  those  who  were  willing  gathered  around 
him,  under  the  immediate  leadership  of  their  own  chiefs  of 
villages,  clans  and  tribes.  His  military  power  over  such 
volunteers,  like  that  of  an  Arabic  sheik  of  the  present  day, 
depended  mostly  on  their  own  will,  or  on  his  skill  in  the 
management  of  men.  "  If  victorious,  he  could  speak  as  a 
master,  but  before  the  battle  he  could  do  little  more  than 
persuade.  It  must  not  be  thought,  moreover,  that  the 
Judges  ruled  over  all  the  tribes,  at  least  up  to  the  time  of 
Heli  and  Samuel.  None  of  them,  except  Othoniel,  seems  to 
have  ruled  over  Juda  and  Simeon ;  Debbora  is  the  heroine 
and  prophetess  only  of  the  northern  tribes  ;  Gedeon  is  the 
liberator  of  the  centre  of  Palestine ;  Jephte,  of  the  districts 
beyond  Jordan,  and  Samson  does  not  appear  to  have  had 
authority  over  even  his  own  tribe  of  Dan,  and  appears  as 
judge  only  because  of  his  personal  exploits  against  the  op- 
pressors of  the  Israelites  "  (Geikie,  Hours  with  the  Bible, 
vol.  ii,  pp.  509,  511;  EwALD,  History  of  Israel,  vol  ii,  p. 
365,  English  translation). 

Freed  from  their  oppressors,  the  volunteers  who  had  gath- 
ered around  the  military  leader,  naturally  returned  to  their 
homes,  and  the  judge  usually  ceased  to  rule,  although  his 
fame  continued  to  command  respect  and  guarantee  peace, 
and  his  well-known  skill  and  wisdom  caused  him  to  be  con- 


THE    TIME    OF    THE    JUDGES.  I53 

suited  in  all  important  matters,  a  fact  which  explains  how 
in  Debbora  and  Gedeon  we  see  the  indications  of  a  rule  for 
life.  In  Gedeon  we  find,  indeed,  a  successful  attempt  at  a 
regular  monarchical  rule  which  he  even  passed  to  his  son 
Abimelech ;  but  in  the  other  judges,  it  is  most  likely  that 
little  besides  their  reputation  passed  to  their  children. 

§  J».      Religious  T  It'-  (furing  ilit'  l\-rio(f  of  the  Judges. 

I.  Religious  Organization.  One  of  the  natural  con- 
sequences of  the  precarious  and  temporarily  active  rule  of 
each  judge  over  a  limited  extent  of  territory  was  the  utter 
powerlessness  of  those  Hebrew  leaders  to  establish  and 
maintain  the  religious  organization  described  in  the  law  of 
Moses.  They  were  selected  for  the  almost  exclusive  pur- 
pose of  freeing  a  section  of  the  country  from  oppression  ;  for 
this  sole  purpose  they  were  followed  by  volunteers,  and  they 
apparently  never  did  much  else  in  behalf  of  their  country- 
men. Had  they  tried  to  enforce  upon  all  Israel  the  perfect 
unity  of  belief  and  worship  required  by  the  Mosaic  law,  they 
would  have  signally  failed  in  their  attempt,  because,  on  the 
one  hand,  not  even  their  fellow-tribesmen  would  have  helped 
them  in  bringing  about  this  religious  condition  throughout 
the  land ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  it  does  not  seem  that,  like 
Moses  and  Josue,  they  could  reckon,  in  the  event  of  a  gen- 
eral desertion,  on  the  direct  intervention  of  Jehovah  to  vin- 
dicate their  authority. 

It  is  true  that  the  Tabernacle  had  been  erected  in  Silo^ 
and  that  this  sanctuary  should  have  been  a  great  rallying- 
point  for  all  the  tribes ;  but  this  town  "  was  remote  from 
many  of  them,  and  lay  in  the  territory  of  Ephraim,  a  tribe 
disliked  for  its  pride  and  selfishness,  so  that,  in  the  general 
anarchy  of  tribal  division  and  patriarchal  rule,  private  altars 
were  erected  by  individuals"  (Geikie,  Hours  with  the  Bible, 
ii,  p.  519).     Nor  was  this  lack  of  powerful  religious  unity 


154  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

made  up  for  by  the  influence  of  the  ministers  of  the  sanctu- 
ary, for  during  this  long  period  of  transition  between  the 
wandering  life  of  the  desert  and  the  fully  organized  civiliza- 
tion of  later  days,  the  priests  and  Levites  of  Israel  seem  rather 
to  have  had  a  precarious  mode  of  existence.  If  we  look  upon 
the  story  of  Michas,  in  Judges  xviii,  13  (^,  sq.,  as  illustrative 
of  the  condition  of  the  Levitical  order  during  this  period  — 
and  this  character  of  the  episode  referred  to  can  hardly  be 
questioned  —  it  is  clear  that  the  public  teachers  of  religion 
were  then  so  inadequately  provided  for  that  they  had  to 
wander  in  different  places  to  secure  a  living. 

Finally,  the  high  priests  of  the  period,  those  supreme  heads 
of  the  Jewish  priesthood,  whose  chief  duty  was  to  watch  over 
the  religious  life  of  the  theocratic  nation  and  to  exert  the 
strongest  and  widest  influence  upon  the  direction  of  the  na- 
tional worship,  are  not  mentioned  in  that  connection  before 
the  time  of  Heli.  It  may,  of  course,  be  admitted  that  the 
new  line  of  high  priests  —  the  line  of  Ithamar,  the  youngest 
son  of  Aaron  —  to  which  Heli  belonged,  had  had  the  greatest 
difficulty  in  being  recognized  by  the  people  at  large,  and,  in 
point  of  fact,  the  high  priesthood  returned  later  to  the  line 
of  Eleazar  (I  Kings  ii,  30-36  ;  III  Kings  ii,  26,  27)  ;  but 
whatever  the  cause,  it  is  plain  that  the  high  priest  possessed 
but  little  public  authority  during  the  period  of  the  judges. 

2.     Successive  Falls  of  the  Israelites  into  Idolatry. 

The  social  and  religious  disconnection  of  the  tribes,  which 
is  so  prominent  a  feature  in  this  period  of  Jewish  history, 
afforded  to  the  Israelites  a  good  opportunity  for  indulging 
the  idolatrous  tendencies  they  had  inherited  from  their  an- 
cestors, by  freely  yielding  to  the  influence  of  the  heathen 
nations  with  which  they  were  surrounded,  and  hence  we  read 
that  time  and  again  "  they  forsook  Jehovah  and  served  Baal 
and  Astaroth  "  (Judges  ii,  11,  sq.).  At  first  they  probably 
combined   the   worship   of   Jehovah   with   that  of    the    Cha- 


THE    TIME    OF    THE    JUDGES.  155 

naanaean  deities,  but  gradually  ihey  embraced  fully  an  in- 
famous worship,  which,  by  its  pompous  and  sensual  rites, 
appealed  powerfully  to  the  low  and  idolatrous  instincts  of 
their  nature.  Divine  Providence,  however,  watched  over 
them,  and  by  alternations  of  freedom  and  servitude  following 
upon  their  faithfulness  or  unfaithfulness  in  the  service  of 
the  true  God,  not  only  prevented  them,  as  a  nation,  from 
settling  down  permanently  in  idolatry,  but  also  led  them  to 
consider  Him  as  the  only  God  of  the  land  He  had  promised 
to  the  patriarchs  of  old. 

Of  course,  it  is  conceivable  that  both  the  punishment  with 
which  Jehovah  visited  the  idolatry  of  the  Israelites  and  the 
deliverance  which  He  granted  to  their  conversion  might  at 
times  appear  to  us  simply  the  outcome  of  natural  events; 
but  there  is  no  doubt  that  in  both  sets  of  events  the  chosen 
people  recognized  the  immediate  working  of  an  angered,  or, 
on  the  contrary,  of  a  forgiving  God,  and  that  they  repeatedly 
fell  away  from  His  pure  worship  only  because  they  gradually 
lost  sight  of  their  good  resolves  and  of  His  merciful  dealings 
with  them. 


SYNOPSIS    OF   CHAPTER    XV. 

History  of  the  Judges. 


f  Othoniel, 
I.     The  First  Three  Judges  :    -|  Aod, 

[  Samgar. 


II. 

ly^KBBORA 

(Judges 
/-"       iv,  V.) 


1.  Oppression  of  Israel  by  the  Northern  Chanaanites. 

2.  Debbora  ajid Barac  [Vtrsonsigts,]  Exploits;  Canticle), 


III. 
/^'Gedeon 


I.  His  Call  and  Mission  (Judges  vi). 


I   2.  Successive 
Victories 


j.  He  refuses  to  reign. 
fYhe  ei 


phod  an  occasion  of  idolatry. 
3.  Abitnelech  :  his  son  (cruelty  ;  reign  ;  death.)  (Judges  ix.) 


IV. 


f  I.  JVhy  atid Hozu  made  a  Ruler  by  Galaad? 


L^'jePHTE:      I  \/^is-^ow:  \   ^"^^ 


4- 


(Judges  X 


•  uestions  connected  with  the  immola- 
ion  of  his  daughter. 


''"■^  I  3-  Qiiarrel  with  Ephraim  (Sibboleth). 


iAk 


V. 


AMSON  ; 


(Judges 
-r    xiii-xvi.) 


f 

j    I.  Peculiar  Character  of  his  Judgeship. 

.  Chief  Facts  of  His  Life:  their  historical  character. 


y   '  {    I.  The  Rise  of      (  The  change  of  the  priesthood. 

1  /Heli  :      I      -f  ^^ii-  -^Union  of  priest  and  judge. 

(i  Kings     j^  Israel's  Defeat  at  Aphec :  its  consequences. 


VII.      Episodes   Connected  with  the  Time    of  the  Judges 
(Judges  xvii-xxi ;  Ruth). 

[156] 


CHAPTER   XV. 

HISTORY    OF    THE    JUDGES. 

1.  The  First  Three  Judges  (Judges  iii).  The  Biblical 
notices  of  Othoniel,  Aod  and  Samgar,  the  first  three 
judges  of  Israel,  however  short,  are  not  altogether  devoid  of 
historical  interest.  What  the  sacred  narrative  tells  us  of 
Othoniel,  for  instance,  is  in  perfect  harmony  with  the  natural 
desire  of  the  rulers  over  Mesopotamia  to  subjugate  the  land 
of  Chanaan  ;  and,  in  particular,  it  makes  us  aware  of  the 
fact  that  very  soon  after  the  death  of  Josue  Israel  began  to 
be  unfaithful  to  God,  since  the.deliverer  from  foreign  oppres- 
sion was  no  other  than  the  younger  brother  of  Caleb.  Again, 
what  we  learn  from  Aod,  the  second  judge  in  Israel,  shows 
us  that  the  Moabites,  cowed  for  a  time  by  the  rapid  and 
wonderful  success  of  the  Hebrews,  were  again  anxious  to 
weaken  those  dangerous  neighbors  of  the  Moabite  territory, 
and  that  for  this  purpose  they  deemed  it  again  necessary  to 
secure  the  help  of  other  tribes,  namely,  the  Ammonites  and 
Amalecites  (cfr.  Judges  iii,  12,  13,  with  Numb,  xxii,  2-4). 
Again,  in  Aod,  who  treacherously  murdered  the  king  of  Moab 
during  an  audience  he  had  obtained  from  that  prince,  we  find 
a  striking  sample  of  the  barbarity  of  the  age.  Finally,  in 
the  exploit  of  "  Samgar,  who  slew  of  the  Philistines  six  hun- 
dred men  with  a  ploughshare,"  we  have  probably  an  instance 
of  the  manner  in  which  the  victory  of  a  body  of  men  is  simply 
ascribed  to  their  leader  (see  an  instance  of  the  same  kind  in 
I  Kings,  xviii,  7). 

2.  Debbora  (Judges  iv,  v).  Far  more  formidable  than 
either  the  Mesopotamian  invader,  or  the  Moabites  and  their 

[157] 


158  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

allies,  or  the  Philistines,  was  "Jabin,  the  northern  king  of 
Chanaan."  His  general,  named  Sisara,  had  not  only  in- 
vaded the  territory  of  the  Hebrews,  but  even  for  twenty  long 
years  he  had  grievously  oppressed  them,  and  from  his  op- 
pression no  deliverance  could  be  expected,  except  from  the 
mighty  arm  of  Jehovah,  for  the  Chanaanaean  oppressor  had 
a  large  army  and  no  less  than  **  nine  hundred  chariots  set 
with  scythes."  Then  it  was  that  the  God  of  Israel  came  to 
the  rescue  of  His  people  by  inspiring  a  woman,  the  celebrated 
Debbora,  to  secure  the  deliverance  of  her  fellow-countrymen. 
As  a  prophetess,  ghe  spoke  in  the  name  of  Jehovah,  and  di- 
rected Barac  —  manifestly  a  leading  captain  of  the  time  — 
to  assemble  troops,  promising  him  victory  and  the  encour- 
agement of  her  own  presence. 

The  first  battle  between  Israel  and  the  Northern  Cha- 
naanites  was  fought  in  the  pfein  of  Mageddo,  a  ground  un- 
favorable for  the  manoeuvring  of  the  Chanaanaean  chariots, 
and  it  ended  in  a  complete  victory  for  the  people  of  God. 
Sisara,  in  his  rapid  flight,  confidently  took  refuge  in  the  tent 
of  Jahel  —  the  wife  of  Haber  the  Cinite,  then  at  peace  with 
the  Northern  Chanaanites  —  but,  having  soon  fallen  asleep, 
he  was  treacherously  put  to  death  by  her.  This  glorious 
victory  of  Barac  was  followed  by  many  others  which  are 
not  detailed  in  the  Biblical  narrative,  but  which  resulted  in 
the  utter  destruction  of  the  northern  oppressors  of  Israel 
(Judges  iv). 

This  same  glorious  victory  was  celebrated  by  the  trium- 
phant Canticle  of  Debbora  and  Barac,  one  of  the  oldest  and 
V  finest  odes  contained  in  the  Bible  (Judges  v).  Although  this 
poem  presents  many  obscurities  which  are  probably  due  to 
the  imperfect  textual  condition  in  which  it  has  come  down 
to  us,  it  is  substantially  a  natural  and  straightforward  de- 
scription, first,  of  Israel's  situation  before  the  rising  of  the 
Israelites  at  the  voice  of  Debbora  and  Barac  (verses  6-8)  ; 
next,  of  the  actual  rising  of  the  tribes  against  their  oppressors 


HISTORY    OF    THE    JUDGES.  11^9 

(12-18)  ;  finally,  of  the  victory  won  by  Israel,  and  of  its  se- 
quel, the  death  of  Sisara  (19-27)  (cfr.  Moore,  Judges,  p. 
127,  sq.). 

3.  Gedeon  (Judges  vi-ix).  The  next  judge  of  Israel  of 
whom  we  read  in  the  sacred  text  is  Gedeon,  who  was  miracu- 
lously called  by  God  to  free  His  people  from  the  repeated 
and  plundering  invasions  of  the  Madianites  and  other  Eastern 
nations.  This  was  a  hard  task,  even  for  a  most  valiant  man 
like  Gedeon,  and  this  is  why  he  pleaded  the  poverty  of  his 
family  in  the  tribe  of  Manasses  to  which  he  belonged,  and 
his  own  lowly  position  in  his  father's  house,  in  order  to  be 
relieved  from  this  responsible  and  dangerous  mission.  As, 
however,  he  was  promised  Divine  assistance,  and  received 
what  he  considered  to  be  miraculous  signs  of  his  mission,  he 
resisted  no  longer,  overthrew  by  night  the  altar  of  Baal,  which 
had  been  erected  in  his  own  village  of  Ephra,  probably  near 
Dothain,  and  gave  bravely  the  signal  of  war  against  the  op- 
pressors of  the  land. 

Thereupon,  Madianites,  Amalecites  and  other  tribes  crossed 
the  Jordan,  and  encamped  in  the  plain  of  Jezrael,  an  offshoot 
of  the  great  plain  of  Esdroelon;  and  Gedeon,  followed  by 
numerous  warriors  of  the  tribes  of  Manasses,  Aser,  Zabulon 
and  Nephtali,  took  position  not  far  from  the  enemy.  It  was 
not,  however,  by  means  of  these  numerous  troops  that  Je- 
hovah wished  to  secure  victory  to  His  people,  and  by  Divine 
command  Gedeon  put  aside  three  hundred  men  only,  whom 
he  armed  with  trumpets,  and  with  torches  enclosed  in 
pitchers  which  they  broke,  crying  out,  "The  sword  of  Jehovah 
and  Gedeon  !  "  Surprised  and  panic-stricken,  the  enemies  of 
Israel  attack  each  other,  and  make  in  all  speed  for  the  fords 
of  the  Jordan,  pursued  by  the  rest  of  the  troops  of  Gedeon. 
But  before  all  the  Madianites  and  Amalecites  could  cross 
the  river,  the  inhabitants  of  Mount  Ephraim  took  possession 
of  the   fords,  and  in  a  hard-fought    battle    defeated    them. 


l6o  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

They  also  made  prisoners  two  leaders  of  Madian,  called 
Oreb  and  Zeb,  whose  heads  they  sent  to  the  great  Hebrew. 
leader,  rebuking  him  at  the  same  time  for  not  having  called 
upon  the  men  of  Ephraim  to  fight  the  common  enemies  of 
the  country.  Gedeon  appeased  them  "by  one  of  those  pro- 
verbial phrases  which  in  the  East  serve  for  conclusive  argu- 
ments" (Sx\iiTH,  Old  Testament  History),  and  then  pursued 
beyond  Jordan  the  rest  of  the  invading  army  under  the  lead- 
ership of  Zebee  and  Salmana.  Passing  by  Soccoth  and 
Phanuel,  places  celebrated  by  their  connection  with  the  old 
patriarch  Jacob,  he  met  with  a  cruel  refusal  of  supplies  for 
his  fainting  soldiers,  and  threatened  both  places  with  signal 
vengeance  at  his  return.  A  third  victory  crowned  his  arms, 
and  Zebee  and  Salmana,  overtaken  in  their  flight,  were  made 
prisoners.  Soccoth  and  Phanuel  experienced  the  terrible 
vengeance  of  Gedeon,  and  Zebee  and  Salmana  were  put  to 
death. 

Grateful  for  this  glorious  deliverance,  the  Israelites  offered 
to  Gedeon  the  dignity  of  a  hereditary  king,  which  he  refused 
with  these  noble  words:  "I  will  not  rule  over  you,  neither 
shall  my  son  rule  over  you,  but  Jehovah  shall  rule  over  you." 
But  whilst  satisfied  with  the  rank  of  judge,  Gedeon  asked  of 
his  soldiers  the  rings  and  other  ornaments  they  had  taken 
from  the  enemy,  and  he  made  with  this  spoil  what  seems  to 
have  soon  become  an  object  of  idolatrous  worship  in  Israel. 

After  the  death  of  Gedeon,  his  half-Chanaanite  son,  Abim- 
elech,  persuaded  his  fellow-townsmen  of  Sichem,  that,  in 
place  of  the  divided  rule  of  his  numerous  brothers,  he,  their 
bone  and  their  fleshy  should  have  the  supreme  authority.  To 
this  the  Sichemites  agreed,  and  with  the  seventy  pieces  of 
silver  they  lent  him  from  the  treasury  of  the  temple  of  Baal-  . 
Berith  he  recruited  a  band  of  outlaws,  by  whose  means  he 
did  away  with  all  his  brothers  —  except  the  youngest,  named 
Joatham  — and  was  then  crowned  king  in  Sichem.  His  rule 
was  marked  by  an  attempt  at  a  regular  royal  organization  in 


HISTORY    OF    THE    JUDGES.  l6l 

Sichem  and  the  neighboring  towns,  and  also  by  a  crueltv 
which  rendered  him  odious  to  his  subjects.  After  a  reign  of 
three  years,  a  rebellion,  headed  by  Gaal,  the  son  of  Obed  — 
a  man  otherwise  unknown — broke  out,  and  threatened 
Abimelech  with  a  speedy  death.  The  tyrant,  however,  was 
victorious  in  a  battle  against  the  Sichemites,  took  and  de- 
stroyed their  city  and  killed  its  inhabitants ;  he  also  set  on 
fire  the  citadel  of  Sichem,  suffocating  and  burning  those  who 
had  taken  refuge  therein.  But  his  cruelty  was  soon  to  come 
to  an  end,  for  if  he  was  again  'successful  in  capturing  Thebes, 
one  of  the  neighboring  towns,  he  met  with  an  ignominious 
death  when  he  attempted  to  set  on  fire  its  tower. 

Thus  perished  the  first  man  invested  with  the  royal  au- 
thority over  a  part  of  Israel ;  his  cruel  deeds  were  well  cal- 
culated to  make  the  nation  at  large  hesitate  before  granting 
the  same  rank  to  any  other  man,  and,  in  point  of  fact,  Thola 
and  Jair,  who  are  represented  in  the  Bible  as  his  immediate 
successors,  had  only  the  title  of  judges,  and  they  apparently 
did  nothing  great  for  their  country,  which  might  have  se- 
cured for  them  an  authority  which  Abimelech  had  reached 
with  such  cleverness  and  exercised  with  such  cruelty  (Judges 
X,  1-5)- 

4.  Jephte  (Judges  x,  6-xii).  The  history  of  few  judges 
is  more  generally  kno\vn  than  that  of  Jephte,  whose  judge- 
ship is  next  described  in  the  sacred  narrativ^e.  If  his  illegiti- 
mate birth  and  actual  life  of  a  freebooter  commended  him 
but  little  for  the  important  function  of  a  ruler  in  Israel,  his 
well-known  valor,  joined  to  the  awful  straits  to  which  his 
fellow-tribesmen  were  then  reduced,  prompted  the  tribes  east 
of  the  Jordan  to  offer  him  the  military  leadership  in  the  fight 
they  were  about  to  wage  against  the  Ammonites.  Jephte 
consented,  but  under  the  condition  that,  in  the  event  of  suc- 
cess, he  should  retain  the  supreme  command,  a  condition 
which  the  inhabitants  of  Galaad  joyfully  accepted,  for  they 


l62  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

had  already  groaned  eighteen  long  years  'under  the  most 
grievous  oppression.  His  first  step  in  assuming  the  com- 
mand was  to  send  an  embassy  to  the  King  of  Ammon,  urg- 
ing the  Divine  right  of  Israel  to  the  land  of  Galaad.  Of 
course  these  negotiations  failed,  and  the  only  thing  now  to 
be  done  was  to  prepare  for  war.  With  this  end  in  view, 
Jephte  speedily  gathered  troops,  and  when  on  the  point  of 
beginning  the  campaign  made  a  solemn  vow  to  Jehovah, 
saying :  "  If  Thou  wilt  deliver  the  children  of  Ammon  into 
my  hands,  whosoever  shall  first  come  forth  out  of  the  doors 
of  my  house  and  shall  meet  me,  when  I  return  in  peace  from 
the  children  of  Ammon,  the  same  shall  be  Jehovah's,  and  I 
will  offer  him  as  a  holocaust"  (Judges  xi,  30,  31). 

Two  principal  questions  have  been  agitated  in  connection 
with  this  vow,  which  Jehovah  apparently  ratified  by  granting 
to  Jephte  the  greatest  advantages  over  the  Ammonites  and 
the  actual  freedom  of  his  country.  The  first  question  con- 
cerns the  precise  nature  of  Jephte's  vow  and  of  its  fulfilment. 

Since  the  Middle  Ages,  many  Jewish  rabbis  and  Catholic 
and  Protestant  interpreters  have  thought  that  Jephte  never 
intended  to  offer  a  human  sacrifice,  but  used,  whilst  making 
his  vow,  the  word  "  holocaust "  in  a  kind  of  spiritual  sense, 
as  denoting  the  completeness  of  consecration  to  God's 
special  and  perpetual  service  to  which  he  would  devote  the 
first  person  of  his  household  he  should  meet  on  his  return. 
It  so  happened  that  it  was  his  only  daughter  who  was  first 
to  meet  him,  and,  in  virtue  of  his  vow,  he  consigned  her  to  a 
life  of  perpetual  celibacy.  Many  plausible  arguments  drawn 
from  the  Mosaic  law,  which  so  expressly  forbids  human  sac- 
rifices, and  of  which  Jephte  must  have  been  aware,  from  the 
manner  in  which  the  vow  and  its  fulfilment  are  recorded, 
etc.,  have  been  set  forth  in  favor  of  this  opinion  ;  yet  it  must 
be  said  that  the  plain  meaning  of  the  words  used  by  this 
judge  of  Israel  whilst  making  his  vow  and  the  unquestion- 
able fact  that  a  vow  of  perpetual  virginity  was  then  unknown 


HISTORY    OF    THE    JUDGES.  163 

to  the  Hebrews,  prove  that  both  the  Jewish  and  Christian 
traditions,  which  were  unanimous  in  this  regard  down  to  the 
twelfth  century,  admitted  rightly  that  Jephte  actually  immo- 
lated his  daughter  in  fulfilment  of  his  vow ;  and  this  view 
is  supported  in  the  present  day  by  many  able  scholars 
(cfr.  for  a  good  discussion,  Vigouroux,  Manuel  Biblique, 
tome  ii). 

The  second  question  connected  with  the  vow  of  Jephte 
has  been  suggested  by  Rationalists,  who  have  appealed  to 
the  actual  immolation  of  his  daughter  by  a  judge  of  Israel 
as  one  of  the  many  facts  in  Jewish  history  which  would  prove 
that  human  sacrifices  in  honor  of  Jehovah  were  a  part  of 
Hebrew  worship  from  the  time  of  Abraham  (Gen.  xxii)  down 
to  the  time  of  Josias,  in  the  seventh  century  before  Christ. 
Whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  other  Biblical  passages 
which  Rationalists  adduce  as  proving  their  position  —  and 
which  indeed  are  far  from  proving  it  —  it  is  certain  that  a 
conclusive  argument  in  their  favor  cannot  be  drawn  from  the 
present  instance.  We  should  far  less  consider  Jephte  as  a 
representative  worshipper  of  Jehovah  in  his  quality  of  judge 
of  Israel  than  as  a  freebooter  who  had  suddenly  become  a 
Hebrew  general,  and  had  accordingly  lost  nothing  of  his 
barbarous  and  heathen  ideas  and  feelings,  so  that  it  is  only 
natural  that,  under  the  excitement  of  immediate  preparation 
for  battle,  he  should  have  imagined  he  would  honor  Jehovah 
by  promising  Him  what  he  was  wont  to  consider  as  most 
welcome  to  the  gods,  a  human  victim.  It  is  only  natural 
also,  that  success  having  crowned  his  efforts,  he  should 
feel  in  duty  bound  to  immolate  his  daughter,  a  fact  which 
from  the  tenor  of  the  narrative  was  plainly  an  extraordinary 
event  (cfr.  Jas.  Robertson,  Early  Religion  of  Israel,  3d  edit., 
p.  255),  and  should  not  consequently  be  regarded  as  a  usual 
practice  commanded,  or  even  tolerated,  in  Hebrew  worship 
(c.'r.  Chas.  Robert,  Re'ponse  h  'TEncyclique  et  les  Catho- 
liques  Anglais  et  Americains,"  p.  41). 


164  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

Like  Gedeon,  Jephte  had  to  listen  to  the  loud  complaints 
of  the  Ephraimites  for  not  having  called  upon  them  to  fight 
against  the  Ammonites,  but  returned  a  very  different  an- 
swer. A  war  ensued,  in  which  the  men  of  Ephraim  were 
entirely  routed  in  a  great  battle  east  of  the  Jordan.  All 
those  who  rushed  to  cross  the  fords  of  the  Jordan  found 
them  guarded  by  the  soldiers  of  Jephte,  and  were  unmerci- 
fully put  to  death  whenever  they  failed  in  uttering  the  cor- 
rect sound  of  sh  in  the  word  Shibboleth,  and  thus  betrayed 
their  Ephraimite  origin. 

Jephte  continued  to  "judge  Israel"  up  to  the  end  of 
his  life,  and  was  succeeded  by  three  judges,  of  whom  the 
Bible  has  preserved  little  besides  their  names  (Judges  xii, 
7-15)- 

5.  Samson  (Judges  xiii-xvi).  The  most  formidable  op- 
pressors of  the  Israelites  towards  the  close  of  this  period 
were  the  Philistines,  who,  apparently,  had  been  recently  re- 
inforced by  immigrants  from  the  island  of  Crete  (cfr.  Pelt, 
vol.  i,  p.  326,  footnote  2),  and  who,  in  their  efforts  to  enlarge 
their  territory  eastward,  had  gradually  reduced  a  part  of 
Israel  to  servitude.  Long  years  elapsed  before  the  deliver- 
ance of  God's  people  from  their  powerful  oppressors  was  even 
begun  by  Samson,  a  man  whose  adventures,  as  recorded  in 
the  B'ble,  differ  so  much  from  the  facts  which  are  narrated 
respecting  the  other  judges  of  Israel,  and  bear,  apparently, 
so  close  a  resemblance  to  the  deeds  of  the  mythological 
heroes  of  Greece  and  Rome.  Differently  from  all  the  judges 
of  Israel  already  mentioned,  his  birth  and  special  mission 
were  distinctly  foretold  to  his  parents,  and  differently  from 
Aod,  Deb'bora  and  Barac,  Gedeon  and  Jephte,  he  never  ap- 
pears as  a  military  leader  who  puts  to  flight  the  armies  of 
the  oppressors  of  Israel,  but  is  rather  "a  solitary  hero  en- 
dowed with  prodigious  strength,  who  in  his  own  quarrel, 
single-handed,  makes  havoc  among  the  Philistines,"  so  that 


HISTORY    OF    THE    JUDGES.  165 

it  is  not  easy  to  see  **  in  what  sense  be  can  be  called  a  judge 
at  all"  (Moore,  Judges,  p.  313). 

Samson  belonged  to  the  tribe  of  Dan,  and  was  a  Nazarite 
from  his  birth,  that  is,  he  was  bound  by  vow  not  to  use  either 
wine  or  strong  drink,  and  to  refrain  from  cutting  his  hair;  in 
point  of  fact,  the  extraordinary  strength  with  which  he  was 
endowed  —  and  which  soon  appeared  in  his  tearing  a  lion 
"as  he  would  have  torn  a  kid  in  pieces"  (Judges  xiv,  6)  — 
was  dependent  on  his  fulfilment  of  the  conditions  of  this 
vow,  and  particularly  on  his  care  that  his  hair  should  never 
be  cut.  In  his  youth,  he  married  a  Philistine  woman,  a  fact 
which  soon  became  the  occasion  of  his  intense  hatred  against 
the  oppressors  of  his  people,  as  also  of  some  of  his  famous 
exploits,  namely,  the  killing  of  thirty  Philistines  at  Ascalon, 
the  catching  of  three  hundred  jackals,  ordinarily  called  foxes, 
and  setting  fire  by  their  means  to  the  splendid  harvest  of 
his  enemies,  and  finally  the  slaying  of  one  thousand  men 
with  the  jaw-bone  of  an  ass.  His  second  marriage  with 
another  Philistine  woman  named  Dalila,  who  proved  still 
more  treacherous  to  Samson  than  his  first  wife,  was  also 
the  occasion  of  deeds  of  prodigious  strength  —  such  as,  for 
instance,  the  carrying  of  the  enormous  gates  of  Gaza  "up  to 
the  top  of  the  hill,  which  looketh  towards  Hebron  "  ;  and 
also  ultimately  of  his  deliverance  into  the  power  of  his  ene- 
mies and  of  the  destruction  both  of  himself  and  of  the  temple 
and  princes  of  the  Philistines,  by  pulling  down  the  pillars  of 
the  house  whither  he  had  been  brought  when  taken  from  his 
prison. 

These  leading  facts  of  Samson's  life  are  more  than  sufl[i- 
cient  to  make  us  realize  why  the  sacred  narrative  speaks  of 
Samson  as  a  judge  of  Israel  (Judges  xv,  20;  xvi,  31  b\  and 
describes  his  mission  as  that  of  one  who  "  shall  begin  to  de- 
liver Israel  from  the  hands  of  the  Philistines  "  (Judges  xiii, 
5).  For  since,  on  the  one  hand,  he  did  all  in  his  power  to 
avenge  his  people  of  their  enemies  he  can  justly  be  regarded 


l66  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

as  one  of  the  judges  of  God's  people  ;  and  since,  on  the  other 
hand,  he  did  not  succeed  fully  in  shaking  off  the  foreign 
yoke  which  was  still  long  to  weigh  on  the  Israelites  after  his 
death,  but  simply  humbled  and  weakened  the  Philistines,  it 
is  plain  that  he  only  began  the  great  work  of  Israel's  de- 
liverance. 

It  is  true  that  the  whole  history  of  Samson  is  treated  as 
purely  fabulous  by  thorough-going  unbelievers,  who  see  in 
this  part  of  the  Biblical  narrative  nothing  but  legends  de- 
rived from  solar  myth^  (civ.  H.  Oort,  The  Bible  for  Learners, 
vol.  i,  p.  41 1,  sq.).  To  substantiate  their  position,  they  remind 
us  first  of  the  many  solar  u^yihs  which  underlie  the  .mythology 
of  the  old  Pagan  nations;  next,  of  the  fact  that  the  Hebrews 
were  at  that  time  perfectly  acquainted  with  sun-worship;  and, 
finally,  of  the  derivation  of  the  name  of  Samson  from  a  He- 
brew word  meaning  "  Sun."  Of  course,  it  cannot  well  be 
doubted  that  in  the  time  of  the  judges  the  Israelites  were 
acquainted  with  sun-worship,  also  that  the  history  of  Samson 
has  a  close  analogy  with  that  of  Hercules,  and,  finally,  that 
the  word  Samson  7nay  be  derived  from  the  Hebrew  for 
'•  Sun."  But  even  granting  all  this,  it  does  not  follow  all  at 
once  that  the  principal  deeds  of  Samson  are  pure  fiction, 
that  even  the  substance  of  the  Biblical  narrative  has  no  real 
basis  on  real  events.  The  history  of  Samson,  as  it  is  recorded 
in  the  book  of  Judges,  will  ever  appear  to  the  unprejudiced 
reader  better  accounted  for  by  admitting  as  its  basis  the 
actual  existence  of  a  hero  of  great  physical  strength  and  law- 
less life,  who  distinguished  himself  in  the  defence  of  his 
nation  against  the  Philistines  by  such  exploits  as  those  of 
which  records  have  been  preserved  to  us,  than  by  going  back 
to  a  possible  derivation  of  the  word  Samson,  and  to  solar 
myths  of  which  there  is  not  the  least  actual  trace  in  the 
Biblical  narrative.  The  first  explanation  fits  naturally  in 
the  circumstances  of  time  and  place  to  which  the  life  of 
Samson  is  referred  by  the  sacred  writer  ;  the  second  is  a  mere 


HISTORY    OF    THE    JUDGES.  167 

hypothesis,  almost  entirely  unconnected  with  the  actual  con- 
ditions of  Israel  during  that  period  of  Jewish  history.  (For 
interesting  and  valuable  details  going  to  show  the  historical 
character  of  the  principal  facts  of  Samson's  life,  see  Vig- 
OUROUX,  Bible  et  Decouvertes  Modernes,  tome  iii ;  cfr.  also 
Geikie,  Hours  with  the  Bible,  vol.  iii,  chap,  i.) 

6.  Heli  (I  Kings  called  also  I  Samuel,  i-iv).  The  time 
of  the  judges  was  practically  brought  to  a  close  by  the  judge- 
ship of  Heli,  whose  rise  to  the  high  priesthood  is  shrouded 
in  obscurity,  for  the  sacred  text  tells  us  nowhere  how  this 
dignity  passed  from  the  line  of  Eleazar  into  that  of  Ithamar, 
to  which  Heli  belonged.  It  is  also  unknown  by  what  series 
of  events  this  head  of  the  sacerdotal  body  succeeded  in  join- 
ing in  his  person  the  twofold  dignity  of  judge  and  high 
priest;  perhaps  we  should  look  upon  this  union  of  functions 
heretofore  separated  as  a  temporary  experiment  of  a  form  of 
government,  which,  without  being  monarchical,  would  yet 
place  in  the  hands  of  one  single  individual  a  power  sufficient 
to  effect  the  union  of  all  the  tribes  against  the  long  and  cruel 
oppression  of  the  Philistines,  and  which,  failing  signally  to 
attain  its  object,  prepared  all  minds  for  the  near  setting  up 
of  the  monarchy  in  Israel. 

However  this  may  be,  when  we  read  of  Heli  in  the  Bible 
he  appears  to  us  a  good  but  weak  old  man,  equally  incapable 
of  leading  the  Israelites  to  victory  and  of  checking  the  per- 
versity of  his  own  children,  who  profaned  the  sacred  place  at 
Silo  and  caused  all  the  people  to  murmur  by  their  sacri- 
legious exactions.  In  vain  did  Jehovah  warn  repeatedly  this 
unworthy  head  of  the  civil  and  sacerdotal  power ;  the  weak- 
ness of  Heli  prevented  him  from  stopping  effectively  abuses 
which  were  soon  to  be  punished  in  the  most  exemplary 
manner.  The  Philistines,  always  ambitious,  always  ready  to 
enlarge  their  conquests,  profited  by  this  weakness  of  the 
Hebrew  Government  to  gather  troops  and  march  to  Aphec, 


1 68  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

a  place  which  cannot  be  identified  at  the  present  day,  and 
where  the  IsraeUtes  were  defeated  with  the  loss  of  about  four 
thousand  men.  Alarmed  at  this  reverse,  the  ancients  of 
Israel  had  the  Ark  of  the  Covenant  brought  into  the  camp, 
borne  by  the  two  sons  of  Heli,  Ophni  and  Phinees,  and  its 
presence  inspired  the  Hebrew  warriors  with  the  greatest  con- 
fidence in  the  future  success  of  their  arms,  but  their  hopes 
were  severely  disappointed.  A  battle  was  fought  in  which 
they  were  utterly  routed  and  sustained  the  loss  of  thirty 
thousand  men,  of  the  two  sons  of  the  high  priest,  and  even 
of  the  Ark  of  the  Covenant.  This  awful  calamity  was  soon 
followed  by  the  death  of  Heli,  who,  hearing  of  the  capture  of 
the  Ark,  fell  from  his  seat,  broke  his  neck  and  died  ;  and  by 
the  practical  fall  of  Silo  as  the  ecclesiastical  centre  of  the 
nation,  for  this  town,  being  now  deprived  of  the  Ark  of 
Jehovah,  gradually  sank  into  insignificance  (cfr.  Deane, 
Samuel  and   Saul,  p.  40,  sq.). 

7.  Episodes  of  the  Time  of  the  Judges  (Judges  xvii- 
xxi ;  Ruth  i-iv).  Intimately  connected  with  the  history  of 
this  period  are  two  episodes,  which  are  recorded  at  the  end 
of  the  book  of  Judges,  and  the  charming  idyl  of  the  book  of 
Ruth. 

The  first  episode,  contained  in  Judges,  chaps,  xvii,  xviii, 
presents  a  sad  illustration,  chiefly  of  the  religious  decay  of 
Israel  during  the  period  of  the  judges.  It  relates  how  an 
Ephraimite,  named  Michas,  owning  a  shrine  with  an  image 
and  oracle,  and  having  a  Levite  as  his  priest,  was  robbed  of 
his  image  and  priest  by  a  considerable  portion  of  the  tribe 
of  Dan  when  on  their  way  northward  in  search  of  new  settle- 
ments ;  and  how  the  Danites,  af .er  having  ruthlessly  mur- 
dered the  former  inhabitants  of  the  district  at  the  sources  of 
the  Jordan,  set  up  Michas'  image  in  a  sanctuary  at  which 
ministered  a  priesthood  claiming  actual  descent  from  Moses. 
The  second    episode,  found  in  Judges,  chaps,  xix-xxi,  and 


HISTORY    OF    THE   JUDGES.  169 

whose  historical  character  has  been  very  seriously  questioned, 
gives  the  story  of  the  causes  and  consequences  of  a  war  be- 
tween the  tribe  of  Benjamin  and  the  other  tribes  of  Israel. 
The  episode  is  briefly  as  follows :  The  wife  of  a  Levite  hav- 
ing been  frightfully  abused  by  the  inhabitants  of  a  Benja- 
mite  town,  called  Gabaa,  the  other  tribes  of  Israel  arose  to 
avenge  the  outrage,  and  asked  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  the 
surrender  of  the  men  of  Gabaa.  The  Benjamites  refused, 
and,  after  having  been  successful  in  two  encounters,  were  so 
utterly  defeated  that  only  six  hundred  men  survived  the 
battle.  In  order,  however,  that  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  should 
not  entirely  disappear  from  Israel,  force  and  deceit  were  suc- 
cessfully resorted  to  in  order  to  supply  wives  to  the  surviv- 
ing Benjamites,  after  which  the  Israelites  dispersed  to  their 
homes. 

In  striking  contrast  with  these  wild  scenes,  alas,  too  much 
in  harmony  with  a  period  when  "every  one  did  as  he 
pleased"  (Judges  xvii,  6  ;  xxi,  24),  stands  the  charming  idyl 
known  as  the  book  of  Ruth,  and  the  substance  of  which  is  as 
follows  :  To  escape  a  famine  which  had  happened  in  West- 
ern Palestine,  Elimelech,  a  man  from  Bethlehem-Juda,  had 
migrated  with  his  family  to  Moab,  where  he  died,  leaving  a 
widow,  Noemi,  and  two  sons  who  married  Moabite  women, 
called  Orpha  and  Ruth.  After  a  lapse  of  about  ten  years, 
his  two  sons  also  died,  and  Noemi  now  prepared  to  return 
to  her  native  town.  Ruth  devotedly  followed  her,  and,  ar- 
rived at  Bethlehem,  went  out  to  glean  in  the  fields  of  Booz,  a 
wealthy  kinsman  of  Elimelech,  and  who  ultimately  married 
Ruth,  with  whose  filial  devotion  he  had  become  acquainted. 
It  is  from  this  union  that  sprang  Obed,  the  grandfather  of 
David. 

The  history  of  Ruth  furnishes  a  natural  transition  between 
the  tribal  period  and  the  period  of  the  monarchy.  It  belongs 
to  the  time  of  the  judges,  and  shows  how  in  the  calmer  in- 
tervals of  this  disturbed  period  the  practical  working  of  the 


lyo  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

Mosaic  law  can  secure  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  Jew- 
ish home,  and  at  the  same  time  it  prepares  for  the  Royal 
Period  of  Jewish  history  by  tracing  back  the  genealogy  of 
David,  the  real  founder  of  the  Hebrew  monarchy,  to  one  of 
the  purest  characters  with  which  the  Bible  makes  us  ac- 
quainted. For  the  numerous  illustrations  of  Orienlal  life 
calculated  to  give  to  the  book  of  Ruth  vividness  and  reality, 
see  the  various  commentaries,  and  also.  Smith,  Bible  Dic- 
tionary, article  Ruth,  vol.  iv,  p.  2756,  sq. 


SYNOPSIS     OF     CHAPTER    XVI. 

The  Bp:c;i\\ing  of  tuk  Monarchy. 

(I  Kings  i-xii.) 


t^SAMUKL, 


THE 

Last 

I  r  I X ;  K 


A.  //is  Earlv 


W.  His  Judge- 
ship : 


Birth  ;  Youth  ;  Early  vision. 

f  I.  Favor  and  influence      i  Cariathiarim. 
with  the  people.         (  Masphath. 

2.  Miraculous    victory  over  the   Philis- 

tines ;  Subsequent  peace. 

3.  Residence  at  Ramatha ;    Yearly  cir- 

cuits. 

f  Why 
made } 

4.  Popular  demand 
for  a  King  : 


II. 

t^SAU 


THE  FlR-ST 

King  : 


IT     TTj    f         \  By  Ood  (Anointment  of  Samuel). 

2.  //is first  Victory  over  the  Ammonites  (I  Kings  xi,  i-i  i). 

3.  Second  /nauguration  of  the  Monarchy  at  Galgal  (I  Kings 

xi,  12-15). 

4.  Samiiers  last  Appeal  to  the  People  ;  he  wtthdraws  (I  Kings 

xii). 

[171] 


THIRD   OR   ROYAL   PERIOD. 

FROM  THE    INSTITUTION    OF  THE  MONARCHY  TO 
THE  BABYLONIAN  CAPTIVITY. 


CHAPTER    XVI. 

THE    BEGINNING    OF    THE    MONARCHY. 

§  I.     Samuel,  the  Last  Judge. 

I.  ■  Samuers  Early  Life  (I  Kings  i-iii).  It  was  dur- 
ing the  high  priesthood  and  judgeship  of  Heli  that  Samuel, 
the  future  introducer  of  the  monarchy  into  Israel,  was  born 
in_Ramathaim,  a  town  which  cannot  be  identified  at  the 
present  day.  His  father,  Elcana,  was  an— Ephraimite  of 
Levitical  descent,  who,  despairing  of  offspring  from  Anna,  his 
first  wife,  had  —  as  allowed  by  Oriental  customs  —  taken 
Phenenna  for  his  second  wife,  and  had  become  by  her  the 
father  of  numerous  children.  As  usual  in  such  cases,  the 
wife  not  blessed  with  children  had  to  bear  the  taunts  of  her 
more  fortunate  rival,  and,  despite  the  tender  affection  which 
Elcana  evinced  on  all  occasions  for  his  first  wife,  Anna,  in 
her  ardent  desire  to  obtain  a  son  from  Jehovah,  vowed  sol- 
emnly that  her  future  child  should  be  devoted  to  the  Divine 
service,  as  a  Nazarite,  all  the  days  of  his  life.  Her  pra^r 
was  heardf  and  her  child,  to  whom  she  gave  the  name  of 
Samuel,  was  accepted,  when  still  in  tender  years,  by  the  old 
high  priest  Heli  for  the  service  of  the  sanctuary. 

[172] 


THE    BEGINNING    OF    THE    MONARCHY.  173 

In  the  midst  of  the  general  corruption  of  the  time,  the  ^'"'^ 
child  grew  in  simplicity  and  innocence  under  the  loving  care 
of  the  pious  women  who  had  regular  duties  to  perform  in 
connection  with  the  Tabernacle  (cfr.  Exod.  xxxviii,  8 ;  I  Kings 
ii,  22),  of  his  mother,  who  visited  him  at  stated  times,  and 
especially  of  Heli,  who  found  in  Samuel  a  devotion  to  his 
well  being,  and  a  readiness  to  follow  his  advice  which  the 
aged  high  priest  had  long  looked  for  in  vain  in  his  own 
wicked  children.  Samuel's  work  was  naturally  divided  be- 
tween such  offices  as  his  strength  allowed  him  to  discharge 
in  connection  with  the  sanctuary  at  Silo  and  the  services  he 
rendered  to  Heli,  whom  dimness  of  sight  and  increasing  in- 
firmities made  largely  dependent  upon  the  help  of  others; 
apparently,  the  high  priest  slept  in  a  chamber  near  the  Tab- 
ernacle, and  Samuel  was  ever  within  call  during  the  night. 

While  Samuel  was  thus  *'  advancing,  growing  on  and  pleas- 
ing both  Jehovah  and  men  "  (I  Kings  ii,  26),  it  became  more 
and  more  necessary  that  the  wickedness  of  the  two  sons  of  u^ 
Heli  and  the  weakness  of  their  father  should  be  visited  by  a  -^ 
signal  punishment,  and  the  young  Samuel  was  selected  by 
God  to  announce  to  the  old  high  priest  the  awful  calamities 
now  near  at  hand.  In  a  vision  during  the  night  Jehovah, 
having  called  Samuel  three  times,  revealed  to  him  the  terri- 
ble fate  that  awaited  Heli  and  his  house.  Early  the  next 
morning  Samuel  complied  with  the  positive  injunction  of 
Heli,  that  he  should  tell  him  his  vision,  and  the  defeat  of 
Aphec  together  with  its  disastrous  consequences  soon  proved 
to  all  Israel  that  Samuel  was  the  chosen  prophet"  <^f  Jehnvah^ 
that  is,  one  to  whom  He  was  pleased  to  manifest  His  will 
and  to  reveal  Himself  time  and  again  (I  Kings  ii,  iii). 

2.  Samuel's  Judgeship  (I  Kings  vii,  viii).  For  twenty 
years  after  the  crushing  defeat  of  the  Israelites  at  Aphec  the 
Philistines  severely  oppressed  the  people  of  God,  and  during 
this  time  Samuel  passed  from  youth  to  manhood  and  acquired 


f^ 


174  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

an  ever-increasing  favor  with  the  people  at  large.  At  length, 
the  time  came  when  the  young  prophet  thought  he  could 
speak  with  authority  and  point  out  to  Israel  that  the  reason 
why  its  enemies,  although  they  had  long  before  been  com- 
pelled to  restore  the  Ark  of  the  Covenant  (I  Kings  v-vii,  2), 
had  ever  since  been  allowed  to  dominate,  was  because  the 
Hebrews  had  not  served  Jehovah  only.  He  therefore  bade 
them  put  away  the  idols  of  Chanaan,  which  divided  their 
allegiance  to  the  true  God,  and  promised  victory  in  the  event 
of  an  attack.  These  words  of  Samuel,  which  were  probably 
addressed  to  the  people  on  the  occasion  of  a  religious  meet- 
ing at  Cariathiaxim,  where  the  Ark  had  been  deposited, 
met  with  such  success  that  Israel  gave  up  openly  all  idola- 
trous worship  and  "served  Jehovah  07ily^'  (I  Kings  vii,  3,  4). 
Samuel  profited  by  these  generous  dispositions  to  convene  a 
general  assembly  of  the  nation  at  Masphath.  probably 
about  "five  miles  north  by  west  of  Jerusalem  "  (Henderson, 
Palestine,  its  Historical  Geography,  p.  113).  The  people 
solemnly  pledged  themselves  to  the  exclusive  worship  of 
Jehovah,  and  not  unlikely  proclaimed  Samuel  as  their  Judge, 
that  is,  as  the  leader  now  in  charge  of  securing  the  deliver- 
ance he  had  promised  to  them  (I  Kings  vii,  5,  6). 

Naturally  enough,  the  Philistines  understood  that  the  con- 
vention of  Israel  at  Masphath  was  a  direct  menace  to  the 
continuance  of  their  tyranny  and  accordingly  they  gathered 
their  whole  force  to  crush  the  Israelite  insurrection.  Great 
was  the  dismay  of  the  Hebrews  when  contemplating  the 
formidable  attack  now  impending  ;  yet  they  had  confidence 
in  Samuel's  power  with  God,  and  their  trust  in  Jehovah  and 
His  prophet  was  rewarded  by  a  victory  which  the  sacred 
writer  represents  as  miraculous.  The  results  of  this  triumph 
were  very  great,  for  besides  the  actual  loss  of  men  sustained 
by  the  Philistines,  these  oppressors  of  the  Israelites  were  so 
"humbled  that  they  did  not  come  any  more  into  the  borders 
of  Israel,"  and  were  gradually  compelled  to  restore  to  the 


THE    BEGINNING    OF    THE    MONARCHY.  1 75 

Hebrews  the  cities  which  they  had  taken  from  them.  It 
sjems  also  that  the  Amorrhites  who  had  taken  part  with  the 
Philistines  hastened  to  make  peace  with  Israel,  and  that  this 
auspicious  beginning  of  Samuel's  judgeship  was  followed  by 
long  years  of   national  freedom  and  prestige  (I   Kings  vii, 

7-15)-  rvu 


During  these  long  years  of  public  prosperity  Samuel  re- 
sided at  Ramatha,  where  he  built  an  altar  to  Jehovah,  and 
continued  to  be  considered  as  the  judge  of  Israel.  Unlike 
those  who  had  preceded  him  in  the  office  of  judge,  he  not 
only  gave  the  example  of  personal  faithfulness  to  the  service 
of  the  true  God,  but  also  took  it  to  heart  to  ensure  a  like 
faithfulness  in  the  Divine  service  on  the  part  of  all  those  who^^;vi>\  ^ 
recognized  his  authority.  With  this  end  in  view,  he  made  it  ^ 
his  business  to  visit  every  year  some  of  the  spots  consecrated 
by  hallowed  memories,  there  to  offer  sacrifice  to  Jehovah- 
The  names  of  three  of  these  venerated  spots  are  mentioned 
ia  the  sacred  text,  namely.  Bethel,  Galgal  and  Masphath  ; 
but  besides  "he  often  betook  himself  to  other  places  at  un- 
certain intervals  to  redress  grievances,  or  to  punish  wrong 
doing,  or  to  offer  Divine  worship"  (see  I  Kings  xvi,  2,  sq.; 
Deane,  Samuel  and  Saul,  p.  69).^  It  was  also  to  secure 
more  effectively  national  faithfulness  to  Jehovah,  that  Samuel 
established  those  ''''  Schools  of  the  Prophets^''  which  have  be- 
come so  famous,  and  in  which  young  men  were  especially 
trained  for  the  prophetical  mission,  that  is,  for  becoming 
the  direct  representatives  of  the  God  of  Israel  and  promot.  '' 
ing  by  every  means  in  their  power,  purity  of  morals  and  of 
Divine  worship  throughout  the  land. 

^  Although  not  a  priest,  but  only  a  simple  Levite,  Samuel  offers  freely  sacrifices  to 
Jehovah.  To  account  for  this  apparent  violation  of  the  Mosaic  law,  two  principal  sup- 
positions have  been  made  :  O)  as  z.  prophet^  Samuel  was  allowed  by  a  special  permission 
of  God  to  perform  priestly,  acis;  (2)  at  that  lime  a  strict  distinction  between  the  duties  of 
the  priests  and  those  of  the  simple  Levites  had  not  yet  been  drawn.  Perhaps  it  might 
be  admitted  that  in  so  doing  Samuel  simply  exercised  one  of  the  functions  which  were 
then  connected  with  the  suoreme  power  in  Israel  (cfr.  for  instance  I  Kings  x,  S ;  xiii,  9, 

12,    13)- 


176  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

It  was  in  this  peaceful,  and  at  the  same  t>me  most  useful, 
manner  that  the  last  judge  of  Israel  spent  the  best  years  of 
his  life,  respected  alike  by  the  Israelites  whom  he  governed 
with  firmness  and  justice,  and  by  the  Philistines  who  remem- 
bered their  former  defeats.     But  as  time  went  on  and  as  he 
advanced  in  years,  Samuel  felt  unable  to  support  alone  the 
whole   weight   of   the    administration,    and    accordingly  ap- 
pointed his  two  sons  2iS  Judges  over  a  part  of  the  territory 
which  recognized  his  authority.     He  placed  them  as  his  sub- 
stitutes at  Bersabee,  on  the  extreme  southern  frontier  of  Pal- 
estine, with  the  sincere  hope  that  by  their  services  in  that 
part  of  the  land  they  would  endear  themselves  to  the  people 
at  large,  and  thus  deserve  a  continuance  in  office  after  his 
death.     Great  indeed    must  have    been  his  disappointment 
when  the  ancients  of  Israel  came  to  the  old  judge  and  com- 
plained that,  differently  from  him,  his  sons  had  proved  greedy 
J  and  rapacious  men,  had  perverted  justice  and  taken  bribes; 
^^J^     keener  still  must  have  been  his  grief  when  these  same  elders 
*"    .,         of  Israel,  voicing  the  actual  feeling  of  the  Jewish  nation,  asked 
y^  \        for    a  king,  saying,  "Make    us  a  king  to    judge    us,  as  all 
nations  have."     This    popular    demand  for  a  king   was  no 
mere  passing  desire  of  only  a  section  of  the  country;  it  was 
^     rather  the  natural  outcome  of  a  long  and  steadily  growing 
^^       tendency  of  the  people  at  large  towards  a  form  of  govern- 
'  ment  capable  of  imparting  unity  and  strength  to  the  long- 

divided  forces  of  the  Jewish  nation.  It  was  also  the  natural 
outcome  of  the  circumstances  of  the  time  :  the  Philistines, 
profiting  by  the  weakness  of  the  aged  judge  of  Israel,  had 
gradually  recovered  confidence  in  their  arms  and  had  suc- 
ceeded in  establishing  strong  garrisons  in  the  very  heart  of 
the  country  (I  Kings  ix,  1 6  ;  x,  5  ;  xiii,  3)  ;  and  the  Ammonites, 
formerly  subdued  by  Jephte,  threatened  again  the  region  east 
of  the  Jordan  (I  Kings  xii,  12).  In  presence  of  such  enemies, 
the  Israelites  saw  only  one  means  of  securing  victory :  it  was 
to  discard  both  Samuel,  too  old  to  be  their  general,  and  his 


THE    BEGINNING    OF    THE    MONARCHY.  1 77 

two  sons,  plainly  unworthy  of  the  command,  and  to  ask  for 
a  king.  A- 

However  natural  this  petition  of  the  Hebrews  may  now  h. 
appear  to  us,  it  greatly  displeased  the  old  judge  of  Israel, 
whose  former  victories  and  lifelong  services  seemed  to  him 
undervalued  by  this  bald  request :  *'  Make  us  a  king  to  judge 
us."  Yet  he  did  not  reject  their  request  at  once,  but,  as  was 
his  wont,  he  prayed  to  Jehovah  for  guidance.  In  His  answer 
God  bade  Samuel  to  hearken  to  the  voice  of  the  people, 
although  by  asking  for  a  king  to  judge  them,  as  all  nations  -4  . 
had,  the  Israelites  had  plainly  shown  how  little  they  under- 
stood their  glorious  privilege  to  be  different  from  other 
nations,  and  to  have  no  other  king  but  Jehovah.  Before, 
however,  granting  the  petition  of  his  fellow-countrymen,  the 
aged  prophet  drew  for  them  a  picture  which  embraced  the 
principal  features  of  the  government  of  Eastern  monarchs, 
and  which  was  indeed  calculated  to  make  them  pause  before 
giving  up  the  freedom  and  quiet  and  exemption  from  taxes, 
etc.,  which  they  had  hitherto  enjoyed,  but  which  were  to  be 
sacrificed  before  the  will  of  their  future  king.  This  remon- 
strance was  of  course  useless,  and  the  people  having  renewed 
their  petition  for  a  king,  nothing  else  remained  to  be  done 
but  to  select  the  one  who  was  to  be  the  first  monarch  of 
Israel ;  as  this  choice,  however,  was  of  the  greatest  impor- 
tance, Samuel  sent  the  people  away,  and  waited  for  some 
further  direction  from  Jehovah. 

§  2.     Saul   the    Jurst  King. 

I.  The  Election  of  Saul  (I  Kings  ix,  x).  The  Bibli- 
cal narrative  does  not  tell  us  how  long  after  granting  the 
petition  of  the  Jewish  people  for  a  king  God  made  known  to 
Samuel  that  on  a  certain  day  he  would  meet  the  man  of  the 
land  of  Benjamin,  whom  He  destined  to  be  the  first  King  of 
Israel  (I  Kings  ix,  15,  16);  but  we  are  told  in  detail  by  what 


^ 


178  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

succession  of  apparently  trivial  events  this  meeting  was 
actually  brought  about.  It  makes  us  acquainted  with  the 
loss  of  the  asses  of  Cis,  a  man  of  Benjamin  j  with  the  useless 
efforts  of  his  son,  named  Saul,  a  man  of  goodly  stature,  to 
track  them  ;  with  the  happy  suggestion  of  Saul's  companion 
to  consult  the  seer — that  is  the  prophet — of  the  land  of 
Suph,  a  man  famous  for  his  correct  predictions,  and  who  had 
just  coma  into  the  city  to  offer  a  public  sacrifice  in  the  high, 
place ;  and  finally,  with  the  actual  meeting  of  Samuel  and 
Saul,  when  the  latter,  addressing  the  former,  said,  "  Tell  me, 
I  pray  thee,  where  is  the  house  of  the  seer  ? "  Samuel,  in- 
wardly made  aware  that  his  questioner  was  the  future  King 
of  Israel,  answered  that  he  himself  was  the  seer  and  that  the 
asses  vainly  sought  after  by  Saul  had  been  found.  Then  he 
announced  to  the  son  of  Cis  the  exalted  dignity  to  which 
Jehovah  had  called  him.  In  vain  did  Saul  plead  the  small- 
ness  of  his  tribe  in  Israel  and  the  insignificancy  of  his  own 
family,  the  prophet  gave  him  the  first  place  at  the  sacrificial 
meal,  welcomed  him  to  his  own  house,  and  the  next  morning 
accompanied  him  to  the  end  of  the  town.  There,  the  ser- 
vant having  been  bidden  to  pass  on,  the  last  judge  of  Israel 
taking  a  Utile  vial  of  oil,  poured  it  upon  the  head  of  Saul, 
and  thus  anointed  him  the  first  king  of  the  chosen  peo- 
ple. 

These  were,  of  course,  wonderful  events  in  the  eyes  of  Saul, 
and  Samuel,  to  enable  him  gradually  to  feel  that  they  were 
glorious  realities,  gave  to  Saul  three  signs  which  soon  met 
with  their  perfect  fulfilment.  Nothing  indeed  was  better 
calculated  than  this  fulfilment  to  confirm  Saul  in  his  actual 
belief  that  he  was  the  chosen  of  Jehovah  for  the  Jewish 
throne,  nothing,  also,  should  have  convinced  him  more  firmly 
that  the  mysterious  recommendation  the  old  prophet  made  to 
him  just  before  parting,  namely,  that  he  should  wait  for 
Samuel  at  Galgal  seven  days,  and  should  not  offer  victims 
to  God  before  his  actual  arrival,  must  be  complied  with  to 


/^^ 


THE    BEGINNING    OF    THE    MONARCHY.  1 79 

its  fullest  extent  ;  and  yet,  we  shall  soon  see  that  Saul  dis- 
carded this  parting  recommendation  of  the  prophet. 

After  returning  home,  the  Anointed  of  Jehovah  —  as  the 
Jewish  kings  are  called  in  Holy  Writ —  preserved  a  prudent 
silence  concerning  what  had  taken  place  between  Samuel 
and  himself  till  his  election  should  be  ratified  by  the  people.  /^  ^^ 
This  ratification  was  effected  in  a  general  assembly  which 
Samuel  had  convened  in  Masphath,  and  in  which  the  old 
judge  invited  all  to  leave-  the  selection  of  the  king  in  the 
hands  of  Jehovah  by  the  casting  of  lots.  The  lot  fell  upon 
Saul,  and  accordingly  the  son  of  Cis  was  presented  to  the 
people,  who,  struck  with  admiration  for  his  kingly  appearance, 
cried  and  said:  "God  save  the  king!"  Before  dismissing^^ 
the  assembly,  Samuel  told  the  people  the  Law  of  the 
Kingdom,  whereby  were  probably  meant  some  such  limita- 
tions to  tiie  royal  power  as  those  which  we  read  in  the 
book  of  Deuteronomy  (xvii,  14-20;  cfr.  Jahn,  Hebrew  Com- 
monwealtli,  p.  C4,  sq.).  and  having  "  written  it  in  a  book,  laid 
it  up  before  Jehovah." 

The  ceremony  ended,  the  people  withdrew  to  their  homes, 
and  Saul  returned  to  his  little  town  of  Gabaa  —  a  place  which 
has  been  identified  with  the  modern  Tell  El  Ful,  about 
three  miles  north  of  Jerusalem  —  where  he  resumed  his  ^ 
former  humble  duties  (I  Kings  xi,  5).  In  thus  acting,  the 
new  King  of  Israel  evinced  a  consummate  prudence,  for  under 
the  circumstances  of  the  time,  when  numerous  and  powerful 
opponents  belonging  probably  to  the  great  tribes  of  Juda 
and  Ephraim  openly  derided  him  as  wanting  in  military 
means  for  his  office,  he  could  do  little  more  than  to  dissem- 
ble his  resentment,  and  retire  to  private  life  till  events  should 
vindicate  his  election. 

2.  Saul's  First  Victory  over  the  Ammonites  (I 
Kings  xi,  i-ii).  A  month  had  scarcely  elapsed  when  a 
favorable  opportunity  arose  for  proving   how  mistaken    the 


l8o  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

opponents  of  the  new  king  were  in  their  estimation  of  his 
warlike  abilities.  The  children  of  Ammon,  long  recovered 
from  the  severe  defeat  inflicted  upon  them  by  Jephte,  had 
invaded  the  territory  of  the  Transjordanic  tribes,  and  actually 
besieged  the  capital  of  Galaad,  Jabes,  which  occupied  a 
commanding  position  on  the  top  of  an  isolated  hill,  and 
which  is  now  identified  with  the  ruins  of  Ed  Deir,  about  six 
miles  south  of  Pella,  on  the  north  of  the  Wady  El  Yabis. 
Despairing  of  a  victorious  resistance,  the  inhabitants  of  Jabes 
offered  to  surrender ;  but  Naas,  the  Ammonite  king,  in  his 
desire  to  avenge  upon  them  the  former  defeat  of  his  nation 
by  the  Galaadite,  Jephte,  refused  to  accept  the  surrender, 
unless  the  defenders  of  Jabes  should  consent  to  lose  their 
right  eyes,  and  thus  become  unfit  for  further  military  service. 
Naas  agreed,  however,  to  a  respite  of  seven  days,  during 
which  the  inhabitants  of  the  besieged  city  could  implore  the 
help  of  the  other  tribes  of  Israel.  Their  messengers,  prob- 
ably aware  of  the  new  royal  office  in  Israel,  went  straight  to 
Gabaa,  and  all  the  people,  who  heard  their  tale  of  woe, 
"  lifted  up  their  voices,  and  wept."  When  in  the  evening 
Saul  came  back  from  the  field,  "  behind  the  oxen  with  which 
he  had  been  working  "  (Edersheim,  Bible  History,  iv,  p.  52), 
he  found  his  own  town  lamenting  over  the  future  fate  of 
Jabes  Galaad.  At  this  news,  "the  spirit  of  God  came  upon 
him,"  and  cutting  in  pieces  the  oxen  he  was  driving,  Saul 
sent  them  to  the  various  districts  of  Israel  by  messengers, 
saying,  "Whosoever  shall  not  come  forth,  and  follow  Saul 
and  Samuel,  so  shall  it  be  done  to  his  oxen,"  The  whole 
people  obeyed  the  summons,  and  thus  surrounded  by  spirited 
warriors  whom  he  numbered  in  Bezec  —  the  modern  Ibzik 
on  the  hills  opposite  Jabes  Galaad — Saul  promised  to  the 
besieged  town  the  most  prompt  relief.  On  the  morrow, 
at  break  of  day,  the  forces  of  Israel  skilfully  divided  into 
three  companies,  attacked,  routed  the  enemy,  and  rescued 
Jabes. 


THE    BEGINNING    OF    THE    MONARCHY.  iSl 

3.  Second  Inauguration  of  the  Monarchy  in  Galgal 
(I  Kings  xi,  12-15).  Nothing  could  have  better  vindicated 
in  the  eyes  of  the  nation  Saul's  Divine  appointment  as  king 
over  Israel  than  his  short  and  glorious  campaign  against  the 
Ammonites.  In  point  of  fact,  the  popular  feeling  ran  so  high 
tl.at,  in  their  enthusiasm,  the  Hebrews  would  have  put  to 
death,  on  the  very  evening  of  their  victory,  those  who  had  at 
first  refused  to  recognize  Saul,  had  not  the  Jewish  monarch 
intervened  lest  such  excesses  should  stain  that  glorious  day; 
*'for  to-day,"  said  he,  ascribing  all  the  glory  to  the  invisible 
King  of  Israel,  "Jehovah  hath  wrought  salvation  in  Israel." 

After  this  moderate  answer,  which  must  have  won  to  Saul ' 
the  grateful  admiration  of  his  former  opponents,  Samuel 
thought  it  most  opportune  to  confirm,  in  a  most  solemn  man- 
ner, the  sovereignty  of  the  Jewish  king.  Obeying  his  sum- 
mons, all  the  people  met  at  Galgal,  "the  famous  Benjamite 
sanctuary  in  the  Jordan  valley  "  (Deane,  Samuel  and  Saul,  p. 
108),  "and  there  they  made  Saul  king  before  Jehovah,  .  .  . 
and  Saul  and  all  the  men  of  Israel  rejoiced  exceedingly."^ 

4.  Samuel's  Last  Appeal  to  the  People  :  his  With- 
drawal (I  Kings  xii).  And  now  the  time  had  come  for  the 
aged  prophet  to  give  up  his  official  woxV^  as  jut/ge  of  Israel. 
He  therefore  profited  by  the  general  meeting  at  Galgal  to 
address  a  last  appeal  to  the  people  at  large.  In  a  skilful  dis- 
course, he  first  challenged  any  charge  against  his  own  ad- 
ministration, and  next  insisted  on  the  great  truth,  that 
national  prosperity  or  adversity  would  depend  in  the  future, 
as  in  the  past,  on  the  faithfulness  or  unfaithfulness  of  the 
people  to  the  exclusive  worship  of  Jehovah.  Then,  to  give 
more  weight  to  his  parting  words,  he  asked  a  miracle  from 
the  Almighty.  It  was  then  the  time  of  the  wheat-harvest 
(May-June),  when  rain  is  almost  unknown  in  Palestine ;  yet, 

'   For  a  different  view  of  all  that  regards  the  eleciioii  and  coronation   of    Saul,  see 
I>kivi':k,  Notes  on  the  Hebrew  Text  of  the  Books  of  Sanuiel,  p.  67,  sq. 


A^ 


>   f 


l82  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

at  the  prayer  of  His  prophet,  God  "  sent  thunder  and  rain.*' 
This  wonderful  event  led  the  people  to  a  sincere  confession 
of  their  distrust  of  Jehovah  in  asking  for  a  king,  and  to  an 
earnest  entreaty  to  Samuel  that  he  should  pray  for  the  public 
welfare.  In  his  answer,  the  former  judge  of  Israel  promised 
never  to  forget  the  interests  of  his  fellow-countrymen  in  his 
prayers  to  God,  and  again  reminded  the  people  that  Jehovah 
w'ould  mete  out  to  them  recompense  or  punishment  accord- 
ing to  their  faithfulness  or  unfaithfulness  in  His  service. 

And  so  the  assembly  parted,  Israel  to  their  tents,  Saul  to 
the  work  of  the  kingdom,  and  Samuel  —  no  longer  a  judge, 
but  still  a  prophet  —  to  the  difficult  task  of  acting  as  the  in- 
spired instructor  and  guide  of  both  king  and  people. 


SYNOPSIS    OF   CHAPTER   XVII. 

The  Reign  of  Saul  axd  Youth  of  David. 
(I  Kings  xiii-xxx;  I  Paralip.  x;  xii.) 


f  I .  His  Military  Achievemetits  and  Rejection  by  God. 


The 

Reign  of 

Saul: 


.  ter^j  Char- 
acter : 


\  A.  Chief  traits  {      throne 


[  Before  reaching  the 


1  Once  on  the  throne. 


^n 


\  B.  Contrasted  with  that  of  Jonathan. 


\^.  His  end  at  Gelboe.     Condition  of  Israel  at  his  death. 


u^. 


II. 

The 

Youth  of 

David  : 


I.  Origin  and  Early  Life:  the  chosen  of  God. 


f  A.  The  first  introduction   of   David   to 
Saul. 

B.Saul  treats  David  J  f*^°"^*^-       .     , 

successively  as  a  K^^"gf^"^ '■'^^'- 
^  y  Deadly  enemy. 

C.  David  remains  invariably  and  deeply 
attached  to  Saul;  his  lamentation 
over  the  death  of  .Saul  and  Jona- 
than. 


2.  Relations  with 
Saul: 


3.  His  Wan 
ings 


''ander     1 


Principal  places  of  refuge  and  chief  in- 
cidents. 
Effects  of  his  wanderings. 

[■83] 


y^. 


CHAPTER   XVII. 

THE    REIGN    OF    SAUL    AND    YOUTH    OF    DAVID. 

§  /.      The  Reign  of  Saul. 

I.  Saul's  Military  Achievements  and  Rejection  by 
God.  The  history  of  the  reign  of  Saul  commences  with  the 
second  inauguration  of  the  monarchy  at  Galgal,  after  which 
Samuel  ceased  to  be  considered  as  a  ruler  together  with  the 
Jewish  king  (I  Kings  xi,  7,  12,  14).  It  is  now  impossible  to 
determine  the  exact  age  of  Saul  at  this  time,  for  the  figures 
which  formerly  indicated  it  in  the  sacred  text  (cfr.  I  Kings 
xiii,  I,  with  II  Kings  ii,  10;  v,  4,  etc.)  have  been  altered 
^  (cfr.  HuMMELAUER,  in  Libros  Samuel  is,  p.  132,  sq.)  ;  but  it  is 
probable  that  this  monarch  was  between  thirty-five  and  forty 
years  old  at  his  accession,  since  immediately  afterwards, 
Jonathan,  his  son,  had  the  command  of  a  part  of  the  army, 
a  position  which  the  young  prince  would  hardly  have  held 
if  much  less  than  twenty  years  of  age  (I  Kings  xiii,  2). 

Thus,  then,  the  first  King  of  Israel  was  in  full  possession 
of  his  physical  and  mental  powers  when,  taking  the  reins  of 
government,  he  assumed  the  hard  task  of  liberating  his  sub- 
jects from  their  enemies  (I  Kings  ix,  16,  etc.),  and,  in  point 
of  fact,  the  sacred  narrative  tells  us  that  he  was  victorious  in 
all  the  wars  he  waged  against  thenf  (I  Kings  xiv,  46).  Of 
these  wars,  however,  only  two  are  detailed  in  the  Bible,  be- 
cause they  illustrate  what  absolute  obedience  to  His  orders 
Jehovah  expected  of  the  Jewish  kings,  and  because  they 
show  with  what  justice  Saul  having  repeatedly  denied  this 
obedience,  God  selected  another  man,  "  a  man  according  to 

[184] 


THE    REIGN    OF    SAUL    AND    YOUTH    OF    DAVID.  185 

His  own  heart,"  that  is,  willing  to  rule  over  Israel  in  perfect 
dependence  on  the  guidance  of  the  invisible  yet  supreme 
King  of  the  chosen  people  (cfr.  I  Kings  xiii,  13,  14). 

The  first  of  these  wars  was  conducted  against  the  Philis-        -<^,^ 
tines,  the  old  oppressors  of  the  land  (I  Kings  ix,  16),  and  it 
began  with  a  quick  and  successful  attack  against  the  gar 
rison  of  Gabaa  by  Jonathan,  to  whom  Saul  had  intrusted  the 
command  of  i,ooo  men.     To  avenge  this  defeat,  the  Philis- 
tines invaded  the  country  with  so  large  an  army  that  its  very 
sight    struck  with    terror  the    Israelites  who    had    gathered 
around  Saul  at  Galgal.     And  now  the  time  had  come  when- 
the  Jewish  monarch  should  show  himself  perfectly  obedient  - 
to  Jehovah.     It  was  his  duty  not  to  offer  sacrifice  before  the 
arrival  of   Samuel,  the  authorized    messenger  of  God   near 
the  King  of  Israel  (I  Kings  x,  8).     Impatient  and  distrust- 
ful —  he  indeed  saw  the  people  gradually  slipping  from  him  — 
Saul  did  not  wait  until  the  actual  coining  of  the  prophet,  but 
offered  the  holocaust  to  appease  Jehovah  before  the  battle. 
Scarcely  was  the  sacrifice  over,  when  Samuel  appeared,  and 
declared  that  in  punishment  of  his  disobedience   Saul  would 
not  be  the  head  of  a  dynasty  in  Israel,  a  severe  but  neces- 
sary sentence  against  the  first  Jewish  king,  who  by  his  dis- 
obedience had  set  openly  the  example  of  a  violation  of  that 
primary  condition  of   Jewish  national    life   and   prosperity,  . 
which  ever  consisted  in  a  perfect  compliance  with  the  direc- 
tions of  Jehovah  (I  Kings  xiii).     Despite  this  first  disobe-     .ar!^,^^^ 
dience  of  their  king,  the  Israelites  obtained  a  signal  victory  ' 

at  Machmas,  a  place  about  eight  miles  north  of  Jerusalem ; 
in  fact,  the  loss  of  the  Philistines  would  have  been  much 
greater  had  it  not  been  for  a  rash  and  foolish  curse  under 
which  Saul  laid  the  people,  and  to  which  he  would  actually 
have  made  Jonathan  a  victim  if  the  army  had  not  strongly 
objected  to  the  death  of  one  "who  had  wrought  this  great 
salvation  in  Israel  "  (I  Kings  xiv,  1-46). 

The  second  war  detailed  in  the  Biblical  narrative  was  di- 


l86  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

rected  against  the  Amalecites,  that  nomad  race  which  form- 
erly had  "  opposed  the  Israelites  in  their  way  when  they  came 
up  out  of  Egypt,"  and  which  but  recently  had  made  predatory 
raids  on  the  southern  districts  of  the  Hebrews,  whilst  the 
latter  were  engaged  in  war  against  the  Philistines  (cfr. 
I  Kings  XV,  2  ;  xiv,  48).  In  the  name  of  Jehovah,  Samuel 
had  put  the  Amalecites  under  the  ban,  and  Saul  was  now 
commissioned  by  him  to  utterly  destroy  everything  they  pos- 
sessed, and  "slay  both  man  and  woman,  child  and  suckling, 
ox  and  sheep,  camel  and  ass."  Accordingly,  placing  himself 
at  the  head  of  a  very  large  army,  Saul  undertook  apparently 
^  to  carry  out  strictly  this  frightful  sentence ;  but  when  victo- 
\  rious,  he  reserved  the  best  part  of  the  spoil,  and  spared  the 
life  of  Agag,  the  Amalecite  king.  This  sjecond  violation  of 
God's  command  proved  to  evidence  that  Saul  would  never 
'''be  a  theocratic  king,  punctual  in  his  conformity  to  Jehovah's 
orders;  and  in  consequence  Samuel  was  directed  by  the  God 
of  Israel  to  proclaim  Saul's  disqualification  for  being  king 
over  the  chosen  people.  This  the  prophet  did,  despite  his 
own  attachment  to  a  man  whom  he  had  himself  anointed  ; 
and,  notwithstanding  the  excuses  alleged  by  the  monarch,  he 
announced  to  Saul  the  transfer  of  the  royal  dignity  to  one  of 
a  neighboring  tribe.  This  was  to  be  the  last  meeting  be- 
tween Samuel  and  Saul,  and  the  unfortunate  King  of  Israel, 
fearing  the  effects  of  this  sentence  of  rejection  upon  his  sub- 
jects, begged  the  prophet  not  to  break  openly  from  him,  but 
to  offer  sacrifice  together  with  him  before  parting.  To  this 
Samuel  finally  consented,  and  then  he  withdrew  to  mourn 
over  the  rejection  of  the  first  Jewish  king  by  the  Supreme 
Ruler  of  Israel  (I  Kings  xv).  (For  reasons  tending  to  justify 
the  sentence  of  extermination  against  Amalec,  see  Deane, 
Samuel  and  Saul,  p.  148). 

2-.     The  Character  of  Saul.     The  man  whose  posterity 
and  person  had  thus  been,  the  one  after  the  other,  excluded 


THE    REK;X    of    SAUL    AND    YOUTH    OF    DAVID.  187 

from  the  Jewish  throne,  had  formerly  displayed  qualities 
which  apparently  rendered  him  worthy  of  being  the  first  to 
wear  the  crown  in  Israel.  Before  reaching  the  throne,  he  ^ 
had  shown  himself  a  model  of  delicate  feelings  (I  Kings  ix, 
5)  ;  tare  modesty  and  humility  (ix,  2  i  ;  x,  22)  ;  o^ennine  dncil- 
Jt^  (ix,  22,  25  ;  X,  I,  etc.) ;  great  self-restrain^  and  wise  for- 
bearance (x,  27  ;  xi,  12-15)  >  great  simplicity  ajid  _clisint£rest- 
edngjaS-(xi,  5,  sq.)  ;  in  a  word,  of  all  the  virtues  best  calcu-  '^ 
lated  to  make  all  hope  that,  once  on  the  throne,  he  would 
prove  himself  a  king  ever  ready  to  carry  out  faithfully  all  the 
directions  which  Jehovah  would  give  him  through  Samuel, 
His  accredited  ambassador.  Unfortunately  it  was  not  to  be  ^^^'Kt. 
so,  for  soon  after  reaching  the  crown  Saul  actually  showed 
himself  a  very  different  man.  Wjorldly  wisdom  betrayed  him 
into  his  first  disobedience  (I  Kings  xiii,  7-13);  preoccupa- 
tion for  his  own  satisfaction  rather  than  for  God's  glory 
caused  him  to  utter  oaths  no  less  contrary  to  prudence  than 
to  justice  and  humanity  (xiv,  24,  sq.);  his  self-will  appeared 
so  manifestly  in  his  second  disobedience  when  fighting  against 
Amalec  that  Samuel  himself  could  not  help  contrasting^ 
Saul's  inward  dispositions  before  reaching  the  throne  with 
those  he  displayed  later  on  (xv,  17)  ;  his  own  excuses,  on  this 
same  occasion,  proved  clearly  that  he  had  set  popularity 
above  duty  (xv,  20,  sq.),  and  finally,  if  he  confessed  his  sin 
(xv,  24,  30)  it  was  not  so  much  because  of  his  sorrow  for  his 
offence  against  God,  as  because  of  its  political  consequences'' 
present  and  future  (xv,  25,  30).  It  is  not  even  improbable 
that  his  lack  of  disinterestedness  was  not  foreign  to  his  sav- 
ing Agag,  and  the  best  of  the  spoil  under  pretence  of  offering 
them  to  Jehovah,  and  it  is  well  known  that  his  disappointed 
ambition  and  base  jealousy  gradually  led  him  to  madness 
which  bordered  on  demoniacal  possession,  and  to  a  fierce 
and  relentless  persecution  ot  David  (I  Kings  xvi,  14;  xviii, 
8,  sq.  ;  cfr.  also  Hummelauer,  in  Llbros  Samuelis,  p.  168). 
The  character  of  Saul  after  his  accession,  stands  also  in 


l88  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

Striking  contrast  with  that  of  his  son,  Jonathan.  This  young 
prince,  a  type  of  military  valor  (I  Kings  xiii,  2,  sq.;  xiv,  i, 
sq.),  was  also  a  pattern  of  submission  to  the  Almighty  (xiv. 
10)  and  of  noble  self-sacrifice  (xiv,  43).  "Jealousy  and 
every  mean  or  low  feeling  were  strangers  to  the  generous 
heart  of  this  eldest  son  of  Saul.  Valiant  and  accomplished 
himself,  none  knew  better  how  to  acknowledge  valor  and  ac- 
complishments in  others.  In  the  intensity  of  his  admiration 
and  love  for  David,  he  not  only  risked  his  life  to  preserve 
him  from  harm,  but  even  shrank  not  to  think  of  him  as  his 
destined  king  and  master,  and  of  himself  as  one  with  him  in 
friendship,  but  next  to  him  in  place  and  council"  (Kitto, 
Cyclopaedia  of  Biblical  Knowledge,  art.  Jonathan). 

3.  The  End  of  Saul  at  Gelboe.  All  his  life  Saul 
waged  war  against  the  Philistines  (I  Kings  xiv,  52),  for 
naturally  enough  these  inveterate  enemies  of  Israel  profited 
by  the  wretched  condition  of  the  Jewish  king  to  invade 
repeatedly  a  country  whose  defence  from  foreign  foes  lay 
apparently  much  less  close  to  the  heart  of  Saul  than  the 
extermination  of  his  personal  opponents  within.  Further- 
more, the  land  of  Israel  had  gradually  been  deserted  by 
some  of  its  most  valiant  soldiers,  who,  despairing  of  the 
fortunes  of  Saul,  had  joined  themselves  to  David  (I  Paralip., 
or  Chronicles,  xii,  i,  sq.) ;  so  that  it  was  with  great  hope  of 
success  that,  some  time  after  the  death  of  Samuel,  they 
march-ed  northwards  along  the  sea-coast,  entered  the  plain 
of  Esdraelon  with  numerous  troops,  and  pitched  their  camp 
on  the  slope  of  the  Little  Hermon  —  now  called  Jebel  Duhy 
—  which  bounds  the  Great  Plain  on  the  east,  at  a  place  called 
Sunam  —  the  present  Sulem  —  three  and  one-half  miles  north 
of  Jezrahel.  Saul,  having  gathered  whatever  troops'he  could 
collect,  encamped  on  Mount  Gelboe,  which  bounds  the  plain 
of  Esdraelon  on  the  south,  that  is,  in  an  extremely  perilous 
position,  for  he  was  in  imminent  danger  of  being  surrounded 


THE    REKiX    OF    SAUL    AND    VOUTH    OF    DAVID.  1 89 

by  the  Philistines  who  had  also  marched  a  strong  body  of 
troops  to  Aphec  (I  Kings  xxix,  i),  in  the  rear  of  the  Jewish 
army  (Deane,  Samuel  and  Saul,  p.  201). 

Sorely  afraid,  and  feeling  forsaken  by  Jehovah,  whom  he 
consulted  in  vain  about  the  future,  the  unfortunate  king  fell 
back  upon  one  of  those  soothsayers  he  had  formerly  tried  to 
banish  from  the  Holy  Land.  At  night  and  in  disguise  he 
made  the  seven  miles  which  separate  Gelboe  from  Endor,  and 
there  wished  that  the  witch  of  the  place  would  evoke  the 
spirit  of  Samuel,  the  former  guide  of  his  life.  It  seems 
plain,  from  the  wording  of  his  narrative,  that  the  sacred 
writer  intends  to  describe  a  personal  apparition  of  the  old 
prophet,  and  to  record  his  prediction  of  the  awful  fate 
which  soon  awaited  Saul  and  his  army  (see  on  this  question, 
Clair,  Livres  des  Rois,  p.  75,  sq.;  and  Hummelauer,  in 
Libros  Samuelis,  p.  248,  sq.),  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  this 
distinct  knowledge  of  his  ruin,  now  so  near  at  hand,  de- 
stroyed effectively  every  hope  of  escape  which  might  still 
linger  in  the  mind  of  the  king.  Soon  afterwards  the  battle '^^^•^-^ 
was  fought ;  it  ended  with  the  rout  of  the  Israelites,  the  *^««^ 
death  of  Saul  and  of  three  of  his  sons  (I  Kings  xxviii :  xxxi ;  ^^^ 
cfr.  also  II  Kings  i). 

"This  victory  of  the  Philistines  gave  them  possession  of  C<^^ 
a  long  tract  of  country ;  the  north  submitted  to  them  with- 
out a  blow,  and  many  of  the  Israelite  cities  between  the  ^ 
plain  of  Esdrailon  and  the  Jordan  were  deserted  by  the 
inhabitants  and  occupied  by  the  enemy"  (Deane,  David,  p. 
81).  This  was  indeed  a  very  sad  condition  of  affairs  for 
Israel,  but  God  had  long  been  preparing  in  David  a  truly 
theocratic  king  fully  able  to  repair  the  fallen  fortunes  of  the 
chosen  people. 

§  2.    The    Youth  of  David. 

I.     Origin  and  Early  Life.     David,  the  man  chosen  by 
Jehovah  to  be  the  successor  of  Saul  on  the  Jewish  throne, 


J' 

x^  *^        190  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

belonged  to  the  tribe_of  Juda,  and  through  some  of  his 
immediate  ancestresses  he  was  allied  to  the  foreign  races 
of  Moab  and  Chanaan  (cfr.  Ruth  iv,  18,  sq. ;  Matt,  i,  5  ; 
Luke  iii,  32).  He  was  the  yaimg:est_sprL„Ql  Isai,  a  small 
jDroprietgr  oL.Bethlehem,  concerning  whom  very  little  else  is 
known. 
p.u^        The  early  life  of  the  future   king,  poet  and   prophet  of 

A  •  Israel  was  that  of  an  humble  shepherd  in  charge  of  the 
flocks  of  his  father  which  were  pastured  on  the  neighboring 
hills.  This  was  an  arduous  life  in  the  unenclosed  country 
around  Bethlehem,  but  it  proved  a  valuable  training  for  his 
future  destiny.  "^  His  bodily  powers  were  exercised  and 
-^braced  by  a  hardy  life  in  the  open  air;  courage  and  self- 
reliance  became  habitual  in  the  presence  of  constant  danger 
and  responsibility ;  dexterity  in  the  use  of  rustic  weapons, 
the  bow  and  the  sling,  were  acquired.  ...  In  his  lonely 
hours,  as  he  watched  his  father's  sheep,  he  attained  that 
skill  in  minstrelsy  which  early  attracted  the  notice  of  his 
contemporaries  "  (Deane,  David,  pp.  4,  5). 

One  day  as  he  was  tending  his  flock,  he  was  hurriedly 
summoned  home  before  Samuel  the  great  judge  and  prophet 
of  Israel.  This  venerable  old  man,  after  weeping  long  over 
the  rejection  of  Saul  by  God,  had  lately  arrived  in  Bethle- 
hem, there  to  anoint  as  king  that  one  of  the  sons  of  Isai 

jf^  whom  Jehovah  would  point  out  to  him.  In  vain  had  he 
seen,  one  after  the  other,  the  seven  brothers  of  David,  who 
had  remained  at  home.  Jehovah  had  chosen  none  among 
them  to  be  the  successor  of  Saul,  and  now  he  was  waiting 
for  the  youngest  of  the  sons  of  Isai,  for,  had  said  the  aged 
prophet,  "  We  will  not  sit  down  [at  the  sacrificial  meal] 
till  he  come  hither."  When  David  appeared,  "  ruddy  and 
^beautiful  to  behold,  and  of  a  comely  face,"  Jehovah  said  to 
Samuel:  "Arise,  and  anoint  him,  for  this  is  he."  Then  it 
was  that  the  introducer  of  the  monarchy  into  Israel  carried 
out  in  favor  of  this  new  chosen  of  God  the  ceremony  of  the 


v\ 


THE    REIGN    OF    SAUL    AND    YOUTH    OF    DAVID.  191 

anointment  which  he  had    formerly  performed   in   behalf  of 
the  first  Jewish  king  (I  Kings  xvi,  1-13). 

2.  Relations  of  David  with  Saul,  it  is  indeed  dif-^^ 
ficult  at  the  prese  it  day  tj  say  on  what  exact  occasion 
David  was  first  introduced  to  Saul,  for  there  seem  to  be  two 
diiTerent  representations  of  this  event  in  the  present  Hebrew 
text  (cfr.  Kings  xvi,  14-23,  with  I  Kings  xvii,  xviiij,  and  sev- 
eral theories  are  still  held  to  do  away  with  the  apparent  dis- 
crepancies which  are  noticeable  between  the  two  representa- 
tions. The  core  of  the  difficulty  is  briefly  as  follows  :  in_ 
chapter  xvi.  the  first  introduction  of  David  to  Saul  is  con- 
nected with  the  sending  of  Saul  to  Isai  for  his  youngest  son> 
in  order  that  by  his  musical  skill  David  may  appease  the  fits 
of  madness  to  which  the  Jewish  king  is  subject ;  in  Chapter 
jLidu  on  the  contrary,  David  seems  to  be  introduced  to  Saul  c 
for  the  first  time,  in  connection  with  his  successful  fight 
against  Goliath.  Of  the  many  theories  which  have  been 
advanced  to  meet  this  difficulty,  only  two  appear  to  account 
fully  for  its  presence  in  the  Hebrew  text.  The  first  theory 
takes  notice  that  the  Septuagint,  or  oldest  Greek  translatijn 
of  the  Hebrew,  does  not  contain  in  chapters  xvii  and  xviii  of 
the  first  book  of  Kings  those  verses  the  presence  of  which 
in  the  Hebrew  text  makes  the  whole  difficulty,  and  then  it 
suggests  that  these  verses  did  not  exist  in  the  primitive 
Hebrew  text  of  the  first  book  of  Kings,  but  are  glosses  of  a 
later  date,  so  that  the  first  introduction  of  David  to  Saul 
would  have  really  happened  as  it  is  recorded  in  I  Kings, 
xvi,  14-23  (cfr.  Martin,  Critique  de  I'Ancien  Testament, 
tome  i,  p.  62).  The  second  theory  holds  that  the  first  book 
of  Kings  being  made  up  of  earlier  documents  (cfr.  Hummel- 
AUER,  in  Libros  Samuelis,  p.  184),  the  compiler  of  the  book 
adopted  various  documents,  some  connected  with  the  life  of 
Saul,  others  with  that  of  David,  and  containing  already  the 
discrepancy  in  question,  and  simply  embodied  them  in  his 


192  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

.  work  without  harmotiizing  their  contents,  so  that,  at  the 
present  day,  it  is  impossible  for  us  to  tell  which  of  the  two 
representations  is  the  correct  one  (cfr.  Loisy,  La  Questior 
Biblique  et  I'lnspiration  des  Ecritures,  p.  14;  cfr.  alsc 
Lagrange,  Revue  Biblique,  Octobre,  1896,  p.  512;  Driver, 
f'   Notes  on  Hebrew  Text  of  the  Books  of  Samuel,  p.  116,  117). 

j^  Be  this  as  it  may,  it   is   unquestionable   that   either  re  pre" 

sentation  of  this  event  pictures   to  us  the  early  relations  of 

^».*^    Saul  with  David  as  very  friendly,  for  we  are  told  that  he 

\^'^  loved   David  exceedingly   (I   Kings,  xvi,   21;  cfr.   xviii,  9) ; 

kept  him  constantly  near  his  person  (xvi,  22;  xviii,  2); 
made  him  his  armor-bearer,  and  perhaps  also  captain  of  his 
body-guard  (xvi,  21  ;  xviii,  5);  in  a  word,  it  was  plain  to  all 
that  David  was  the  favorite  of  Saul,  and  this  is  why  the  cour- 
tiers of  the  latter  exhibited  towards  the  former  a  special 
respect  and  devotion  (xviii,  5).  But  this  period  of  favor  did 
not  last  long :  the  public  rejoicings  at  the  triumphant  return 
of  the  army  from  the  campaign  against  the  Philistines  pro- 
^^^  voked  the  jealousy  of  Saul,  for  the  chief  praise  in  the  songs 

<^J^  of  the  women  was  given  to  David  (I  Kings  xviii,  6-9) ;  and 
twice  in  his  madness  the  unfortunate  king  attempted  to  kill 
(xviii,  1 1)  one  whose  presence  he  could  bear  no  longer  (xviii, 
12)  and  whose  conduct  he  watched  as  that  of  a  dangerous 
xijLal  (xviii,  15).  Not  satisfied  with  removing  David  to  a  dis- 
^;/»>^ant  post  of  command,  Saul  went  so  far  as  to  endanger  his 

^  life  in  a  conflict  with  the  Philistines  by  a  perfidious  promise  of 
the  hand  of  his  second  daughter,  named  Michol  (I  Kings  xviii, 
20-25) ;  but,  discomfited  by  the  success  of  the  valiant  David, 
he  henceforth  considered  him  as  a  deadly  enemy  (xviii,  29), 
sent  to  arrest  him  in  his  house  (xix),  and  began  against  him 
a  relentless  persecution  which  caused  the  shedding  of  much 
innocent  blood  (xxii). 

While  thus  cruelly  pursued  with  the  hatred  of  Saul,  David 

<ji^       never  exhibited  in  return  any  other  feeling  than  that  of  iaith- 
fulness  and  compassion  "towards  the  unfortunate  monarch. 


THE    REIGN    OF    S\UL    AND    YOUTH    OF    DAVID.  I93 

who  was  his  father-in-law,  and  in  whom  he  ever  contem- 
plated the  anointed  of  Jehovah  (I  Kings  xxiv,  7,  11).  He 
knew,  moreover,  that  however  fierce  and  unjust  was  the  per- 
secution he  had  to  suffer,  only  the  invisible  and  supreme 
Master  of  the  chosen  people  could  dispose  of  the  throne 
(xxiv,  13),  and  accordingly  spared  Saul's  life  in  several  oc- 
currences (xxiv  ;  xxvi).  It  is  impossible  to  read  the  long 
chapters  which  detail  this  period  of  David's  life  as  an  out- 
law without  feeling  that  he  rpmainpr)  ipvarinhly  and  deeply 
attached  to  S.aul,  and  that  his  touching  lamentation  over  the  '^ 
death  of  the  first  king  of  Israel,_5LmLJjQnaihan  the  beloved 
friend  of  David,  was  the  natural  outpouring  of  the  sincerest 
affection  for  both  (II  Kings  i,  18-27).  (^or  a  careful  ren- 
dering of  this  beautiful  elegy,  see  in  The  New  World,  they- 
article  "The  Historical  David,"  by  B.  W.  Bacon,  vol.  iv,  p. 

559)- 

5.  The  Wanderings  of  David.  Unwilling  to  start 
a  rebellion  against  Saul,  although  this  would  have  been  easy 
to  one  who,  like  him,  had  enjoyed  so  much  favor  with  the 
army  and  people  of  Israel,  David  began  that  wandering  life 
with  which  the  Biblical  narrative  makes  us  acquainted,  and 
for  which  his  former  shepherd  life  had  well  prepared  him, 
notably  by  a  perfect  familiarity  with  all  the  glens  and  numer- 
ous caves  of  the  limestone  district  around  Bethlehem.  /a^^w 

Having  escaped  from  his  own  house  —  whither  Saul  had  „  '^ 
sent  to  arrest  him  —  by  a  stratagem  of  his  wife,  Michol,  he  B^ 
fled_^rst^to^  Samuel,  at  Naioth  in  Ramatha  (I  Kings  xix,  11, 
sq.),  who  probably  advised  him  to  make  sure  by  means  of 
Jonathan  whether  a  reconciliation  with  the  king  would  not 
be  possible.  Convinced  by  a  short  interview  with  this 
young  prince  that  Saul's  enmity  was  no  mere  transient  pas- 
sion (xx),  he  withdrew  to  Nobe.  a  place  which  cannot  be 
identified  at  the  present  day  and  where  his  duplicity  cost  the 
priest  Achimelech   his  life  (xxi,  1-9  ;  xxii,  6-19),  and  thence 


194  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

to  the  court  oF  Achis.  the  King  of  Geth  (some  fifteen  miles 
south  of  Ramleh),  where  he  escaped  the  revengeful  feelings 
of  the  Philistines  by  simulating  madness  (xxi,  10-15). 

Returning  into  the  territory  of  Juda,  he  became  the  leader 
of  a  band  of  about  400  men  with  whom  he  maintamed  him- 
self in  different  places,  spmetj^mes  hiding  iri_caves,  as  in  that 
of  Odollam,  some  miles  south  of  Bethlehem  (xxii,  i) ;  some- 
times occupj/ing^a  town,  as  that  of  Ceila  (xxiii),  the  modern 
Khurbet  Kila,  south  of  Odollam ;  ^o.i]istixnes  ijjJiLe-wilder- 
Il£sa(the  deserts  of  Ziph  (xxiii,  15),  Qi„£ngaddi  (xxiv),  etc.). 
It  was  probably  during  his  stay  in  the  cave  of  Odollam  that 
occurred  the  memorable  exploit  of  Jj3r£fL_al. David's  men 
risking  their  lives  to  procure  him  some  water  from  the  well 
of  Bethlehem  (II  Kings  xxiii,  13-17;  I  Paralip.  xi,  15-19); 
and  whilst  at  Celia  he  was  joined  by  Abiathar,  who  had  be- 
come high  priest  on  the  murder  of  Achimelech,  his  father 
(xxii,  20;  xxiii,  4),  and  by  various  warriors  (I  Paralip.  xii, 
8-18).  To  this  same  period  of  David's  wanderings  belong 
the  adventure  with  Nabal  and  David's  marriage  with  Abigail, 
his  sparing  the  life  of  Saul  on  two  occasions  (xxiv;  xxvi), 
and  also  his  second  residence  with  Achis,  who  gave  him 
Siceleg,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Bersabee.  Many  plausible 
reasons  have  indeed  been  advanced  to  justify  the  conduct  of 
David  at  this  time,  when  he  laid  wa<>te  tha_country  of  his 
aUifis,  the  Philistines,  and  gave  Achis  to  understand  that  he 
simply  fought  against  the  tribes  dependent  on  Juda  (cfr. 
Clair,  Livres  des  Rois,  p.  399,  sq.  ;  and  Deane,  David,  p. 
70,  sq.),  but  all  these  reasons  are  hardly  sufficient  to  exoner- 
ate him  (xxvii,  6-1 2»).  He  also  followed  the  army  of  Achis  ^ 
when  marching  to  the  battle  of  Gelboe  against  the  Jewish 
forces  under  the  orders  of  Saul,  but  was  dismissed  from  the 
expedition  because  of  the  loud  complaints  of  the  princes  of 
the  Philistines  (xxviii,  i,  sq.  ;  xxix). 

Returning  to  Siceleg,  he  found  it  burnt  by  the  Amalecites, 
but  he  soon  recovered  aU  plunder  they  had  taken,  and  even 


THE    REIGN    OF    SAUL    AND    YOUTH    OF    DAVID.  195 

obtained  greater  spoil,  which  he  politicly  sent  to  his  friends 
in  Juda  (xxx),  and  very  soon  after  the  death  of  Saul  he  re- 
paired into  Juda,  by  which  event  David's  life  as  an  outlaw  . 
was  brought  to  a  close  (Ayre,  Treasury  of  Bible  Knowledge, 
art.  David). 

There  is  no  doubt  that  this  checkered  period  of  his  life  ^t^^*^  * 
produced  a  deep  and  lasting  impression  upon  the  successor 
of  Saul.  It  was  naturally  calculated  to  increase  his  courage 
and  self-reliance,  to  train  him  to  public  government  and  ad- 
ministration, especially  whilst  acting  as  the  petty  king  of 
Siceleg,  and  to  inspire  him  with  many  of  those  feelings  and 
descriptions  which  we  find  in  the  canticles  of  "  the  excellent 
Psalmist  of  Israel"  (II  Kings  xxiii,  i).  This  period  of  pro- 
scription had  the  further  result  of  endearing  him  to  the 
Jewish  nation,  who  saw  in  him  a  skilful  commander  and 
faithful  patriot,  and  a  man  whom  Jehovah  manifestly  pre- 
served to  restore  to  pristine  grandeur  Israel,  now  so  low 
under  the  rule  of  an  impotent  and  maddened  king  (cfr. 
Stanley,  Jewish  Church,  lecture  xxii ;  Deane,  David,  p. 
82). 


SYNOPSIS    OF    CHAPTER   XVIII. 

The  Reign  of  David. 
(II  Kings-Ill  Kings  ii,  ii  ;  I  Paralip  xi-xxix). 


First  i.  Rapid  Consolidation  of  his  Power. 

\ 
Years  at    '   2.  Final  Recognition  by  all  Israel. 

Hebron  :    t- 


IT. 

(iLORIOUS 


^       '^  // r  ^  t'\  Comparison  with  Eastern  princes. 

2.  Political  Ad-     {  Military  organization. 
tninistra-       \ 

tion  :  Social  institutions. 


KuLE  AT    \  3.  Ecclesiastical    \  The  Ark  on  Mount  Sion.  _ 

Arrange-       \   Great  religious  functionaries. 
tnents:  [  Priestly  and  Levitical  organization. 


Jerusa- 
lem ; 


^.  Outward  Re-    j    His  wars  :  their  character, 

lations  :         \   Pacific  relations  :  their  happy  results 

\  5.  Extension  and  Prosperity  of  his  Empire. 


HI. 


Fall  and 


Last 


I .  His  Fall  and  its  Punishment. 
^  2.  His  Restoration,  —  subsequent  faults,  —  death. 


Years  :     [ 


3.  Character  of  David. 


[196] 


CHAPTER  XViri. 

THE    REIGN    OF    DAVID. 

§  I.    First   Years  at  Hebron, 

I.     Rapid  Consolidation  of  the  Power  of  David.     It 

was  only  at  God's  bidding  that  after  the  death  of  Saul 
David  removed  with  his  band  of  men  and  his  family  from 
Siceleg  to  Hebron  (II  Kings  ii,  1-3).  This  ancient  city,  the 
burial-place  of  the  patriarchs,  situated  among  the  hills  of  Juda, 
some  twenty  miles  southwest  of  Jerusalem,  was  well  fitted 
for  the  capital  of  the  kingdom  soon  to  be  started  by  David. 
For,  as  long  as  his  pretensions  to  the  Jewish  crown  were 
recognized  only  by  the  men  of  his  tribe,  Hebron  was  the 
most  central  as  well  as  the  strongest  city  of  his  dominions. 
Here  the  chiefs  of  Juda,  who  had  probably  opposed  from 
the  first  the  accession  of  a  Benjamite  to  the  throne,  gathered 
around  him,  and  at  once  elected  him  as  their  king,  an  election  '  "'  * 
which  David  hastened  to  publish  to  the  country  not  yet^'^-o^ 
invaded  by  the  Philistines  (II  Kings  ii,  4-7).  /»^*-tn 

Meanwhile,  Abner,  the  general,  and  uncle  of  Saul,  had  pro- 
claimed Isboseth  king,  at  Mahanain,  on  the  east  of  the  Jor- 
dan—  the  modern  Mukkumah,  between  Phanuel  and  Es 
Salt  —  where,  after  the  defeat  of  Gelboe,  the  broken  rem- 
nants of  the  Israelite  army  had  probably  gathered.  From 
this  place,  celebrated  in  the  history  of  Jacob  (Gen.  xxxii, 
2,  lo),  Abner  crossed  the  Jordan,  and  gradually  succeeded 
in  clearing  the  country  from  the  Philistines  and  in  subjecting 
it,  with  the  exception  of  the  territory  of  Juda,  to  the  rule  of 

[197] 


igS  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

Isboseth  (II  Kings  ii,  8,  9).  He  then  endeavored  to  conquer 
Juda  ;  hence  a  civil  war,  or  rather  a  protracted  series  of  skir- 
mishes, the  general  result  of  which  is  described  as  "  the 
house  of  Saul  decaying  daily,  but  David  prospering  and 
growing  always  stronger  and  stronger."  In  point  of  fact, 
whilst  David  felt  strong  enough  to  secure  to  himself  alliance 
through  marriage  with  powerful  families  in  the  land,  Isboseih 
became  so  weak  and  so  entirely  under  the  power  of  Abner 
that  this  all-powerful  general  finally  took  a  public  step  which, 
in  those  days,  was  regarded  as  implying  an  open  claim  to  the 
throne  (cfr.  II  Kings  xii,  21;  III  Kings  ii,  21);  and  when 
rebuked  for  it  by  his  master,  swore  that  he  would  hence- 
forth join  David's  party  and  insure  its  success  (II  Kings 
ii,  lo-iii,  11). 

2.  David  Recognized  by  all  Israel.  After  his  irre- 
trievable rupture  with  Isboseth,  Abner  opened  negotiations 
with  David,  who  accepted  with  joy  his  first  advances  and 
simply  required,  for  a  league  between  them,  that  Michol 
should  be  given  back  to  her  first  husband.  This  was,  of 
course,  promptly  done,  and  Abner  and  his  companions  were 
soon  welcomed  into  David's  camp.  Then  rapidly  followed, 
though  without  the  consent  of  the  King  of  Juda,  the  successive 
murders  of  Abner  and  Isboseth  (II  Kings  iii,  12-30;  iv). 

The  death  of  the  latter  made  David's  way  to  the  throne 
over  all  Israel  absolutely  clear,  for  the  sole  direct  surviving 
heir  of  Saul  was  Miphiboseth,  the  infirm  and  young  son  of 
Jonathan,  who  could  not  be  seriously  thought  of  as  a  com- 
petitor for  the  crown.  All  things  pointed  to  David  as  the 
only  possible  head  of  the  nation.  The  Philistines  were  rest- 
less and  disunion  at  this  moment  might  be  fatal.  A  leader 
was  naturally  found  in  David,  a  man  of  common  descent,  a 
tried  and  well-approved  commander,  the  chosen  of  Jehovah. 
The  ancients  of  Israel,  who  had  long  wished  to  make  him 
king  (cfr.  II  Kings  iii,  17),  with  their  followers  in  very  large 


THE    REIGX    OF    DAVID.  199 

numbers  assembled  at  Hebron  and  "anointed  David  to  be 
king  over  all  Israel"  (II  Kings,  v,  1-3):  he  had  reigned 
seven  and  one-half  years  in  Hebron  (cfr.  Deane,  David,  p. 
94,  sq.). 

§  2.   Glorious  Rule  of  David  in  J  ems  ale  tn. 

I.  His  Capital  and  His  Court.  David's  first  care 
upon  coming  to  the  possession  of  the  entire  kingdom  was  to 
secure  a  capital  which  could  not  excite  the  jealousy  of  any 
tribe  in  Israel  and  yet  would  be  worthy  of  this  glorious  des- 
tiny. This  capital  he  found  in  Jerusalem,  the  strong  city  of 
the  Jebusites,  which,  as  it  lay  on  the  confines  of  the  tribes  of 
Juda  and  Benjamin,  had  never  belonged  to  either  (cfr. 
Judges  xix,  12),  and  of  which  he  took  possession  through 
the  heroic  exertions  of  his  men  and  of  Joab  in  particular 
(II  Kings  V,  6-8  ;  I  Paralip.  xi,  4-6).  -  '^ 

At  the  time  of  its  conquest  by  David,  Jerusalem  was  but 
a  very  small  town,  the  exact  site  of  which  has  been  only 
recently  determined  by  a  close  examination  of  Scriptural  pas- 
sages (notably  of  Nehemias  iii,  i,  sq.),  and  by  careful  excava- 
tions conducted  in  the  Holy  City  itself.  These  recent  inves- 
tigations seem  to  prove  conclusively  that  the  fortress-town 
captured  by  David's  troops  and  enlarged  by  him — hence  it 
was  called  "  the  City  of  David  " — occupied  only  the  hill 
between  the  Cedron  and  Tyropceon  valleys,  to  the  south  of 
Mount  Moriah,  from  which  it  was  separated  by  a  ravine  which 
was  filled  up  somewhat  later  on  (cfr.  Pelt,  Histoire  de  I'An- 
cien  'J'estament,  tome  ii,  p.  28,  sq).  On  this  hill  —  which  is 
properly  Mount  Siop  —  David  built  himself  a  palace  with 
the  aid  of  the  Phenician  artists  whom  Hiram,  King  of  Tyre, 
supplied  to  him.  He  then  surrounded  himself  with  a  royal 
estate  hitherto  unknown  to  Israel,  but  resembling  in  many 
ways  that  of  the  great  Eastern  monarchs  of  the  time.  He 
conformed  to  Oriental  opinion,  which  regarded  the  multipli- 


^^*<^ 


200  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

cation  of  wives  as  a  necessary  proof  of  the  magnificence  of 
the  ruler,  and  hence  to  the  several  wives  he  had  already 
taken  in  Hebron  he  added  others  after  his  settling  down  in 
Jerusalem.  By  thus  acting,  he  indeed  satisfied  his  own 
pleasure  or  political  interests  and  added  to  the  magnificence 
'  of  his  court  (for  each  wife  had  a  separate  splendid  establish- 
ment), but  he  also  prepared  for  himself  much  family  sorrow 
and  trouble,  and  at  the  same  time  introduced  into  his  palace 
a  luxury  and  worldliness  tending  to  assimilate  the  habits  of 
his  court  and  the  sentiments  of  the  courtiers  to  those  of 
other  Oriental  potentates.  In  point  of  fact,  he  had  his  own 
ro^al_nuile  especially  known  as  such  (III  Kings  i,  33),  and 
his  royal  seat  or  throne  in  a  separate  chamber  or  gateway  in 
the  palace  (III  Kings  i,  35).  The  highest  ofBcexs  of  the 
court,  even  the  Prophets,  did  not  venture  into  his  presence 
without  previous  announcement,  and  when  they  did  enter  it 
was  with  the  profoundest  obeisance  and  prostration  (II  Kings 
ix,  6 ;  xiv,  4,  22,  23  ;  III  Kings  i,  16,  23,  etc).  His  followers 
who,  up  to  the  time  of  his  accession,  had  been  called  his 
"young  men,"  "his  companions,"  henceforth  became  his 
"  servants,"  "  his  slaves  "  (II  Kings  x,  2,  etc).  Finally,  all 
used  in  addressing  him  magnificent  titles  which  bear  a  strik- 
ing resemblance  to  those  we  find  applied  to  the  Egyptian 
monarchs  in  the  Tell  el-Amarna  tablets  ;  compare  for  in- 
stance III  Kings,  i,  24,  36,  with  Records  of  the  Past,  new 
series,  vol.  v,  p.  66,  sq.  (see  Stanley,  Lectures  on  the  Jewish 
Church,  vol.  ii). 

2.  Political  Administration.  Although  David  thus 
introduced  into  Israel  a  royal  estate  absolutely  unknown 
under  his  predecessor,  yet  he  did  not  change  the  predomi- 
nant feature  of  the  Jewish  monarchy;  his  reign,  as  that  of 
'^Saul,  was  to  be  spent  in  defending  the  country  against  its 
various  enemies  (III  Kings  v,  3),  and  this  is  why  one  of  the 
principal  cares  of  his  administration  was  to  keep  a  standing 


THE    REIGN    OF    DAVID.  20I 

army^on  an  excellent  footing.  For  this  purpose,  he  divided 
the  national  forces  into  12  divisions  of  24,000  nren;  each 
division  being  liable  to  be  called  on  to  serve  in  their  respec- 
tive months  (I  Paralip,  xxvii,  1-15),  and  placed  the  whole 
army  under  the  command  of  Juab,  who  had  obtained  this 
most  important  dignity  under  the  walls  of  Jerusalem.  He 
no  doubt  realized  that  for  the  defence  of  a  hilly  country  like 
Palestine,  cavalry  and  numerous  chariots  would  be  of  little 
avail ;  and  hence,  differently  from  the  armies  of  the  other 
nations,  that  of  Israel  remained  under  him  made  up  exclu- 
sively of  infantry  and  supplied  with  only  a  lew  chariots  (cfr. 
II  Kings  viii,,  14).  He,  of  course,  maintained  the  body-guard, 
which  had  been  instituted  by  Saul,  and  gave  its  command  to 
the  distinguished  Levite,  Baniiias,  son  of  Joiada(II  Kings 
xxiii,  19,  sq.).  To  this  he  added  a  kind  of  military  order 
composed  of  600  select  men  with  the  special  title  of  Gibborim, 
heroes,  or  mighty  men,  under  the  command  of  Abisai,  his 
nephew  (II  Kings  xxiii,  8-39;  I  Paralip.  xi,  9-47).  -rf*- 

Side  by  side  with  this  military  organization^  David  created 
or  developed  several  social  institutions.  While  he  himself 
was  the  head  of  all  government,  civil  and  military,  he  did 
not  supersede  the  time-honored  authority  of  the  heads  and 
elders  of  tribes,  but  "he  extended  and  improved  it,  espe- 
cially by  distributing  a  large  portion  of  the  Levites  through 
the  country,  of  whom  no  fewer  than  6,000  were  made  officers 
and  judges  (I  Paralip.  xxiii,  4).  For  developing  the  material 
resources  of  the  country,  he  had  storehouses  in  the  fields, 
in  the  cities,  in  the  villages  and  in  the  castles;  there  were 
vineyards  and  wine-cellars,  and  cellars  of  oil,  superintended 
each  by  appointed  officers;  in  different  valleys  herds  and 
flocks  grazed  under  the  care  of  royal  herdsmen  and  shep- 
herds; an  officer,  skilled  in  agriculture,  presided  over  the 
tillage  of  the  fields;  the  sycamore  and  olive  trees  were  under 
the  eye  of  skilful  foresters,"  etc.  (I  Paralip.  xxvii,  25-31. 
Blaikie,  Manual  of  Bible  History,  p.  254). 


^f 


202  OUTLINES    OF    JFWISH    HISTORY. 


3.  Ecclesiastical  Arrangements.  As  David  had  made 
Jerusaiem  the  centre  of  social  and  political  life  in  Israel,  so 
he  resolved  to  make  it  the  centre  of  religious  worship  by  re- 
moving to  Mount  Sion  the  Ark  of  the  Covenant,  which  was 
then  at  Cariathiarim.  For  this  purpose  he  held  a  consulta- 
tion with  the  Jewish  elders,  who  readily  approved  his  design. 
His  first  attempt  met  indeed  with  a  mortifying  defeat,  when 
the  priest  Oza  was  smitten  with  instantaneous  death  for  hav- 
ing even  unwittingly  touched  the  Ark  (II  Kings  vi,  i-ii  ;  I 
Paralip.  xiii) ;  but  three  months  afterwards  he  succeeded  in 
carrying  this  symbol  of  Jehovah's  favor  and  presence,  in 
solemn  procession  and  amidst  hymns  of  triumph,  into  the 
Jewish  capital.  Perhaps,  even  at  this  time,  he  cherished  the 
project  of  erecting  a  magnificent  temple  to  the  God  of  Israel, 
and  thereby  completing  the  work  of  religious  centralization; 
it  is  only  later  on,  however,  when  he  had  done  with  his  vari- 
ous wars,  that  he  saw  his  way  to  submit  this  undertaking  to 
the  approval  of  the  prophet  Nathan.  At  first  the  prophet 
encouraged,  but  afterwards,  in  God's  name,  objected  to 
David's  project,  and  told  him  that  this  glorious  work  was  re- 
served for  his  son  and  successor.  It  is  in  connection  with 
this  announcement  that  Nathan  revealed  to  David  the  great 
future  which  awaited  his  race.  His  house,  he  was  told, 
should  reign  forever  over  Israel,  and  his  seed  would  erect  to 
Jehovah  a  temple  and  would  be  raised  to  Divine  sonship. 
In  this  glorious  announcement,  Jewish  and  Christian  tradi- 
tions have  ever  seen  a  prediction  of  the  Messias,  the  greatest 
Son  of  David,  and  the  eternal  Ruler  over  the  house  of  Jacob; 
and  St.  Peter  declares  that  David,  being  "a  prophet,"  under- 
stood it  of  Christ  (Acts  ii,  30,  31).  No  wonder  then  that  the 
Jewish  monarch  found  in  it  an  ample  compensation  for  his 
disappointment  at  not  being  allowed  to  build  a  temple  to 
Jehovah,  and  that  his  prayer  before  the  Ark  on  this  occasion 
expresses  so  fervently  his  thanks  for  the  promise,  and  his 
desire  for  its  fulfilment  (II  Kings  vii ;  xxiii,  i,  sq. ;  I  Paralip. 
xvii). 


THE    REIGN    OF    DAVID.  203 

Having  thus  provided,  as  far  as  it  lay  in  his  power,  for  the 
unity  of  government  and  worship,  David  surrounded  himself 
with  four  great  religious  dignitaries  whose  principal  duty  was 
to  guide  him    in    all    ecclesiastical   matters   of   importance. 
These  were  the  prophets  Gad  and  Nathan,  his  constant  ad- 
visers, and  the  two  hig;h  priests  Abiathar  and  Sadoc.  who 
represented   the  two   rival   houses  descending  from  Aaron. 
These  latter  were  especially  charged  to  superintend  Divine 
worship,  the  former  in  Jerusalem,  where  the  Ark  now  rested,   ^ 
the  latter  in  Gabaon,  an  ancient  place  of  worship  where  the;^***^>j^ 
Tabernacle   was   still    preserved.     Naturally   enough,  there /^^^  , 
were  in  Israel  at  this  time  other  religious  functionaries  in^ 
ferior  in  rank  to  these  four  great  dignitaries  of  David,  and 
working  under   their  direction  ;  they  probably  formed   two 
great  classes  :  (i)  that  of  prophets  especially  instructed  in  sing- 
ing and  music  under  Asaph,  Heman  the  grandson  of  Samuel, 
and  Idithun  ([  Paralip.  xxv)  ;  (2)  that  of  Lci'ites  or  attendants 
on  the  sanctuary,  who  divided  among  themselves  the  func- 
tions directly  connected  with   Divine  worship.     As  a  matter 
of  fact,  it  is  to  this  period  of  Jewish  history  that  the  first  ^ 
book  of  Chronicles  refers  the  introduction  of  that  system  of  ^Lj^ 
coursei  further  elaborated  later  on,  whereby  the  whole  sacer-      7^; 
(iotai  body  was  divided  into  classes,  named  after  their  respec-^^^-ci 
tive  chiefs  and  presided  over  by  them.     They  carried  out*^^^,^ 
their  functions  week  by  week,  their  particular  duties  being         ^ 
apportioned  by  lot.     The  rest  of  the  Levites,  to  the  number 
of  38,000,  ranging  from  twenty  years  of  age  and  upwards,  re- 
ceived also  a  special  organization  (I  Paralip.  xxiv ;  cfr.  also 
II  Paralip.  xxxi,  2). 

4.     Outward  Relations.     Whilst  thus  engaged  at  home       -<^ 
in  introducing  into  every  department  of  administration  some- 
thing like  system  and  order,  David  did  not  lose  sight  of  what 
the  circumstances  of  the  time  required  of  him  in  connection 
with  the  various  surrounding  nations.     It  was  his  mission  to 


X 


M^ 


204  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

pursue  and  bring  to  a  successful  issue  the  great  work  of 
liberating  his  people  from  their  enemies  which  had  been  be- 
gun by  Saul ;  and,  in  point  of  fact,  almost  his  entire  life  was 
spent  in  wars  along  all  the  borders  of  IsraeTT  On  the  south- 
west, he  fought  against  the  Philistines,  and  took  from  these 
inveterate  enemies  of  the  Jews  the  town  of  Geth  and  a  great 
part  of  their  dominion.  On  the  southeast,  he  conquered  and 
established  garrisons  in  the  territory  of  Edom.  On  the  east 
of  the  Jordan,  he  attacked  and  well-nigh  exterminated  the 
Moabites,  whilst  on  the  northeast^  he  ov^erthrew  the  Syrians 
of  Soba  as  well  as  those  of  Damascus  who  had  marched  to 
the  defence  of  their  kindred.  Finally,  he  waged  a  protracted 
war  ao^inst  the  Ammonites,  who  had  entered  into  a  defen- 
sive alliance  with  several  of  the  Syrian  princes,  and  wreaked 
upon  them  a  frightful  vengeance.  Of  course,  of  all  these 
wars  the  Biblical  narrative  gives  us  little  more  than  a  brief 
mention  ;  yet  it  is  sufficient  to  make  us  feel  how  severe  was 
the  treatment  which  David  inflicted  upon  the  conquered. 
Thus  we  read  of  the  Moabite  prisoners  that  he  put  two-thirds 
to  death,  and  granted  life  to  only  one-third  (II  Kings  viii,  2), 
and  of  the  Ammonite  cities  compelled  to  surrender,  that 
"bringing forth  the  people  thereof  he  sawed  them,  and  drove 
over  them  chariots  armed  with  iron,  and  divided  them  with 
knives  and  made  them  pass  through  brickkilns  "  (II  Kings 
xii,  31).  Efforts  have  been  made  in  various  ways  to  account 
for  the  peculiar  barbarity  of  such  treatment;  it  has  been 
said,  for  instance,  that  David  belonged  to  a  barbarous  age, 
that  cruelty  has  ever  been  a  part  of  Oriental  tactics  to  strike 
enemies  with  terror,  that  in  the  case  of  Ammonites  (and  pos- 
sibly also  in  the  case  of  the  Moabites),  these  cruelties  were 
a  retaliation  for  a  gross  provocation  (II  Kings  x,  2-4;  I 
Paralip.  xix,  i,  sq.),  etc.  It  seems,  however,  that  these 
excuses,  either  separately  or  collectively,  do  not  cover 
the  whole  ground,  and  leave  David's  character  in  regard 
to  his    treatment   of   the    conquered,  stained   with    unjusti- 


THE    REIGN    OF    DAVID.  20$ 

fiable    atrocities    (II    Kings    viii,    i,    sq.  ;    I    Paralip.    xviii, 

I,  sq.).  ^'^'^^ 

It  is  only  to  the  northwest  of  Palestine,  that  we  find  David*^       '^'^t^ 
keeping  up  carefully  pacific    relations.     It    seems   that  the 
Phenicians,  having  helped  the  Philistines  in  their  first  wars 
against  him,  soon  reversed  their  policy  and    showed  them- 
selves anxious  to  be  on  friendly  terms  with  the  young  and 
growing  natioji  of  the  Jews;  and  it  is  certain  that  the  Jewish 
monarch  was  no  less  anxious  to  cultivate  the  friendship  of 
a  people  whose  aid  as  to  materials  and  workmen  he  needed 
so   much   for    the  various   buildings  the  erection   of  which 
he  either  carried   out  or  contemplated.     This  contact  with 
the  heathen  outside  Jewish  territory,  which  David  was  not"*^*^  -K^ 
so   prone   to   seek  as  his   son  and  successor,  led  to  good    ^*-*-<-m^ 
results.     The  Israelites  learned  therefrom  something  of  the^ 
useful  and  ornamental  arts,  and  this  prepared  the  way  for 
the  positive  achievements  of  the  age  of  Solomon  (I  Paralip. 
xxii).  £^ 

5.     Extension  and  Prosperity  of  the  Empire.     As  ^ 

the  outcome  of  his  successful  wars,  David  had  succeeded  in  ,, 
extending  the  frontiers  of   Israel's  dominions  to  the  very  /**-^    >*, 
limits  promised  to  Abraham  long  centuries  before  (Gen.  xv/**"**^  ^g, 
18).     His  empire   included   besides   Eastern    and    Western     ^  ^^j^ 
Palestine  several  tributary  kingdoms,  and  extended  from  the^^^  ^L^ 
Great  Sea  to  the  Euphrates  and  from  the  mountains  of  Le- 
banon  to  the  eastern   arm  of  the  Red  Sea.     Its  area  was 
about  60,000  square  miles,  and  its  population  nearly  5,000,- 
000.     This  was  probably  the  largest  empire  in  the  Oriental 
world  at  the  time,  and  it  had  been  obtained  by  faithfulness 
to  theocratic  principles,  as  is  suggested  by  what  we  read  in 
II  Kings  vii,  9,  that  Jehovah  "made  him  (David)  a  great 
name,  like  unto  the  name  of  the  great  men  that  are  in  the 
earth."     David's  own  feelings  of  gratitude  to  God  for  so 
much  glory  are  expressed  in  that  noble  psalm  of  thanksgiv- 


20b  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

ing,  which  is  found  in  both  the  second  book  of  Kings  (chap, 
xxii)  and  the  book  of  Psahns  (Ps.  xvii). 

As  might  naturally  be  expected,  the  nation  at  large  felt 
proud  of  the  numerous  conquests  which  had  been  achieved 
by  its  leader,  but  more  particularly  did  it  feel  grateful  for  the 
unexampled  prosperity  which  prevailed  throughout  the  land 
before  the  great  crime  of  David  with  Bethsabee.  Up  to  that 
fatal  moment,  the  public  mind  was  united  in  promoting  the 
welfare  of  the  country,  and  under  the  wise  direction  of  a 
strong,  centralized  government,  agriculture  and  industry  soon 
reached  a  flourishing  condition. 

§  J.  Fall  and  Last  Years  of  David, 

1.  His  Fall  and  its  Punishment.  It  was  during  the 
war  with  the  Ammonites  that  David  fell  into  those  most  ag- 
gravated sins  of  adultery  and  murder,  which -compromised 
almost  entirely  the^  unity  and  prosperity  of  his  empire  be- 
cause of  the  long  series  of  family,  personal  and  public  calam- 
ities with  which  God  visited  him  (II  Kings  vi-xii,  14). 

The  first  disgraceful  transaction  which  followed  in  the  line 
of  judgment  upon  David^s  house,  was  fn^  incesf  of  Amnnpj  fol- 
lowed two  years  later,  by  tlig  d^^th  "^  ^^at  worthless  prince, 
through  the  agency  of  Absalom  (II  Kings  xiii,  1-29).  For 
this  offence,  Absalom  himself  so  tenderly  loved  by  the  king, 
was  obliged  tr>  take  fn  flip;ht,  and  actually  spent  three  years 
with  the  Syrian  king  of  Gessur  (II  Kings  xiii,  30-39). 

The  next  punishmeut  fell  heavily  upon  the  entire  kingdom. 
Absalom,  having  been  recalled  and  restored  to  favor,  started 
^  ^PibH^'^'^  and  usurped  the  throne.  Accordingly,  David  fly- 
ing from  his  capital,  passed  east  of  the  Jordan,  where  he 
made  a  stand  against  his  unnatural  son,  whilst  the  latter 
entered  Jerusalem  in  triumph  (II  Kings  xiv,  xv.  Hibbard. 
Palestine,  p.  258,  sq.). 


THE    REIGN    OF    DAVID.  207 

2.  David's  Restoration,  Subsequent  Faults  and 
Death.  Jt  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  if  Absalom  had  not 
followea  the  insidioi^f^  qdvipe  of  a  secret  friend  of  David, — 
thereby  wasting  precious  time  in  striving  to  collect  a  large 
army  from  the  whole  nation,  —  but  had  at  once  pursued  his 
"weary  and  weak-handed  father"  with  a  comparatively  small 
body  of  men,  he  would  have  secured  the  final  success  of  his 
revolt^"  Absalom's  delay  saved  David,  around  whom  a  power- 
ful army  soon  assembled,  east  of  the  Jordan.  A  severe  battle 
was  fought  which  resulted  in  Absalom's  defeat  and  death,  in 
the  break  up  of  his  insurrection  and  in  the  restoration  of  his 
father  (II  Kings  xvi-xviii).  -m^Im*^  ^ 

Scarcely  was  David  restored  when  a  new  revolt  broke  out.  ^  / 
The  northern  tribes  took  it  ill  that  the  men  of  Juda  should 
have  presumed  to  reinstate  the  king  without  their  concur- 
rence. In  consequence  there  followed  an  insurrection  headed 
by  Seba,  a  Benjamite,  which  for  some  time  threatened  more 
evil  to  David  than  even  the  revolt  of  Absalom,  but  which 
was  ultimately  quelled  by  the  valiant,  though  most  unscrupu- 
lous Joab  (II  Kings  xix,  xx). 

After  a_long  famine  and  a  severe  war  with  the  Philistines 
which  followed  soon  afterwards  (II  Kings  xxi),  David,  moved 
probably  by  some  ambitious  design  contrary  to  the  theocratic 
character  of  a  Jewish  king,  had  a  military  census  taken  by 
his  officers.  This  was/a  serious  and  public  fault  )kgainst  the 
essential  character  of  the  Constitution  of  Israel,  and  was 
therefore  punished  by  a  fearful  pestilence  which  carried 
away  no  less  than  70,000  Israelites.  At  length  the  prayer  of 
the  humbled  monarch  arrested  the  destroyer  (II  Kings  xxiv; 
I  Paralip.  xxi). 

The  declining  years  of  David  were  also  marked  by  factions, 
which  on  the  question  of  the  royal  succession  soon  to  be 
opened,  divided  the  army,  the  royal  household  and  even  the 
priesthood.  Adonias,  the  eldest  surviving  son  of  David,  up- 
held by  Joab  and  Abiathar,  took   measures  to    procure  for 


i^ 


208  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

himself  the  right  of  succession,  and  caused  a  powerful  diver- 
sion in  the  public  mind  in  his  favor.  This  roused  Bethsabee, 
the  mother  of  Solomon,  and  Nathan,  the  prophet,  who  im- 
mediately induced  David  to  have  Solomon  inaugurated  king 
and  successor  with  due  form  and  solemnity  (III  Kings  i). 
To  him  alone,  the  aged  monarch  intrusted  the  charge  of 
building  a  house  to  Jehovah  (I  Paralip.  xxii),  the  materials 
of  which  he  had  himself  gathered  in  great  quantity  during 
the  last  ten  years  (I  Paralip.  xxvii,  xxix).  After  Solomon's 
^'J^  coronation  David  lived  but  a  short  time  :  his  rule  had  lasted 
forty  years,  thirty-three  of  which  were  spent  in  Jerusalem  (III 
Kings  ii,  11). 

3.  Character  of  David.  Few  rulers  have  been  more 
sincerely  admired  and  more  universally  praised  than  David 
the  great  founder  of  the  Jewish  monarchy.  It  is,  indeed,  im 
possible  to  justify  all  his  acts  or  to  regard  him  as  a  perfect 
character,  for  even  a  brief  study  of  his  life  as  described  in 
the  Biblical  narrative  discloses  faults  numerous  and  consid- 
erable, in  truth  those  very  faults  which  one  might  naturally 
expect  to  find  in  the  chieftain  of  an  Eastern  and  compara- 
tively barbarous  people.  Thus,  in  his  exile  from  the  court 
of  Saul,  ne  appeared  at  times  not  much  better  than  a  free- 
booter, who  had  recourse,  when  he  deemed  it  expedient,  to 
craft  or  even  falsehood.  In  Hebron  and  in  Jerusalem  he 
^had  his  harem,  like  other  Eastern  kings.  He  waged  war  and 
revenged  himself  on  his  foreign  enemies  with  merciless  cruelty, 
like  other  warriors  of  his  age  and  country.  Adultery  and 
•  murder  and  the  unlawful  numbering  of  his  people  were  three 
4eep  stains  on  his  character  and  memory,  and  his  parting 
advice  to  his  son  not  to  spare  Joab  and  Semei  is  not  perhaps 
absolutely  excusable. 

These  are  so  many  dark  shadows  which  can  be  noticed  in 
the  Biblical  picture  of  David's  reign,  because  Holy  Writ  pre- 
sents to  us  not  the  panegyric,  but  the  truthful  record  of  the 


THE    REIGN    OF    DAVID.  209 

deeds  of  an  Oriental  monarch.  But  they  should  not  make 
us  lose  sight  for  a  moment  of  the  bright  and  lovely  and  holy  "lJi 
features  of  the  character  of  David  as  drawn  in  the  inspired  v 
narrative.  Before  he  reaches  the  throne  he  stands  before  us 
adorned  with  the  perfect  innocence  of  his  lonely  shepherd 
life,  with  that  bravery  and  trust  in  Jehovah  which  makes  him 
meet  Goliath  with  his  rustic  weapons;  with  that  deep  respect 
imUhe  anointed  of  the  Lord  which  causes  him  to  spare  time 
and  again  the  life  of  Saul,  his  unjust  and  fierce  persecutor. 
Called  to  the  throne  by  the  will  of  God  and  the  free  choice 
of  his  nation,  he  assumes  the  reins  of  government  with  a 
vigor  which  contrasts  with  the  long  years  of  weakness  of  the 
preceding  ruler,  and  which  soon  introduces  system  and  order 
into  all  the  branches  of  public  administration.  Never  any 
complaint  is  heard  against  his  manner  of  rendering  justice  ; 
and  lie  is  remarkable  by  his  valor  in  an  age  of  warriors,  no 
less  than  by  his  piety  and  constant  adherence  to  the  excluv 
sive  worship  of  God  in  a  time  and  nation  whose  bent  was 
towards  sensual  idolatry.  His  in<^pired  canticle^  —  for  he 
composed  many  psalms  despite  the  negations  of  destructive 
critics  —  whilst  Revealing  his  poetical  genius,  make  us  ac- 
quainted with  the  inward  feelings  of  his  soul,  and  have  caused 
Jewish  and  Christian  traditions  to  consider  him  as  the  royal 
prophet  of  Israel.  His  lamentable  falls  he  more  than  fii- 
piated  by  the  depth  of  his  sorrow  and  the  humility  of  his 
resignation  under  God's  punisljments.  In  a  word,  he  was 
the  great  man  of  his  age,  and  in  almost  all  respects,  the 
model  of  a  theocratic  ruler,  "  an  example  worthy  of  the  imita- 
tion of  his  successors,  and  according  as  these  appear  on  com- 
parison with  him,  the  sacred  writers  estimate  their  charac- 
ters" (.Jahn,  Hebrew  Commonwealth,  p.  76;  cfr.  also  HI 
Kings  XV,  3,  II  ;  IV  Kings  xiv,  3  ;  xvi,  2  ;  xviii,  3,  etc.). 

Finally,  through  almost  "all  the  circumstances  of  his  life, 
David  has  been  regarded  as  typjfiP^  ^^  his  great  Son.  vHis, 
birth  at  Bethlehem,  his  private  unction  there,  hisAictoJiy  over 


>> 


2IO  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

the  giant  foe  who  had  defied  the  army  of  the  living  God,  his 
sweetjpusic  wliich  put  to  flight  the  evil  spirit,  the  persecu- 
tions that  he  endured,  the  cgmpAS^ion  and  forgiyjeiiess  which 
he  exhibited,  his  ^eal  for  the  House  of"  God,  his  wars  and 
triumphs  over  heathen  nations,  his  jejection  by  his  own 
people,  the  treachery  of  his  tried  comrade,  his  finaLvictoxy 
over  all  opposition  —  all  these  and  such  like  details  have  a 
prophetic  and  typical  import  and  speak  to  the  Christian  of 
the  love  and  sufferings  and  triumphs  of  Jesus"  (Deane, 
David,  p.  221). 


SYNOPSIS   OF   CHAPTER   XIX. 

The  Kingdom  of  Solomon. 
Section  I.     Its  Beginning  and  Prosperous  Period. 


I. 

Its  I.  How  Solomon  xvas  Prepared  and  Called  to  succeed  David. 

Begin-       j  2.  His  Accession  and  First  Acts. 

ning:       I 


II. 
Commer- 
cial Re- 
lations : 


By  Land  with 


By  Sea  : 


Egypt. 
Arabia. 
.  Tyre. 

How  brought  about. 

With  what  countries.    (Ophir.) 


III.      r 

Internal 
Pros- 
perity : 


1.  Intellectual  Life  of  Solomon  and  his  Times. 

2.  Military  and  Political  Organizcttiqn  of  his  Empire. 

3.  Extension  and  Peaceful  Condition  of  his  States. 


IV. 

Public 
Works  : 


In  fenisalem 


A.  The  temple  (building;    description^ 

dedication). 

B.  His  own  palace;  wall  of  city. 


///  the  Provinces  :  cities  built  by  him. 

[211] 


CHAPTER   XIX. 

THE    KINGDOM    OF     SOLOMON. 

^    Section  I.     Its  Beginning  anp  Prosperous  Period. 
^      ^  ^  § /.  Beginmtig  of  Solojnon''s  Kingdo7tt. 


SLA 


^ 


ow  Solomon  was  Prepared  and  Called  to 
Succeed  David.  Unlike  the  first  two  kings  of  Israel, 
Solomon,  the  second  son  of  David  by  Bethsabee,  was  born 
in  the  Jewish  capital  and_brouo^t_^  in  the  midst  of  such 
state  and  luxury  as  belonged  to  his  father's  court.  Three 
persons  especially  had  much  to  do  with  his  early  training : 
his  father,  his  mother  and  the  prophet  Nathan.  The  influ- 
ence of  his  father  was  no  doubt  of  the  happiest  kind.  Ma- 
tured by  years  and  chastened  by  sorrow  and  misfortune,  David 
must  have  watched  over  this  child  of  his  beloved  wife  with  a 
special  care  and  set  before  him  examples  of  personal  love 
and  devotion  to  Jehovah,  of  strict  and  constant  attention  to 
public  affairs.  Furthermore,  as  he  knew  that  Solomon  was 
destined  to  rule  over  Israel,  he  no  doubt  initiated  him  grad- 
ually into  the  many  details  of  political  government  and  into 
his  great  project  of  erecting  a  temple  to  the  Lord. 

"But  the  boy  would  be  also  with  Bethsabee,  his  mother  — 
in  his  childhood  almost  entirely  so ;  and  that  must  have  been 
a  very  different  influence.  The  mother's  influence  in  an 
Eastern  court  is  almost  always  bad,  for  she  is  not  trained  to 
think  of  anything  higher  for  her  child  than  the  merest  self- 
indulgence  "  (Winterbotham,  Life  and  Reign  of  Solomon, 
p.  14),  and  in  this  particular  case,  a  happy  motherly  influence 

[212] 


THE    KINGDOM    OF    SOLOMON.  213 

could  hardly  be  expected  on  the  part  of  one  who  had  con- 
sented to  share  in  a  royal  adultery,  and  whose  main  concern 
was  apparently  to  secure  the  throne  to  her  beloved  child. 
Fortunately,  therefore,  for  Solomon,  he  found  in  jMathan.  the 
faithful  prophet  of  Jehovah,  and  a  man  of  great  influence 
with  both  David  and  Bethsabee,  examj)les  and  precepts  that 
would  counteract  to  some  extent  the  softness  of  his  early 
training  by  his  mother,  add  considerably  to  the  power  of  the 
good  example  and  advice  of  his  father,  aod-prjepaie  him 
gradually  for  the  great  future  before  him. 

Thus  Solomon  grew  up  destined  to  the  throne  not  only  by 
the  peculiar  love  of  David  and  Bethsabee,  but  also  and  prin- 
cipally by  the  solemn  decree  which  Nathan  had  uttered  in 
his  favor  on  the  part  of  Jehovah  (II  Kings  vii,  12,  15;  III 
Kings  ii,  15,  24).  It  was  most  likely  in  consequence  of  this 
Divine  decree  that  David  had  secretly  premised  to  Bethsa- 
bee that  her  son  Solomon  would  succeed  to  the  kingdom 
(III  Kings  i,  17),  and  that  when  Adonias,  his  eldest  surviv- 
ing son,  put  up  a  claim  to  the  throne  and  was  not  thereupon 
rebuked  by  him,  Nathan  intervened  and  req^uested  that  ihe 
royal  dignity  should  belong  to  the  one  chosen  by  the  Supreme 
King  of  Israel.  It  is  also  probable  that  the  prophet  profiieii  , 
by  this  occasion  to  make  David  sensible  of  the  great  evils 
which  might  arise  for  his  family  and  nation  should  he  die  be- 
fore the  actual  coronation  of  his  successor,  and  this  accounts 
for  the  fact  that  the  aged  monarch  lost  no  time  in  having 
Solomon  inaugurated  King  of  Israel,  and  expressed  his  great 
joy  at  seeing  the  ceremony  over  (III  Kings  i,  48  ;  cfr.  also 
III  Kings  ii,  22).  ^ 

2.     Accession  and  First  Acts  of  Solomon.     A  few  ' 

months  elapsed  when,  by  the  death  of  his  father,  Solomon 
became  the  sole  occupant  of  the  Jewish  throne.  He  was 
still  very  young  —  pipbablj_^.tween_ sixteen  and  twenty  — 
and  whilst  he  knew  he  possessed   the  affectionate   loyalty  of 


214  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

the  nation  at  large,  he  could  not  forget  that  very  near  his 
throne  he  had  several  bold  and  designing  enemies.  "The 
pretensions  of  his  own  elder  brother  Adonias  still  com- 
manded a  powerful  party;  Abiathar  swayed  the  priesthood; 
Juab  the  army.  The  singular  connection  in  public  opinion 
between  the  title  to  the  crown  and  the  possession  of  the 
deceased  monarch's  harem  has  been  already  noticed.  Ado- 
nias, in  making  request  for  Abisag,  a  youthful  concubine 
taken  by  David  in  his  old  age,  was  considered  as  insidiously 
renewing  his  claims  to  the  sovereignty.  Solomon  saw  at 
once  the  wisdom  of  his  father's  dying  admonition  (III 
Kings  ii,  5-9 ;  he  seized  the  opportunity  of  crushing  all 
future  opposition,  and  all  danger  of  a  civil  war.  He  caused 
Adonias  to  be  piilL_tQ_death,  suspended  Abiathar  from  his 
office  and  banished  him  from  Jerusalem,  arid  commanded 
that  Joab,  though  he  had  fled  to  the  altar,  be  slain  for  two 
murders  of  which  he  had  been  guilty,  those  of  Abner  and 
Amasa.  Semei.  another  dangerous  character,  was  com- 
manded to  reside  in  Jerusalem,  on  pain  of  death  if  he 
should  quit  the  city.  Three  years  afterwards,  he  was 
detected  in  a  suspicious  journey  to  Geth,  on  the  Philistine 
border,  and  having  violated  the  compact,  he  suffered  the 
penalty"  (Milman,  History  of  the  Jews). 

Thus  secured,  according  to  the  advice  of  his  father,  from 
internal  enemies,  Solomon  married  Pharao's  daughter. 
This  was  clearly  a  political  alliance,  the  chief  aim  of  which 
was  probably  to  flatter  the  national  pride  of  the  Israelites 
by  making  them  more  fully  realize  the  high  standing  they 
actually  possessed  among  the  greatest  monarchies  of  the 
world..  Although  this  alliance  with  a  heathen  woman  must 
have  appeared  contrary  to  the  religious  traditions  of  the  peo- 
ple of  Jehovah,  yet  its  irregularity  was  not  objected  to  at 
the  time.  Another  thing  contributed  towards  rendering  this 
alliance  acceptable  to  the  Jewish  nation,  namely,  the  splen- 
did and  costly  sacrifice  which  the  young  monarch   hastened 


THE    KINGDOM    OF    SOLOMON.  215 

after  his  accession  to  offer  on  "  the  great  high  place "  in 
Gabaon,  where  the  Tabernacle  still  remained,  and  which  was 
calculated  to  prove  to  all  his  sincere  devotion  to  the  worship 
of  the  God  of  Israel.  The  sacred  writer  informs  us  that 
this  sacrifice  was  so  pleasing  to  Jehovah  that  He  appeared 
to  Solomon,  offered  him  whatever  gift  he  might  choose,  and^^^,,;^^^ 
bestowed  upon  him  "an  understanding  heart  to  judge  his^ 
people."  An  illustration  is  then  given  of  the  wonderful  judi- 
cial wisdom  of  the  king  in  the  memorable  incident  of  the  two 
women  who  contested  the  right  to  a  child  (III  Kings,  iii). 


§  2.     Commercial  Relations.  ^$/ Cry^ 


^tJU:i^ 


I.  Commerce  by  Land.  Solomon  is  the  first  Jewish  a^ ^ 
ruler  who,  having  in  his  hands  the  great  military  and  com- 
mercial roads  between  the  Euphrates  and  the  Nile,  felt  free 
enough  from  foreign  foes  to  start  and  carry  on  an  active 
commerce  with  the  nations  which  surrounded  Israel.  His 
principal  traffic  by  land  was  with  Eg\t>t  for  the  horses  and 
chariots  for  which  this  country  had  become  famous.  He 
needed  them  to  keep  up  his  own  large  supply,  for  he  himself 
possessed  horsemen  and  chariots  in  great  numbers  after  the 
manner  of  the  Egyptian  and  Hittite  kings,  and  more  particu- 
larly to  satisfy  the  incessant  demands  for  such  warlike  or 
splendid  equipages  by  the  Hittite  and  Aramean  warriors 
(III  Kings  X,  28,  29).  To  transport  them  across  his  terri- 
tory he  naturally  put  in  gop(j  repair  the  old  caravan  roads 
which  long  centuries  of  war  and  confusion  had  allowed  to 
fall  into  a  miserable  condition,  and  "after  a  system  long 
established  in  Egypt,  he  built  towns  at  suitable  points  as 
centres  of  commerce  and  depots  of  goods  for  sale  "  (Geikie, 
Hours  with  the  Bible,  vol.  iii,  p.  422).  That  the  Jewish 
king  kept  the  monopoly  of  this  lucrative  trade,  as  indeed  of 
all  his  commerce,  is  most  likely  from  what  we  know  of  the 
customs  of  Oriental  monarchs. 


2l6  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY.     . 

Solomon's  commercial  relations  with  Arabia  are  less 
accurately  known  to  us  than  those  he  had  with  Egypt.  It 
is  from  Arabia  that  he  must  have  mainly  derived  the  spices 
which  were  extensively  used  during  his  reign  (cfr.  Ill 
Kings  X,  25  ;  Prov.  vii,  17  ;  Cant,  iii,  6  ;  iv,  10,  14,  16,  etc.); 
for  although  they  might  have  been  brought  to  him  by  sea, 
yet  they  have  ever  been  transported  by  caravans  throughout 
the  East.  From  the  same  country  he  may  also  have 
imported  many  of  his  precious  stones  (cfr.  Ill  Kings  x,  2, 
10;  II  Paralip.  ix,  i,  9,  10). 

The  last  country  with  which  Solomon  maintained  direct 
commercial  relations  by  land  was  Phenicia.  His  traffic 
with  Hiram,  King  of  Tyre,  w^as  chiefly  required  by  his  own 
numerous  architectural  undertakings  ;  for  without  the  friendly 
transactions  with  this  pagan  prince,  Solomon  would  never 
have  been  able  to  carry  out  the  building  of  the  Tem- 
ple of  Jerusalem  and  of  his  various  palaces.  Phenicia  was 
ever  famous  in  antiquity  for  its  skilled  wood-carvers  and 
metal-casters,  and  the  Israelites,  at  least  at  this  time,  were 
far  from  having  acquired  the  knowledge  in  the  useful  and 
fine  arts  which  such  public  constructions  required.  It  may 
be  added  in  passing  that  if  the  Jewish  king  vanquished  many 
a  time  his  royal  brother  of  Tyre  in  their  contests  of  wit 
(JosEPHUS,  Against  Apion,  i,  17),  the  Phenician  monarch  cer- 
tainly got  the  better  of  the  son  of  David  in  their  business 
transactions  (III  Kings  v;  vii;  13,  sq. ;  ix,  i,sq;  II  Para- 
lip. ii ;  viii,  2). 

2.  Commerce  by  Sea.  It  was  his  intercourse  with 
Phenicia  which  suggested  to  Solomon  maritime  enterprises 
which  departed  entirely  from  the  old  traditions  of  the  Jewish 
people,  never  much  acquainted  with  the  sea.  Whilst  the 
Tyrians  covered  the  Mediterranean  Sea  with  their  ships, 
founding  numerous  colonies,  opening  trading  ports  —  the 
chief  of  which   was  Tarsis,  probably  on  the  southern  coast 


THE    KINGDOM    OF    SOLOMON.  217 

of  Spain,  then  abounding  in  gold  and  silver  mines  —  David 
secured  the  possession  of  Asiougaber  at  the  northern  end 
of  the  eastern  arm  of  the  Red  Sea  and  his  son  and  suc- 
cessor, Solomon,  bethought  himself  of  procuring  a  fleet 
which  would  cross  the  Red  Sea  and  trade  with  the  eastern 
ports  of  India.  This  was  a  bold  conception,  for  to  carry  it 
out  Solomon  could  not  reckon  either  on  native  ship-build- 
ers or  native  sailors.  Yet  by  means  of  his  friendly  alliance 
with  Hiram  he  was  able  to  secure  ships  which  he  manned 
partly  with  Phenician  sailors,  partly  with  his  own  subjects 
from  Dan  and  Zabulon,  who  were  somewhat  familiar  with  the 
sea  by  their  residence  near  the  coast. 

It  is  hardly  probable  that  the  ships  of  Solomon  sailed  in 
company  with  those  of  Hiram  and  shared  in  their  profits. 
The  Phenicians  most  likely  kept  the  monopoly  and  the  "  Tar- 
sis  navy  "  spoken  of  in  the  Hebrew  text  of  III  Kings  x,  22  ; 
II  Paralip.  ix,  2[,  was  a  generic  term  simply  to  designate 
ships  of  a  particular  build,  just  as  Englishmen  might  talk  of 
an  "Indiaman  "  without  necessarily  implying  that  the  ship 
sailed  only  to  India  (Farrar,  Solomon,  his  Life  and  Times, 

p.   122).  -••^     .*4/<U^ 

Whatever  may  be  thought  of  Solomon's  maritime  partner-  ^-^''^t^S^ 
ship  with  the  King  of  Tyre  in  the  commerce  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean, there  is  no  doubt  that  he  attempted  the  navigation 
of  the  Red  Sea,  for  which  Hiram  and  his  Tyrians  could  feel 
no  sort  of  jealousy.  Sailing  from  Asiongaber,  the  Jewish 
navy  went  to  Ophir,  a  place  the  exact  site  of  which  has  been 
the  subject  matter  of  endless  discussions.  Some  have  iden- 
tified it  with  the  ancient  gold  mines  and  extensive  ruins 
recently  discovered  in  Southern  Africa ;  others  with  a  place 
called  El  Ophir  in  the  southern  part  of  Arabia  (Gen.  x,  29) ; 
others  again  with  a  place  at  the  mouth  of  the  Indus,  etc., 
etc.  The  last  opinion  just  given  seems,  on  the  whole,  very 
probable  on  the  following  grounds:  (i)  all  the  imports 
mentioned  in  the  Bible  are  of  Indian  origin;  (2)  the  names 


2l8  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

given  them  (except  of  course  of  gold,  silver  and  precious 
Stones  for  which  there  were  already  Hebrew  words)  are 
Sanscrit  words  ;  (3)  the  place  at  the  mouth  of  the  Indus,  is 
named  by  Ptolemy  Abiria,  and  by  Hindu  geographers 
Abhira,  a  name  practically  identical  with  that  of  Ophir ; 
(4)  finally,  in  the  Septuagint,  or  oldest  Greek  translation  of 
the  Old  Testament,  Ophir  is  translated  Sophir,  which  in 
Coptic  means  India,  and  this  rendering  is  adopted  by  the 
Arabic  versions ;  the  Vulgate  itself  renders  Ophir  by  India 
in  Job  xxviii,  16  (cfr.  Vigouroux,  Bible  et  De'couvertes 
Modernes,  tome  iii ;  Farrar,  Solomon,  pp.  123-126). 

The  principal  products  brought  from  Ophir  were,  besides 
gold  and  silver,  ivory,  precious  stones,  sandalwood,  apes  and 
peacocks,  the  last  of  which  caused  the  greatest  wonder 
among  the  Jewish  population  (III  Kings  ix,  28;  x,  ir,  22  ; 
II  Paralip.  viii,  18;  ix,  10). 


y 


^ 


§  J.  Internal  Prosperity. 


I.  Intellectual  Life  of  Solomon  and  his  Times. 
^  The  prosperous  period  of  Solomon's  reign  was  not  <^"ly  the 
^  1  best  epoch  for  the  development  of  Jewish  industry  and 
commerce,  it  was  also  the  most  favorable  time  for  the  devel- 
opment of  national  intellectual  life.  In  this  respect,  as  in 
every  other,  the  King  of  Israel  took  the  lead,  and  he  became 
very  widely  known  as  ihe  "  wisest  man  of  his  time,  "^  where  by 
it  was  probably  meant  that  he  was  endowed  with  airextraor- 
dinary  "faculty  of  acute  observation,  shrewdness  in  discov- 
ery or  device,  cleverness  of  invention  (Driver,  Introduc- 
tion to  Old  Testament  Literature,  chapter  viii ;  cfr.  also  III 
Kings  iii,  2,  3).  Solomon's  wisdom  thus  understood  allowed 
him  to  cultivate  with  great  success  \\\7k\  (rjinwir  poetry  which 
"  consists  of  acute  observations  on  human  life  and  society, 
or  generalizations  respecting  conduct  and  character " 
(Driver,  chapter  vii);  and  in  fact  no  less  than  3,000  prov 


THE    KINGDOM    OF    SOLOMON.  219 

erbs  are  ascribed  to  him  (III  Kings  iv,  32).  Of  all  these 
proverbs  of  the  Jewish  monarch,  only  a  very  small  number 
has  come  down  to  us  embodied  in  a  general  collection 
known  as  our  canonical  "  Book  of  Proverbs."  Many  times 
his  proverbs  assumed  the  form  of  "  parables  from  nature," 
that  is,  of  shrewd  sayings  which  men  could  verify  for  them- 
selves by  ordinary  observ^ation  of  natural  facts  and  which 
contained  important  lessons.  As  these  sayings  were  often 
suggested  by  a  close  observation  either  of  animals,  such  as 
the  lizard,  the  ant,  the  lion,  the  bear,  etc.  ;  or  of  plants,  such 
as  the  cedar,  the  hyssop,  etc.,  we  find  it  stated  that  Solomon 
"  treated  about  trees  from  the  cedar  that  is  in  the  Lebanon, 
unto  the  hyssop  that  cometh  out  of  the  wall,  and  discoursed 
of  beasts  and  of  fowls,  and  of  creeping  things  and  of  fishes" 
(in  Kings  iv,  33).  i^^'^f^^ 

We  are  further  told  that  he  composed  *'a  thousand 
and  five  poems"  (III  Kings  iv,  32),  whence  it  follows 
that  Solomon  also  cultivated  /vnc  poetrv  assiduously ;  but 
of  all  the  lyric  compositions  of  the  Bible,  only  a  few 
have  been  ascribed  to  him,  namely  :  Ei»alm  tfXxir  in  the 
Hebrew  (lxxi  in  the  Vulgate),  Psalm  cxvii  in  the  Hebrew 
(cxvi  in  the  Vulgate\  the  Canticle  of  Canticles,  and  Ecclesi- 
astes. 

Perhaps  to  this  same  period  of  the  Golden  Age  of  the 
Hebrew  literature  must  be   ascribed  the  remarkable  poem    y  ^^/ 
known  under  tlie  name  of  the  ^c)Q\i  of  Joh^  in  which  case,  "^-<, 

it  would  be  necessary  to  admit  that  some  of  the  deepest 
problems  offered  to  the  human  mind  by  our  mortal  exist- 
ence greatly  agitated  already  the  wise  men  of  Solomon's 
time  (cfr.  Pelt,  Histoire  de  I'Ancien  Testament,  tome  ii, 
p.  65-92). 

Besides  these  various  inspired  poems,  it  can  hardly  be 
doubted,  that  in  Israel,  as  in  any  nation  which  has  reached 
a  high  literary  development,  other  poetical  compositions 
were  written   bearing  on   topics  which   had    no   religious  or 


^ 


220  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

sacred  character.  Finally,  as  forming  a  part  of  the  intellect- 
^  ual  activity  of  the  time,  we  must  mention  the  public  and 
private  diaries  which  were  later  utilized  by  the  compilers  of 
our  books  of  Kings  and  Chronicles  (III  Kings  iv,  3  ;  xi,  41  ; 
II  Paralip.  ix,  29). 

2.  Military  and  Political  Organization.  As  might 
naturally  be  expected  from  a  monarch  who  had  set  before 
himself  the  ideal  of  peaceful  wealth  and  literary  culture 
instead  of  that  of  military  glory,  Solomon  1  eft _pra_cdc ally 
untouched  the  military  organization  introduced  by  his  father. 
Like  David,  he  had  his  standing  army,  now  commanded  by 
Banaias,  the  son  of  Joiada  ;  his  military  order  of  600  men, 
and  his  body-guard  under  the  command  of  a  captain  whose 
power  extended  over  the  king's  household.  To  these  he 
simply  added  a  comparatively  large  number  of  cavalry  and 
charioteers 

The  political  organization  underwent  more  considerable 
changes.  Having  surrounded  himself  with  wise  and 
respected  counsellors  (III  Kings  iv,  2),  the  king  did  away 
iyjlh  the  time-honored  division  of  Israel  into  tribes,  gnd  put 
taxation  on  a  new  basis.  He  preserved  indeed  the  old  num- 
ber of  twelve  in  his  new  division  of  the  land,  but  his  twelve 
provinces  were  made  according  to  population  and  resources, 
and  over  each  of  these  he  himself  appointed  a  governor. 
His  aim  was  clearly  to  deal  a  fatal  blow  at  the  old  tribal 
jealousies  and  divisions  which  he  remembered  had  so  terri- 
bly shaken  the  kingdom  during  the  last  years  of  his  father, 
and  at  the  same  time  to  regulate  taxation  more  easily.  The 
financial  administration  which  was  intrusted  to  the  provin- 
cial governors  was  in  fact  of  the  simplest  kind  ;  apparently 
no  direct  taxes  were  levied,  but  all  that  was  requisite  for 
Solomon's  court  and  government  had  to  be  provided,  each 
province  supplying  in  turn  what  was  required  for  a  month 
(III  Kings  iv). 


THE    KINGDOM    OF    SOLOMOxV.  22  1 

3.  Extension  and  Peaceful  Condition  of  his  ^*^^-*'**{<, 
States.  With  such  excellent  financial  organization,  it  ^<^ 
should  have  been  easy  for  the  Jewish  king  to  meet  the 
yearly  expenses  of  his  reign,  the  more  so  because  the  vari- 
ous tributary  nations — Philistines,  Edomites,  Moabites, 
Ammonites,  Arabians  of  the  desert  and  Syrians  of  Damas- 
cus—  showed  themselves  faithful  in  paying  him  whatever 
dues  had  been  imposed  on  them  by  David  (III  Kings  iv, 
21).  Solomon's  passion  for  building  soon  betrayed  him, 
however,  into  enormous  expenses  which  he  felt  unable  to 
cover  except  by  alienating  a  part  of  his  dominions.  So  that 
had  the  King  of  Tyre  been  pleased  with  the  twenty  cities  on 
the  border  of  Phenicia,  which  his  royal  brother  had  given  him, 
the  kingdom  of  Solomon  would  have  been  actually  less  exten- 
sive than  that  of  his  father  (III  Kings  ix,  lo,  sq.).  The  only 
city  which  was  added  to  Solomon's  dominions,  during  his  long 
reign,  was  that  ofjGazer,  which  the  King  of  Egypt  took 
from  the  Philistines  and  bestowed  upon  his  daughter  as  a 
dowry  at  the  time  of  her  marriage  with  the  Jewish  mon- 
arch. 

But  if  the  territory  of  Israel  was  not  increased  during  the   "^  XjC^ 
rule  of  Solomon,  there  is  hardly  any  doubt  that  the  popula- >a^^ 
tion  increased  rapidly  owing  to  the  actual  cessation  of  war^    *--^I^ 
and  to   the  growing  material    prosperity  which    the   nation 
enjoyed  for  many  years  (III  Kings  iv,  20).     This  was  indeed 
a  time  of  peace  and  plenty  "when  Juda  and  Israel  dwelt 
*  without  any  fear,  every  one  under  his  vine  and  under  his 
fig-tree  "  (III  Kings  iv,  25).     It  was  the  time  of  that  lavish 
expenditure    of   those  great    architectural   and  commercial 
undertakings  which  at  fir^t  naturally  tended  to  increase  the 
well-being  of  the  country  *'  by  making  money  more  plentiful, 
by  providing  employment,  creating  large  demands  and  arou  .- 
ing  ambitions  hitherto  unknown  "  (WINTERBOTHA^^,  Solomon, 
p.  34).     National  pride  and  interest  were  gratified  not  only 
by  the  most  precious  and  most  abundant  treasures  which  for- 


2  22  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

eign  nations  and  chieftains  offered  to  the  Jewisli  king  and 
which  were  then  mostly  spent  among  the  people  ;  but  also  by 
Solomon's  care  to  bestow  only  upon  Israelites  the  posts  of 
honor  and  profit.  It  is  not  therefore  to  be  wondered  at  that 
the  sacred  writers  of  the  books  of  Kings  and  Paralipomenon 
describe  with  a  special  delight  the  riches  and  glory  of  the 

\  son  of  David,  and  the  peace  and  prosperity  which  the  whole 
nation  "  from  Dan  to  Bersabee  "  enjoyed  under  his  rule. 
Indeed  this  period  of  peace,  of  prosperity  and  of  glory  con- 
trasted so  strongly  with  the  insecurity  of  the  time  of  the 
judges  and  even  of  the  reigns  of  Saul  and  David,  and  with 
the  misfortunes  of  later  ages,  that  this  glorious  period  of 
Solomon's  reign  gradually  came  to  be  considered  as  the  type 

j^of  that  kingdom  of  course  more  prosperous,  more  lasting 
than  that  of  Solomon,  yet  like  unto  it,  which  the  Messias, 
the  greatest  Son  of  David,  would  introduce  into  the  world 
for  "  the  glory  ei  the  Jews  and  the  revelation  of  the  Gentiles  " 
(in  King  iv;  II  Paralip.  viii,  ix ;  Matt,  vi,  29;  Luke  ii, 
25-  32)- 


§  4.  Public  [Vorks. 


X' 


I.     Public   Works  in  Jerusalem.     Among  the  many 
^  wonders  of    Solomon's  reign  which  struck  the  imagination 

of  the  Jewish   people  and  made  them  long  remember   the 
y         splendor  of  his  rule,  were  thejiublic  buildings  wherewith  he 
^  embellished  the  capital  of  his  empire.     The  first,  and  by  far 

the  most  important  of  these  great  buildings,  was  the  Tem- 
ple. Towards  the  construction  of  this  sanctuary  David  had 
^  gathered  great  treasures,  quantities  of  brass,  iron,  stone,  lim- 
^l^f/  ber,  etc.  (I  Paralip.  xxii),  and  had  matured  a  detailed  plan 
which  he  explained  to  his  son  with  the  solemn  charge  that 
he  should  carry  it  out  with  ardor  and  perseverance  (I  Para- 
lip. xxviii).  On  coming  to  the  throne  Solomon  lost  no  time 
in  taking  up  a  work  so  dear  to  his  father  and  to  the  nation 


THE    KINGDOM    OF    SOLOMON.  223 

at  large.  For  this  purpose  he  entered  into  a  regular  treaty 
with  Hiram,  by  which  he  bound  himself  to  supply  the  Tyrians 
with  large  quantities  of  corn,  oil  and  wine,  and  received  in 
return  their  timber  which  was  floated  down  to  Joppe,  and  a 
large  number  of  artificers.  Besides,  Solomon  ordered  a  levy 
out  of  Israel,  which  furnished  him  with  30,000  workmen,  10,- 
000  of  whom  were  employed  at  a  time  to  cut  timber  in  Lib- 
anus,  and  he  compelled  150,000  strangers,  chiefly  of  Cha- 
naanite  descent,  to  carry  burdens  and  hew  stones  (III  Kings 
v;  I  Paralip.  ii). 

These  preparations  completed,  the  work  was  begun  on  the  '^**<<^ 
site  bought  by  David  from  Oman  the  Jesubite,  on  Mount 
Moriah^  an  eminence  near  Jerusalem,  at  once  rendered  sacred 
as  the  spot  where  Abraham  had  offered  up  Isaac,  and  where 
the  plague  had  been  stayed  during  the  last  reign.  The 
rugged  top  of  Moriah  was  levelled  with  great  labor;  jts 
sides,  which  to  the  east  and  south  were  precipitous,  were 
faced  with  walls  of  great  stones,  built  up  on  the  sloping 
sides,  the  interval  between  being  occupied  by  vaults  or  filled 
up  with  earth.  The  lower,  bevelled  stones  of  the  wall  re- 
main, the  relics  of  the  eastern  wall  alone  being  Solomon's. 
They  bear  Phenician  red  marks  on  their  bottom  rows,  at  the 
depth  of  90  feet,  where  the  foundations  rest  on  the  rock 
itself.  No  sound  of  hammer  or  of  axe,  or  of  any  tool 
^  of  iron,  was  heard  as  the  structure  arose  (III  Kings  vi,  7); 
every  beam  already  cut  and  squared  before  being  floated 
down  to  Joppe,  every  stone  already  hewn  and  bevelled 
in  the  quarries  recently  discovered  under  the  present  city 
of  Jerusalem,  near  the  Damascus  gate,  was  laid  silently  in 
its    appointed    place    (Maclear,    Old    Testament    History, 

Like  the  Tabernacle,  on  the  general  model  of  which  it  was  /^ 

built,  the  Temple  faced  the  east.  It  consisted  of  the 
*'  House  of  Jehovah  "  or  Temple  proper,  erected  on  the  top  of 
the  sacred    mount,  and  of   two  concentrated  enclosures  or 


224  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

^''Courts  of  Jehovah's  House''  surrounding  the  Temple  proper 
in  such  a  manner  that  the  inner  court  stood  upon  higher 
ground  than  the  outer  one,  and  the  House  of  Jehovah  upon 
a  position  highest  of  all. 

The^Ternple  proper  was  but  a  smaU  building,  a  shrine 
erected  to  the  God  of  Israel  that  He  might  dwell  in  the 
midst  of  His  people,  not  in  our  sense  a  church  freely  open 
to  all.  It  had  three  distinct  parts  •  \\)  the  Vestibule,  about 
30  feet  wide  and  15  feet  deep,  within  which  arose  two  pillars 
of  brass,  their  capitals  prnamented  with  network,  chainwork 
and  pomegranates;  (2)  the  Holy  Place,  the  dimensions  of 
which  were  exactly  double  those  of  the  Tabernacle,  was  60 
feet  long  from  east  to  west,  by  30  wide,  and  45  high.  It  was 
entered  from  the  Vestibule  by  folding-doors  made  of  cypress 
overlaid  with  gold  and  richly  embossed.  Every  part  of  this 
wonderful  room  was  overlaid  with  gold,  and  the  walls  of 
hewn  stone  pajjelled  with  cedar,  were  further  adorned  with 
beautiful  carvings  representing  cherubim,  fruits  and  flowers. 
It  contained  the  golden  Altar  of  Incense,  on  either  side  of 
which  were  five  golden  tables  for  the  "  loaves  of  proposition  " 
and  five  golden  candlesticks,  each  seven-branched.  ^)  the 
Holy  of  Holies  or  Most  Holy  Place  was  a  perfect  cube  of 
30  feet.  The  entrance  was  from  the  Holy  Place  through 
folding-doors  which  were  probably  always  open,  though  the 
opening  was  concealed  by  a  rich  veil  of  the  brightest  colors. 
Like  the  Holy  Place,  the  Holy  of  Holies  was  most  richly 
decorated,  overlaid  with  gold  in  all  its  parts.  It  Qontaintd 
but^^one  jobject,  the  original  Ark  of  the  Covenant  over- 
shadowed by  two  gigantic  cherubim  likewise  overlaid  with 
gold.  On  three  sides  of  the  Temple  proper  there  were  side 
buildings  three  stories  high  and  so  arranged  that  the  Temple 
proper  rose  above  them  like  a  clerestory  rising  above  aisles, 
the  window-openings  being  fitted  with  fixed  lattices  of  boards ; 
the  Most  Holy  Place,  however,  was  apparently  without  any 
light  or  ventilation  from  the  outside.     (On  the  resemblance 


THE    KINGDOM    OF    SOLOMON.  225 

of   Solomon's  Temple  to  those  of   Egypt,  cfr.  Vigouroux, 
Bible  et  Decouvertes  Modernes,  tome  iii.) 

Descending  from  the  Vestibule,  one  would  come  to  the 
t^'  Inner''  (III  Kings  vi,  36)  or  i^ourt  of  the  Priests "  (II 
Paralip.  iv,  9)  within  which  —  as  within  the  Court  of  the 
Tabernacle  —  \vas  the  Altar  of  Holocausts,  30  feet  long  and 
15  high,  and  standing  on  the  exact  site  of  the  threshing  floor 
of  Oman.  In  the  same  court,  were  also  found  a  great  tank 
or  "sea  "  of  molten  brass  used  for  the  ablutions  of  the  priests, 
ten  lesser  movable  vessels  of  brass  for  the  washing  of  entrails, 
and  all  the  otlieJLJltfillsiis  necessary  for  the  various  Jewish 
sacrifices.  This  court  was  paved  with  great  stones,  and  en- 
closed by  a  low  wall  of  polished  stones  and  a  row  of  beams 
of  cedar.  Only  the  priests  and  those  who  offered  sacrifices 
were  allowed  into  the  inner  court,  a  part  of  which  —  the 
nearest  to  the  Temple  —  was  actually  reserved  for  the  exclu- 
sive use  of  the  priests.  • 

From  this  Inner  Court,  steps  led  down  to  the  "  Outer 
Court'''  where  the  people  gathered  to  attend  the  various 
sacrifices  and  ceremonies  of  the  Mosaic  Ritual  (cfr.  Jerem. 
xxxvi,  10).  Tins  outer  court  was  probably  left  unfinished 
by  Solomon,  but  when  completed  it  was  surrounded  by  a 
strong  wall,  supplied  with  four  massive  gates  of  brass,  and 
contained  within  together  with  colonnades,  chambers  and 
rooms  used  for  various  purposes.  From  this  court,  steps 
led  down  to  a  wide  esplanade  destined  to  become  later  the 
Court  of  thf:  C^nitily^  (cfr.  Pelt,  Histoire  de  TAncien  Tes- 
tament, tome  ii,  p.  24,  sq. ;  Edersheim,  Bible  History,  vol.  v, 

P-  7S»  sq.)-  aUJ^ 

As  soon  as  the  Jewish  monarch  had  finished  the  House  of 
Jehovah  and  the  Inner  Court  (which  was  indeed  necessary 
for  carrying  on  the  Divine  service),  he  dedicated  his  work  to 
the  worship  of  God  in  a  splendid  festival  the  details  of  which 
have  been  preserved  to  us  by  the  sacred  writers  (III  Kings 
viii ;  II  Paralip.  v-vii). 


/ 


\ 


226  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

Before  the  Temple  was  thus  completed  and  dedicated 
Solomon  had  begun  the  erection  of  his  own  magnificent 
palace,  to  which  he  devoted  tlurteen  years  of  labor.  It  was 
most  likely  made  up  of  several  different  buildings  after  the 
manner  of  the  Assyrian  palaces,  and  of  these  buildings  little 
more  than  the  names  has  come  down  to  us.  The  principal 
building  was  probably  the  House  of  the  Forest  of  Lib- 
anus  ;  next  in  importance  was  the  Porch  of  Judgment, 
and  finally  the  Porch  of  Pillars.  He  also  made  a  house 
for  the  daughter  of  Pharao,  whom  he  had  taken  to  wife 
(III  Kings  vii,  1-12).  Solomon's  magnificent  palace,  for 
the  splendor  of  which  nothing  was  spared,  was  below  the 
platform  of  the  Temple,  for  "  he  constructed  an  ascent 
from  his  own  house  to  that  of  Jehovah,  that  is,  a  subterra- 
nean passage  250  feet  long  by  42  feet  wide,  of  which  the 
remains  may  still  be  traced  "  (Smith,  Old  Testament  His- 
tory, p.  491).  * 

About  the  same  time  Solomon  supplied  Jerusalem  with 
water  by  means  of  reservoirs  and  aqueducts,  and  completed 
or  simply  repaired  the  fortification  of  his  capital  (III  Kings 
xi,  27). 

^jj*^     2.     Public    Works    in   the    Provinces.     The    public 
y^^        works  carried  out  by  the  son  of  David  outside  Jerusalem  re- 
garded chiefly  fortresses  which  he  either  strengthened  or  re- 
built with  a  view  to  prevent  invasion  or  protect  his  own  cara- 
van roads.     Thus  he  fortified   Baalath,   Gazer    and  the  two 
yj^      Bethorons  to  command  the  pass  which  led  from  the  coast- 
^\  pLiin  to  the  highlands  of  Benjamin  ;  the  post  of  Hestr  to 

defend  the  northern  entrance  of  Israel's  territory  from  Syria 
and  Assyria;  Mageddo  to  guard  the  plain  of  Esdraelon. 
Lastly,  at  some  250  miles  iionheast  of  Jerusalem^  half-way 
between  Damascus  and  the  Euphrates,  he  built  Tadmor, 
afterwards  called  Palmyra,  in  an  oasis  of  the  Syrian  wilder- 
ness, wherefrom   he  could  overawe  the  predatory  tribes  of 


THE    KINGDOM    OF    SOLOMON.  227 

the  desert,  and  secure  his  communication  with  the  outlying 
post  of  Thapsacus  on  the  Euphrates  (Winterbotham,  Solo- 
mon, p.  63,  sq.). 

Besides  these  fortresses,  the  names  of  which  are  given  in 
the  Bible,  the  king  strengthened  many  other  towns,  and  in 
particular  he  provided  magazine  cities  for  his  chariots  and 
his  cavalry  (III  Kings  ix,  19). 


SYNOPSIS    OF   CHAPTER    XX. 

The  Kingdom  of  Solomon. 
Section  II.     Its  Decline  and  Disruption. 


I. 

Its        ^ 
Decline 


Causes . 


2.  Signs . 


f  f  The  adoption  by  Solomon 

In  general:  ■{       of   the  ways  of    Eastern 
1       monarchs 


In  particu-. 
lar: 


A   Abroad: 


f  Despotism ;  enormous  ex- 
penditure; enforcement 
of  compulsory  labor. 

Sensual    life;    multiplica- 
tion of  wives  and  concu- 
bines, Aenre 

Idolatry  admitted,  prac- 
tised. 

Rebellions   of    Edom  and 
Syria. 


[■  Dissatisfaction    of    people 
B.  At  J      and  prophets. 

home  :  1  Rapid    fortune    of    Jero- 
1      boam. 


3.  TAe  End  of  Solomon.     Judgments  passed  on  him. 


II. 
Its  Dis- 
ruption 


,     r  Old    iealouses   between    the   tribes    of 
' ■  ^T/7/''^      \       J^da  and  Israel. 

^^^  ■  [  Conduct  of   Roboam  at  his  coronation. 


2.  Its  Conse- 
quences , 


3.  The  Two 
Kingdoms 
Compared: 


{  Mutual  rivalry  of  Juda  and  Ephraim. 
J  Religious  separation. 
I  Greater  weakness  against  more  formid- 
(^      able  invasions. 

Their  extent. 

Political  and  religious  life. 

Duration. 

[228] 


CHAPTER    XX. 

THE    KINGDOM    OF     SOLOMON. 

Section  II.     Its  Decline  and  Disruption 
§  /.  Decline  of  Solomon's  Kingdom. 

I.  Causes  of  Decline.  The  prosperous  period  of  Solo- 
mon's reign  was  unquestionably  the  golden  age  of  the  Jewish 
nation.  Under  his  wise  and  vigorous  rule  commerce  and 
literature  made  gigantic  strides,  peace  and  plenty  prevailed 
throughout  the  country.  Nor  was  there  any  apparent  reason 
why  this  splendor  and  prosperity  should  not  last  till  the  death 
of  the  monarch  and  be  handed  down  intact  to  his  successors, 
for  he  was  surrounded  by  the  confidence,  admiration  and 
love  of  his  subjects,  by  a  numerous  family  and  powerful  alli- 
ances through  marriage  at  home  and  abroad.  And  yet 
"Solomon  in  his  old  age  was  about  to  bequeath  to  his  heir 
an  insecure  throne,  a  discontented  people,  formidable  ene- 
mies on  the  frontiers,  and  perhaps  a  contested  succession  " 
(MiLMAN,  History  of  the  Jews).  The  general  cause  of  this 
sad  and  rapid  decline  of  the  Jewish  king  is  to  be  found  in 
his  complete  adoption  of  the  ways  of  Eastern  monarchs,  how- 
ever at  variance  this  might  be  with  the  spirit  and  actual  re- 
quirements of  a  theocratic  government.  His  evident  desire 
had  been  even  to  outdo  in  their  splendor  and  luxury  all 
neighboring  courts ;  and  in  consequence,  he  had  gradually 
made  everything  around  him  purely  Asiatic,  entirely  foreign 
to  the  ideal  of  a  monarchy  as  sketched  in  Deuteronomy  (xvii, 
i6,  17),  since  in  direct  defiance  of  it  he  had  multiplied  horses 

[22q1 


230  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

m  the  land,  accumulated  gold  and  silver,  and  contracted 
marriage  with  foreign  wives  (III  Kings  x,  10,  sq. ;  xi,  i,  2  ;  II 
Paralip.  ix,  13,  sq.). 

From  this  general  adoption  by  Solomon  of  the  ways  of 
Eastern  potentates  and  his  efforts  to  surpass  them  all'  in 
magnificence,  naturally  followed  the  first  particular  cause  of 
h"s  decline,  namely,  his  despotism  (III  Kings  xii,  4),  To 
gratify  his  worldly  ostentation  he  demanded  from  his  sub- 
jects enormous  sacrifices,  which  they  supported  willingly  at 
first,  but  soon  regarded  as  unbearable  burdens.  The  temples 
and  palaces,  cities  and  fortresses  with  the  construction  of 
which  he  gratified  his  passion  for  building  "in  Jerusalem  and 
in  Libanus  and  in  all  the  land  of  his  dominion  "  (II  Paralip. 
viii)  were  rendered  possible  only  by  the  exaction  of  forced 
labor  even  on  the  part  of  his  own  subjects  (III  Kings  xi,  27,. 
28  ;  xii,  14),  and  by  the  imposition  of  taxes  the  rate  and  bur- 
den of  which  naturally  increased  as  time  went  on.  If  we 
add  to  this  the  enormous  expenditure  entailed  by  the  main- 
tenance of  a  large  standing  army,  of  a  numerous  and  mag- 
nificent court,  both  appa'ently  out  of  proportion  with  the  re- 
sources at  his  disposal,  it  will  be  easy  for  us  to  understand 
how  on  the  one  hand,  Solomon's  treasury  gradually  became 
so  exhausted  that  the  vicegerent  of  Jehovah  was  driven  to 
cede  a  portion  of  God's  own  Holy  Land  to  the  pagan  king 
Hiram,  in  order  to  pay  the  debts  he  had  contracted  ;  and  how 
on  the  other  hand,  the  Jewish  people  were  gradually  led  to 
consider  the  rule  of  the  son  of  David  as  a  despotic  yoke 
from  which  they  long  and  intensely  yearned  to  be  relieved 
(III  Kings  xi,  28  ;  xii,  1-6). 

A  second  special  cause  of  the  decline  of  Solomon's  king- 
dom consists  in  his  multiplication  of  wives  and  concubines. 
Like  other  Eastern  despots,  he  freely  indulged  his  passions, 
and  in  this  —  if  the  enormous  figures  of  700  wives  and  300 
concubines  given  in  III  Kings  xi,  3,  be  admitted  as  correct 
(with   which  compare  Canticle    vi,  7)  —  he    even  seems    to 


THE    KINGDOM    OF    SOLOMON.  23 1 

have  gone  much  beyond  them  all,  most  likely  with  a  view  to 
give  evidence  to  his  contemporaries  of  his  superior  wealth 
and  power.  Of  course,  this  sensual  life  of  the  king,  besides 
involving  necessarily  his  own  physical  and  spiritual  decay, 
remained  a  source  of  constant  scandal  for  his  subjects  at 
large,  and  for  the  grandees  of  his  court  in  particular  ;  and  as 
we  have  already  noticed,  it  betrayed  him  into  connections  by 
marriage  with  foreign  nations,  that  is,  into  alliances  con- 
trary at  least  to  the  spirit  of  the  law  (III  Kings  xi,  2). 

The  last  particular  cause  of  the  decline  of  the  kingdom  of 
Solomon,  and  one  which  resulted  naturally  from  his  love  for 
and  marriage  with  foreign  wives,  was  the  idolatry  which  he 
tolerated,  encouraged  and  not  unlikely  practised  himself  (III 
Kings  xi,  1-34).  To  please  them  he  not  only  allowed  them 
to  practise  their  idolatrous  and  abominable  rites  within  his 
dominions,  but  actually  built  high  places  "for  Chamos  the 
idol  of  Moab,  and  for  Moloch  the  idol  of  the  children  of  Am- 
mon,  on  the  hill  that  is  over-against  Jerusalem,"  that  is  prob- 
ably that  part  of  the  Mount  of  Olives  which  faced  directly 
the  august  temple  of  Jehovah.  He  apparently  went  further 
and  actually  "  worshipped  Astarthe,  the  goddess  of  the  Sidon- 
ians,  and  Moloch,  the  idol  of  the  Ammonites"  (III  Kings  xi, 
5,  33).  This  was,  of  course,  a  most  heinous  crime  on  the  part 
of  a  king  of  Israel  to  whom  "Jehovah  had  appeared  twice,'* 
and  whose  perverse  example  could  not  but  exercise  the  most 
disastrous  influence  upon  the  minds  and  hearts  of  the  Jewish 
people,  hardly  weaned,  so  to  speak,  from  those  idolatrous  and 
licentious  rites  in  which  their  ancestors  had  freely  and  re- 
peatedly indulged.  In  point  of  fact,  people  and  courtiers 
followed  him  in  his  worship  of  Astarthe,  of  Chamos  and 
Moloch  (III  Kings  xi,  ^;^),  and  although  Asa,  Josaphat,  Joas 
and  Ezechias  put  an  end  to  idolatry  throughout  all  the  rest 
of  their  dominions,  yet  they  did  not  feel  powerful  enough  to 
fight  against  the  popular  feeling  in  favor  of  the  high  places 
which  Solomon  had  built  to   the  gods  of  his  foreign  wives 


232  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

in  the  vicinity  of  Jerusalem  and  which  subsisted  up  to 
the  great  religious  reforms  effected  by  Josias  (III  Kings 
xxiii,  13). 

2.  Signs  of  Decline.  It  was  chiefly  during  the  "old 
age  "  of  Solomon  "as  the  third  book  of  Kings  takes  notice  — 
the  parallel  narrative  of  his  reign  in  the  second  book  of 
Paralipomenon  has  no  reference  to  the  idolatry  of  this 
prince  —  that  the  son  of  David  "  had  his  heart  turned  away 
by  women  to  follow  strange  gods."  As  he  advanced  in 
years  the  weakness  of  his  will  betrayed  itself  more  and 
more,  and  his  application  to  public  affairs  proportionately 
relaxed.  It  is  therefore  during  this  period  that  the  signs  of 
decline  became  more  apparent.  Among  these,  we  may  men- 
tion with  the  sacred  writer  (III  Kings  xi,  14-26)  the  fact 
that  Hadad,  one  of  the  royal  blood  of  the  Edomite  princes, 
began  to  organize  a  revolt  against  Solomon's  supremacy  in 
Edom,  a  province  on  which  Jewish  maritime  commerce 
depended  so  much;  and  that  an  adventurer,  named  Razon, 
seized  Damascus  and  set  up  what  seems  to  have  been 
an  independent  sovereignty  (Milman,  History  of  the 
Jews). 

These  rebellions  of  powerful  tributary  States  against  the 
Jewish  suzerainty  over  the  east  of  Jordan  were  also  calcu- 
lated to  increase  the  dissatisfaction  experienced  at  home  by 
both  people  and  prophets  against  the  infamous  and  despotic 
rule  of  their  king.  By  this  time,  the  people  at  large  had 
long  ceased  to  be  dazzled  by  the  splendor  of  Solomon's 
court,  by  the  greatness  of  his  fame  for  wisdom  in  all  he  said 
and  did,  and  as  years  went  on  and  no  relief  from  compul- 
sory labor  or  enormous  taxation  was  in  view,  they  grew  tired 
of  his  unbearable  yoke  and  contemplated  his  death  in  a  near 
future  as  an  occasion  of  bettering  their  sad  condition.  Nor 
is  it  improbable  that  the  true  patriotic  spirit  of  the  bulk  of 
the  people  resented  more  and  more  the  ever-increasing  moral 


THE    KINGDOM    OF    SOLOMON.  233 

and  religious  corruption  of  the  capital  of  Israel.  "  The  old 
men  who  had  been  Solomon's  advisers  in  his  days  of  great- 
ness—  the  sons  of  Nathan  and  Sadoc  and  others — cannot 
have  regarded  these  proceedings  without  alarm.  Some  of 
them,  probably  in  concert  with  the  prophets  of  the  time, 
Semeias,  Addo  and  Ahias,  must  have  remonstrated  with  the 
king  on  his  folly  so  contrary  to  the  real  interests  of  the 
theocratic  government.  But  their  remonstrances  were  uttered 
in  vain  "  (Sime,  The  Kingdom  of  All-Israel,  p.  571).  Solomon 
was  therefore  well  aware  of  the  growing  and  but  too  well- 
founded  dissatisfaction  of  his  people,  yet  he  blindly  went  on, 
and  despised  even  the  Divine  sentence  of  which  the  prophet 
Ahias  was  most  likely  the  bearer,  and  which  announced  to 
Solomon  the  rending  of  the  kingdom  after  his  death  (III 
Kings  xi,  9-13;  29,  sq.). 

This  general  dissatisfaction  explains  the  rapid  fortune  of 
Jeroboam,  whom  Solomon  intrusted  with  one  of  the  most  impor- 
tant posts  of  the  kingdom.  It  was  because  of  the  increasing 
difficulty  in  raising  taxes  in  the  district  of  Ephraim,  a  tribe 
ever  opposed  to  the  influence  of  Juda,  that  the  king,  "  seeing 
him  a  young  man  ingenious  and  industrious,  made  him  chief 
over  the  tributes  of  all  the  house  of  Joseph."  It  was  because 
in  this  post  of  trust  and  power,  Jeroboam  could  realize  how 
widespread  and  deep  seated  was  the  dissatisfaction  of  the 
people  with  the  existing  order  of  things  that  he  foresaw  the 
day  when,  according  to  the  prediction  of  Ahias,  the  prophet 
of  Silo,  he  would  successfully  take  possession  of  the  throne 
of  at  least  the  northern  tribes.  It  was  finally  because  of  the 
desire  of  the  people  to  get  rid  of  Solomon's  hated  yoke,  that 
on  the  occasion  of  the  fresh  compulsory  labor  entailed  by  the 
repairing  or  strengthening  of  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  Jero- 
boam dared  "  lift  up  his  hand  (that  is,  start  an  open  rebel- 
lion) against  the  king,"  and  that  although  unsuccessful  in 
his  premature  attempt  against  Solomon,  he  was  not  forgot- 
ten by  the  people  during  his   sojourn   in   Egypt,  whither  he 


234  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

withdrew  till  the  death  of  the  Jewish  monarch  (III  Kings  xi, 
26-xii,  3). 

3.  The  End  of  Solomon.  Amid  these  unmiistakable 
signs  of  the  decline  of  his  kingdom  Solomon  died,  when  about 
sixty  years  of  age.  His  rule  of  forty  years  had  been  divided 
into  two  parts  of  nearly  equal  duration,  but  of  a  very  differ- 
ent character.  The  first  period,  marked  by  glory,  power  and 
righteousness,  had  been  succeeded  by  another  of  degrada- 
tion, of  weakness  and  of  unfaithfulness  to  the  God  of 
Israel.  The  very  brief  manner  in  which  the  sacred  writers 
record  his  demise  (III  Kings  xi,  41,  sq. ;  II  Paralip.  ix,  29, 
sq.;  offers  a  striking  contrast  with  the  fulness  of  details 
they  supply  concerning  the  last  days  of  David.  Differently 
from  his  dying  father,  Solomon  could  not  speak  to  his  suc- 
cessor of  a  prosperity  near  at  hand,  for  he  knew  with  full 
certainty  from  Jehovah  that  the  large  States  he  had  inherited 
from  David  would  be  soon  divided,  and  that  only  the  much 
smaller  portion  would  belong  to  his  son  and  successor ;  nor 
could  he  most  likely  address  to  this  same  son  words  of  ear  - 
est,  loving  entreaty  that  he  should  serve  faithfully  the  God  of 
Israel,  seeing  that  he  himself  had  not  only  been  long  unfaith- 
ful to  Jehovah's  worship,  but  also  died  without  those  feelings 
of  repentance  which  had  secured  to  David  his  pardon. 
Hence  we  are  simply  told  that  "  Solomon  slept  with  his 
father,  and  was  buried  in  the  city  of  David  his  father,  and 
Roboam  reigned  in  his  stead." 

It  IS  true  that  ecclesiastical  writers  have  ever  been  divided 
on  the  question  of  the  salvation  of  Solomon,  and  that  great 
names  like  those  of  St.  Irenaeus,  St.  Hilary,  St.  Cyril  of 
Jerusalem,  St.  Ambrose  and  St.  Jerome,  who  believe  that  the 
son  of  David  is  among  the  saved,  can  be  opposed  to  those 
of  Tertullian,  St.  Cyprian,  St.  Augustine  and  St.  Gregory 
the  Great,  who  number  him  among  the  lost;  nor  can  it  be 
denied  that  this  is  a  question  which  no  one  will  ever  be  able 


THK    KIN(iDO.M    UF    S(JLUMUX. 


235 


to  solve,  since  Holy  Writ  tells  us  nothing  about  it  ;  yet  it 
seems  that  this  very  silence  of  the  sacred  writers  —  if  it 
points  to  anything  —  points  rather  to  the  final  impenitence 
of  Solomon, 

jj  2.  Disruption  of  Solomon  s  Kingdom. 

I.  Manner  in  which  it  was  Brought  About.  The 
disruption  of  the  kingdom  of  Solomon,  which  occurred  so 
soon  after  his  death,  although  apparently  sudden,  had  been 
gradually  prepared  by  the  old  mutual  jealousies  of  the  pow- 
erful tribes  of  Juda  and  Ephraim.  For  upwards  of  400 
years  the  leadership  of  the  nation  had  been  practically  in 
the  hands  of  Ephraim,  for  whilst  great  Jewish  leaders  like 
Josue,  Samuel,  and  in  some  manner  Saul  —  because  of  the 
manifold  connection  of  Benjamin  with  the  house  of  Joseph  — 
belonged  to  it,  it  had  within  its  boundaries  Silo  and  Sichem, 
the  one  the  religious,  and  the  other  the  civil  capital  of 
Israel.  Hence  the  readiness  of  the  Ephraimiies  to  complain 
whenever  any  important  national  event  took  place  without 
their  concurrence  (cfr.  Judges  viii,  1-3  ;  xii,  1-7);  hence  also 
their  efforts  during  seven  long  years  for  supporting  Isboseth, 
the  son  of  Saul,  against  David  who  had  been  proclaimed 
king  by  the  tribe  of  Juda.  They  indeed  submitted  to  the 
inevitable  when  David  was  recognized  as  king  by  all  Israel, 
but  felt  deeply  the  wound  he  inflicted  on  their  pride  when  he 
made  Jerusalem  the  religious  and  civil  capital  of  the  country, 
instead  of  the  old  centres  of  Silo  and  Sichem.  In  vain, 
therefore,  did  the  Jewish  monarch  strive  to  calm  their  resent 
ment  by  bestowing  high  favors  upon  many  Ephraimiies. 
Mis  restoration  by  Juda  without  the  concurrence  of  Ephraim 
so  vexed  the  house  of  Joseph  that  the  rebellion  it  occasioned 
well-nigh  precipitated  a  disruption  (II  Kings xx,  i,  the  expres- 
sions of  which  should  be  compared  with  III  Kings  xii,  16). 
Again,  the  Ephraimites  felt  keenly  what  must  have  appeared 


236  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

on  the  part  of  Solomon  an  attempt  to  do  away  with  the 
glorious  past  of  their  tribe,  when  this  prhice  divided  the 
whole  kingdom  into  twelve  provinces  simply  in  accordance 
with  the  actual  resources  and  population  of  the  various  dis- 
tricts;  and  they  became  gradually  so  exasperated  by  his 
oppressive  taxation  that  to  keep  them  under  subjection  he 
felt  the  need  of  appointing  over  them  Jeroboam,  a  man  of 
great  valor,  and  one  on  whose  faithfulness  he  could  appar- 
ently depend,  through  gratitude  for  this  rapid  elevation. 
Finally,  feelings  of  insubordination  to  Solomon's  rule  were 
such  in  Ephraim  that  Jeroboam,  thinking  the  time  had  come 
to  seize  the  Jewish  throne,  raised  the  standard  of  revolt  against 
the  king:  he  was  indeed  defeated,  but  not  lost  sight  of  dur- 
ing his  exile  in  Egypt. 

Thus,  then,  at  the  death  of  Solomon  everything  had  long 
been  tending  towards  a  separation  of  Ephraim — and  indeed 
of  the  northern  tribes  which  had  ever  been  very  much  under 
its  influence  —  from  Juda,  its  rival  and  oppressor;  and  only 
a  favorable  occasion  was  required  for  securing  a  disruption. 

This  favorable  occasion  soon  offered  itself  when  stubborn 
and  haughty  Roboam,  the  son  of  the  deceased  monarch,  not 
only  refused  to  comply  with  the  just  requests  of  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  tribes  that  he  should  lighten  the  heavy  yoke 
put  upon  them  by  Solomon,  but  even  dared  to  say,  "  My 
father  made  your  yoke  heavy,  but  I  will  add  to  your  yoke ; 
my  father  beat  you  with  whips,  but  I  will  beat  you  with  scor- 
pions." This  was  the  crowning  insult;  it  was  addressed  to 
both  the  Ephraimites  and  the  other  tribes  of  the  north ;  and 
it  at  once  met  with  the  old  revolutionary  cry  of  Seba :  "Go 
home  to  your  dwellings,  O  Israel !  "  and  with  these  words  an- 
nouncing that  the  disruption  was  an  accomplished  fact: 
"Now,  David,  see  to  thy  own  house"  (III  Kings  xii,  1-16). 

2.  Consequences  of  the  Disruption.  The  disruption 
so    long    prepared    and    so    suddenly    accomplished    was    a 


THE    KINGDOxM    OF    SOLOMON.  237 

momentous  event  in  the  history  of  the  Jewish  nation.  As 
might  naturally  be  expected,  its  first  consequence  was  the 
perpetuation  of  the  old  rivalry  between  northern  and  south- 
ern tribes.  In  point  of  fact,  if  we  except  the  short  period  of 
about  thirty  years,  during  which  vain  attempts  were  made  to 
establish  friendly  relations  between  them  by  the  intermar- 
riage of  the  royal  families,  the  kingdoms  of  Juda  and  Israel, 
which  arose  from  the  disruption,  were  ever  at  war. 

A  second  natural  consequence  of  the  disruption  was  a  re- 
ligious separation  between  the  southern  kingdom,  or  king- 
dom of  Juda,  and  the  northern  kingdom,  or  kingdom  of 
Israel.  The  unity  of  the  Jewish  people  was  essentially 
religious,  and  the  first  king  of  the  ten  separated  tribes  felt 
that  he  must  break  it  or  see  his  kingdom  soon  wrested  from 
his  hands  (III  Kings  xii,  26,  sq.).  "Humanly  speaking, 
Jeroboam's  fear  was  well-founded.  If  Jerusalem  continued 
to  be  the  centre  of  religious  unity,  if  the  Levites  from  all 
parts  of  Palestine  went  up  in  their  turns  to  conduct  the 
Temple  service,  and  if  the  people  continued  to  flock  to 
the  Holy  Place  three  times  a  year,  as  the  law  commanded 
them,  there  could  not  but  have  been  great  danger  of  a  reac- 
tion setting  in  and  a  desire  for  reunion  manifesting  itself. 
It  was  natural,  therefore,  that  the  king  should  cast  about  for 
some  means  of  avoiding  this  consummation,  which  not  only 
threatened  his  royalty,  but  even  his  life.  The  later  history 
shows  how  effectual  were  his  measures  for  counteracting  the 
tendency  to  reunion  with  Juda.  They  prevented  all  healing 
of  the  breach  between  the  two  kingdoms,  and  made  the  sep- 
aration final.  They  produced  the  result  that  not  only  no 
reunion  took  place,  but  no  symptoms  of  an  inclination  to 
reunite  ever  manifested  themselves  during  the  whole  period 
of  the  double  kingdom "   (Speaker's    Commentary,   vol.   ii, 

P-559)- 

The  third  natural  consequence  following  the  disruption 
was  the  greater  weakness  of  the  chosen  people  at  the  very 


238  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORV. 

time  when  even  its  existence  would  soon  be  threatened  by 
much  more  formidable  invasions  than  in  the  past.  Up  to 
this  moment  the  Jewish  monarchs  had  fought  against  com- 
paratively weak  enemies,  namely,  the  small  nations  and 
tribes  which  surrounded  the  Holy  Land  ;  but,  henceforth, 
they  will  have  to  cope  with  much  more  powerful  enemies. 
At  first,  Egyptian  forces  will  invade  Southern  Palestine, 
capture  the  Holy  City  and  plunder  the  House  of  Jehovah. 
Next,  the  Assyrians  —  termed  the  Romans  of  Asia  on  ac- 
count of  their  military  power  and  skill  —  will  invade  the 
country,  and  succeed  ultimately  in  destroying  utterly  the 
northern  kingdom.  Finally,  the  kingdom  of  Juda,  after 
having  withstood  longer  the  repeated  invasions  of  Assyria, 
will  fall  a  prey  to  another  Eastern  power,  the  great  Baby- 
lonian Empire. 

3.  The  Two  Kingdoms  Compared.  Thus,  then, 
from  a  very  powerful  empire  in  Western  Asia,  the  Jewish 
nation  had  been  reduced  by  the  disruption  to  two  compar- 
atively small  and  defenceless  kingdoms.  Of  these,  the 
northern  kingdom,  known  as  that  of  Samaria,  Ephraim,  or 
Israel,  greatly  surpassed  the  southern  or  kingdom  of  Juda 
in  extent  and  population.  The  area  of  the  former  is  esti- 
mated at  about  9,000  square  miles  (about  that  of  New 
Hampshire),  with  a  population  of  about  four  or  five  millions. 
It  included  eight  tribes:  namely,  on  the  west  of  the  Jordan, 
Ephraim,  one-half  Manasses,  Issachar,  Zabulon,  Aser,  Neph- 
tali,  with  the  coast-line  between  Acre  and  Joppe  ;  on  the 
east  of  the  Jordan,  Ruben,  Gad  and  one-half  Manasses.  Its 
vassal  States  were  Moab  and  so  much  of  Syria  as  had  re- 
mained subject  to  Solomon  (IV  Kings  iii,  4;  III  Kings  xi, 
24).  The  kingdom  of  Juda  included  that  tribe  itself  together 
with  Benjamin,  and  at  least  eventually,  a  part,  if  not  the 
whole,  of  Simeon  and  Dan.  Its  area  is  estimated  at  3,400 
square   miles,  with  a  population   of   about   one  million    and 


THE     KINGDOM     OF    SOLOMON.  239 

three-quarters.  Besides  this,  Edom  coniinued  faithful  to 
Juda  for  a  time,  and  the  ports  of  the  Red  Sea  furnished  an 
outlet  for  its  commerce. 

But  whilst  the  northern  kingdom  greatly  surpassed  the 
southern  in  population,  extent  and  fertility,  contained  sev- 
eral important  cities  and  was  superior  to  Juda  in  military 
power,  it  was  unquestionably  inferior  to  the  southern  king- 
dom when  considered  from  a  political  and  religious  staiid- 
point.  "  If  Israel  had  ten  tribes,  it  had  the  fatal  heritage  of 
disunion.  Juda  as,  virtually,  a  single  tribe,  had  the  priceless 
blessing  of  national  and  religious  unity.  Its  kings,  to  the 
last,  traced  their  descent  in  an  unbroken  line  from  David, 
the  national  hero.  Whereas  Israel  was  to  have  its  capital 
successively  in  Sichem,  Thersa  and  Samaria,  that  of  Juda 
was  always  Jerusalem ;  while  rival  temples  at  Dan  and 
Bethel  invited  the  subjects  of  the  northern  kingdom,  there 
was  only  one  sanctuary  for  its  southern  rival"  (Geikie, 
Hours  with  the  Bible,  vol.  iv,  p.  8). 

These  and  other  such  advantages  of  the  smaller  kingdom, 
that  of  Juda,  over  the  kingdom  of  Israel  account  for  the  fact 
that  it  outlived  its  rival  by  more  than  one  hundred  and  thirty 
years,  for  whilst  the  northern  kingdom  was  destroyed  in 
721  B.  C,  the  southern  subsisted  till  588  B.  C. 


SYNOPSIS    OF   CHAPTER   XXI. 
The  Kingdom  of  Israel. 


I. 


Jeroboam  I 

AND  HIS 

Immediate 
Successors:  [ 


1 .  Their  Characters  and  Aims. 

2.  Political  and  Religious  Organization  of  the  ICingdom. 


II. 


The 


House  of 


Amri: 


I.  Amri  (Accession;  foundation  of  Samaria). 


\^^chab : 


3.  After  the 
Death  of 
Achat : 


Public  works. 

The  Phenician  worship  of  Baal ;  per- 
secution of  the  prophets. 
3  Elias;  the  man;    his  mission  and  mir- 
acles. 

Syrian  wars  —  alliance  with  Juda. 

Revolt  of  Moab  (the  Moabite  stone). 
Translation  of  Elias.     Eliseus  succeeds 
him  in  the  prophetical  office. 


III. 

Dynasty 
OF  Jehu: 


1.  The  Accession  of  Jehu  (IV  Kings  ix-x,  28). 

2.  Relations  of  Jehu  with  Syria  and  Assyria. 

^   r-j     ■     .  \  The  Northern  Empire  of  Solomon  re- 

R^^l^  f         \       stored. 
II  e  Of        iJHProphets   of  the   Time  (Jonas,  Amos,  •', 
Jeroboam  11:'^    Osee).  U         ,  ,    , 


IV. 

Closing 
Reigns  : 


.  The  Kings :  Murderers  and  profligates. 

y(^ Final  Over-     f  The  Assyrian  invasions.  \ 
throw  of      \ 
Israel :         [  The  Ten  Tribes  led  captive  to  Assyria. 

[240] 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

THE    KINGDOM    OF    ISRAEL. 

§  /.    Jeroboam    and  His   Immediate    Sticcessors  {Nadab,  Baasa 

and  Eld). 

I.  Their  Characters  and  Aims.  Although  the  Biblical 
narrative  gives  us  only  few  details  concerning  the  reign  of 
the  founder  of  the  northern  kingdom  and  of  his  immediate 
successors  on  the  throne,  yet  it  allows  us  a  sufficient  insight 
into  the  character  and  aims  of  these  princes.  Now  that  he 
is  on  the  throne,  Jeroboam  shows  himself  what  he  ever  was, 
namely,  an  active,  shrewd,  ambitious,  unscrupulous  man. 
His  distinct  object  is  to  maintain  his  kingdom  separate  from 
that  of  Juda  (HI  Kings  xii,  26,  27),  and  he  deems  good  every 
means  conducive  to  this  great  aim  of  his  reign.  For  this  pur- 
pose, he  strengthens  his  frontiers  by  building  the  fortresses 
of  Sichem  (west  of  the  Jordan)  and  Phanuel  (east  of  the  Jor- 
dan), cultivates  the  devotion  of  Ephraim,  the  most  powerful 
tribe  of  his  realm,  by  selecting  Sichem,  one  of  its  cities,  for 
his  capital,  introduces  into  his  States  a  religious  worship  and 
organization  entirely  opposed  to  the  pure  worship  of  Jehovah, 
and  actually  calls  upon  the  King  of  Egypt  to  invade  the  Holy 
Land  and  protect  him  against  the  rival  kingdom  of  Juda. 
Despite  the  protestations  of  the  prophets  of  the  time,  he  per- 
severes to  the  end  in  his  impious  line  of  action,  and  sets 
thereby  an  example  of  reckless  ambition  but  too  closely  fol- 
lowed by  his  successors  on  the  throne  of  Israel  (III  Kings 
xii,  20-xv). 

[241] 


242  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

Thus  of  Nadab,  Jeroboam's  son  and  successor,  we  read 
that  "  he  walked  in  the  ways  of  his  father  and  in  his  sins, 
wherewith  he  made  Israel  to  sin  "  (III  Kings  xv,  26)  ;  and  of 
Baasa  we  are  told,  that  having  reached  the  throne  by  the 
murder  of  Nadab,  he  slew  all  the  members  of  the  house  of 
Jeroboam  to  secure  his  own  throne  against  any  competitor, 
began  the  building  of  Rama,  on  the  extreme  southern  frontier 
of  his  States,  "that  no  man  might  go  out  or  come  in  of  the 
side  of  Asa,  King  of  Juda,"  and  persevered  to  the  end  in  the 
impious  line  of  conduct  of  Jeroboam  (III  Kings  xv,  17-21  ; 
27-34  ;xvi,  1-6).  Finally,  Ela,  the  third  successor  of  Jero- 
boam, having  imitated  the  unworthy  examples  of  his  prede- 
cessors on  the  throne  of  Israel,  was  slain,  together  with  all 
the  members  of  his  family,  by  an  ambitious  officer  named 
Zambri  who  occupied  the  throne  only  seven  days. 

2.  Political  and  Religious  Organization  of  the 
Kingdom.  Whilst  they  were  clearly  anxious  to  prevent 
Ibrael  from  reuniting  with  Juda,  Jeroboam  and  his  immediate 
successors  were  no  less  careful  to  connect  the  new  condition 
of  things  with  the  past  history  of  the  Jewish  nation.  Natur- 
ally enough,  the  division  of  tlie  country  by  Solomon  into  twelve 
provinces  which  had  been  swept  away  by  the  very  fact  of 
the  disruption,  was  not  re-established  ;  but  the  older  division 
of  the  nation  into  tribes  appeared  again  such  as  it  had  existed 
under  the  first  kings,  Saul  and  David.  The  northern  king- 
dom assumed  also  the  oid  military  character  of  the  original 
monarchy,  and  the  captain  of  the  army  became  a  personage 
who  at  times  played  no  less  important  a  part  than  either 
Abner  or  Joab.  Of  course,  the  same  general  divisions  of  the 
army  continued,  and  if  the  chariots  and  horses  were  multi- 
plied and  are  now  so  far  organized  that  we  read  of  two  divi- 
sions of  cavalry,  each  with  its  distinct  commander  (III  Kings 
xvi,  9),  this  was  but  the  continuation  of  what  had  been  par- 
tially established  by  Solomon.     As  formerly  in  the  court  of 


THE    KINGDOM    OF    ISRAEL. 


243 


David  there  were  civil  ofificers  destined  to  increase  the  pres- 
tige of  the  monarch,  so  now  in  the  court  of  Jeroboam  and  of 
his  successors  ;  and  the  prophets  of  Jehovah  continue  to  hold 
intercourse  with  the  northern  kings. 

Even  in  what  concerns  the  religious  organization  into 
which  the  greatest  changes  were  introduced,  Jeroboam  was 
anxious  that  these  changes  should  be  connected  in  the  mind 
of  the  people  with  the  past  history  of  the  nation.  The  two 
golden  calves  he  set  up  at  both  extremities  of  the  land,  in 
Dan  and  Bethel,  although  probably  made  after  the  pattern 
of  the  calves  worshipped  in  Egypt,  were  publicly  given  by 
him  as  symbols  of  the  Divine  Presence  watching  over  the 
whole  country,  and  artfully  connected  with  the  worship  of  the 
golden  calf  by  the  nation  assembled  at  the  foot  of  Mount 
Sinai.  Deserted  by  the  Levites  who  courageously  forsook 
his  States,  he  established  a  priesthood  which,  as  in  olden 
times,  was  not  confined  to  any  particular  tribe,  and  which 
would  depend  on  the  king  as  the  chief  priest,  as  the  Levites 
and  priests  had  depended  on  Moses  and  Josue  —  and  appar- 
ently, also,  at  least  to  a  large  extent,  on  David.  Of  course, 
all  the  rest  of  the  Jewish  ritual  he  preserved  most  carefully; 
and  if  he  introduced  any  change,  it  was,  as  in  connection 
with  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  (the  celebration  of  which  he 
prescribed  should  take  place  one  month  later  than  in  Juda), 
because  of  some  special  reason  acceptable  to  the  people  at 
large. 

This  religious  organization  of  the  kingdom  of  Israel  was 
indeed  a  clever  piece  of  work.  Its  innovations  were  not  such 
as  to  shock  the  bulk  of  the  nation  ever  hankering  after  a 
more  sensuous  form  of  worship  than  that  offered  by  the  pure 
worship  of  Jehovah  ;  and  they  were  calculated  to  render  easier 
to  the  subjects  of  the  northern  kingdom  the  satisfaction  of 
their  religious  instincts  by  reviving  two  ancient  places  of 
worship  within  their  own  borders.  Hence  it  is,  that  in  what- 
ever else  his  successors  differed,  they  one  and  all    agreed    n 


244  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

upholding  the  new  form  of  worship,  which,  once  established, 
appeared  essential  to  their  national  unity. 

§  2.    The  House  of  Amri, 

I.  Amri,  his  Accession,  Foundation  of  Samaria. 
After  the  death  of  Ela,  Zambri  his  murderer  was  at  once 
recognized  as  his  successor  by  the  court  and  a  part  of  the 
people,  whilst  Amri,  the  captain  of  the  host,  was  proclaimed 
king  by  the  army  of  Israel.  A  few  days  were  sufficient  for 
Amri  to  get  rid  of  this  competitor,  but  it  took  him  no  less 
than  four  years  to  subdue  Thebri,  the  rival  whom  a  large 
party  in  Israel  had  elected  as  successor  to  Zambri.  At 
length  he  triumphed,  and  became  the  head  of  a  powerful 
dynasty. 

One  of  his  first  cares  seems  to  have  been  to  give  up  Thersa, 
the  city  which  had  for  some  time  taken  the  place  of  Sichem 
as  the  capital  of  the  northern  kingdom,  and  to  select  for  his 
own  residence  a  city  which  would  not  be  stained  with  so 
much  royal  blood.  This  he  found  in  the  "  hill  of  Semer,"  about 
thirty-five  miles  in  a  straight  line  northwest  of  Jerusalem  and 
six  miles  northwest  of  Sichem,  which  he  purchased  and  on 
which  he  built  a  town  called  Samaria  after  the  former  owner 
of  the  site.  This  was  a  fine  location  for  a  capital ;  it  com- 
bined the  advantages  of  "  a  strong  position,  rich  environs,  a 
central  situation  and  an  elevation  sufficient  to  catch  untainted 
the  cool  healthy  breezes  of  the  Mediterranean  "  (Murray's 
Handbook),  and  this  is  why  Samaria  ever  remained  an  im- 
portant city  through  the  various  fortunes  of  the  country  and 
its  people. 

It  has  also  been  inferred  from  passing  statements  in  the 
sacred  narrative  that  this  skilful  monarch  secured  much 
greater  advantages  to  his  people  by  making  peace  with  the 
Kings  of  Juda  and  Syria  (cfr.  Ill  Kings  xx,  34).  Unfortu- 
nately, he  was  wedded  to   the  religious  policy  of  Jeroboam, 


liic:    UI\oDO.\I    OF    ISRAEL.  245 

and  in  this  direction  he  seems  to  have  gone  even  much  far- 
ther than  his  predecessors  (III  Kings  xvi,  15-27). 

1/  2.  Achab.  As  a  natural  consequence  of  the  peace 
obtained  by  Amri,  security  and  prosperity  prevailed  through- 
out the  northern  kingdom  during  the  greater  part  of  the  rejgn 
of  Achab,  his  son  and  successor.  The  new  monarch,  anxious 
to  signalize  his  rule  by  the  culture  of  the  arts  of  peace,  built 
new  cities  in  various  parts  of  his  kingdom  (III  Kings  xxii,.39), 
one  of  which  is  especially  named  in  the  Biblical  narrative. 
This  was  Jericho,  probably  raised  by  Achab  from  its  ruins, 
in  defiance  of  the  curse  of  Josue  (Josue  vi,  26).  To  rival 
Solomon  in  his  outward  display,  the  son  of  Amri  looked 
about  for  another  royal  residence,  not  to  supersede  by  it 
Samaria,  but  in  order  that  no  part  of  the  embellishments  he 
contemplated  should  be  ascribed  to  his  father.  The  city 
thus  favored  was  Jezrael,  which  "  was  planted  on  a  gentle 
eminence,  in  the  very  centre  of  a  rich  plain,  and  commanded 
the  view  of  Carmel  on  the  west,  and  the  valley  of  the  Jor- 
dan on  the  east  "  (Stanley,  Lectures  on  the  Jewish  Church). 
There  he  erected  a  magnificent  palace  hard  by  the  city  wall 
and  built  of  ivory  (III  Kings  xxii,  39),  a  style  of  architect- 
ure which  was  soon  imitated  by  the  Israelite  aristocracy 
(Amos  iii,  15  ;  vi,  4). 

Having  thus  followed  the  example  of  Solomon  in  his 
outward  display,  Achab  imitated  him  also  in  his  practice  of 
polygamy  (III  Kings  xx,  5),  and  more  unfortunately  still  in 
his  alliance  with  the  heathen.  He  was  the  first  northern 
king  whose  chief  wife  was  one  of  the  old  accursed  Chanaan- 
ite  race.  He  married  Jezabel,  the  daughter  of  Ethbaal  who 
had  gained  the  crown  of  Tyre  and  Sidon  by  the  murder  of 
his  brother,  and  who  united  to  the  royal  dignity  his  former 
office  of  high  priest  of  Astarthe  (cfr.  Josephus,  Antiquities 
of  the  Jews,  book  viii,  chapter  xiii,  §  i). 

"The  immediate  consequence  of  this  ill-fated  union  wiS 


246  OUl'LINES    OF    JKWiSH    HISTORY. 

that  the  religion  of  Jezabel  became  the  worship  of  the  north- 
ern kingdom,  Achab  built  in  Samaria  a  temple  to  ''  Baal  "  — 
the  Sun-god  (the  producing  principle  in  Nature)  —  in  which 
he  erected  not  only  an  altar,  but,  as  we  gather  from  IV  Kings 
iii,  2  ;  X,  27,  also  one  of  those  pillars  which  were  distinctive 
of  its  vile  services.  As  usual,  where  these  rites  were  fully 
carried  out,  he  also  "  made  the  Ascherah  "  —  Astarthe,  the 
Moon-goddess  (the  receptive  principle  in  Nature)  —  so  that 
the  Phenician  worship  was  now  established  in  its  entirety. 
As  we  infer  from  later  notices,  there  was  a  "  vestry"  attached 
to  these  temples,  where  special  festive  garments,  worn  on 
great  occasions,  were  kept  (IV  Kings  x,  22).  Achab  —  or 
perhaps  Jezabel — appointed  not  less  than  450  priests  of 
Baal  and  400  of  Astarthe,  who  were  supported  by  the  bounty 
of  the  queen  (III  Kings  xviii,  19  ;  xxii,  6).  The  forced  intro- 
duction of  this  new  worship  led  to  a  systematic  persecution 
of  the  prophets  and  even  of  the  openly  professed  worship- 
pers of  Jehovah  which  had  their  complete  extermination  for 
its  object  (III  Kings  xviii,  13;  xix,  10;  IV  Kings  ix,  7). 
These  measures  were  wholly  due  to  the  absolute  power 
which  Jezabel  exercised  over  Achab,  whose  undeniable  good 
qualities  were  sadly  marred  by  fatal  weakness,  selfishness, 
uncontrolled  self-indulgence,  an  utter  want  of  religion,  and 
especially  the  influence  of  his  wife  "  (III  Kings  xxi,  25) 
(Edersheim,  Bible  History,  vol.  v,  pp.  179,  180). 

It  was  at  this  juncture  so  critical  for  the  very  existence  of 
Jehovah's  worship  in  the  kingdom  of  Israel,  that  Elias,  one 
of  the  most  wonderful  men  of  Jewish  history,  appeared  on 
the  scene.  Besides  the  fact  that  he  was  born  in  Thesbi,  a 
town  spoken  of  in  the  book  of  Tobias  (i,  2  in  the  Septuagint) 
as  belonging  to  the  tribe  of  Nephtali,  we  know  nothing  of  the 
early  years  of  this  great  prophet  of  Israel.  When  we  meet 
him  first  in  the  sacred  narrative  he  stands  before  Achab 
arrayed  in  a  garment  of  black  camel's  hair  and  girt  about 
his  loins  with    a   leathern  girdle.       With    that  strong  faith 


THE    KINGDOM    OF    ISRAEL.  247 

and  fearless  courage  which  will  accompany  him  everywhere, 
he  has  come  to  begin  his  great  mission  of  recalling  to  the 
king  and  to  his  people  that  Jehovah  is  the  only  true  God. 
He  announces  that  for  several  years  ''there  shall  not  be  dew 
nor  rain,  but  according  to  the  words  of  his  mouth,"  and  then 
he  wandered  far  from  the  face  of  the  angered  monarch,  first 
to  the  brook  Carith,  and  next  to  the  Phenician  town  of 
Sarephta,  experiencing  in  both  places  those  unmistakable 
marks  of  Divine  providence  in  his  favor  which  are  recorded 
in  III  Kings  xvii  (cfr.  also  III  Kings  xviii,  9,  10). 

After  a  lapse  of  three  years,  when  drought  and  famine 
have  become  well-nigh  unbearable,  Elias  reappears  boldly 
before  Achab,  and  obtains  from  him  that  sacrifices  should  be 
publicly  offered  on  Mount  Carmel  for  the  purpose  of  deter- 
mining whether  Jehovah  or  Baal  was  the  true  God.  The 
test  proved  so  clearly  in  favor  of  Jehovah  that  the  assem- 
bled multitude  proclaimed  with  one  voice  "Jehovah  is  God, 
Jehovah  is  God,"  a  solemn  act  of  faith  which  was  rewarded 
by  the  cessation  of  the  drought,  and  the  effect  of  which  Elias 
endeavored  at  once  to  render  permanent  by  the  extermina- 
tion of  the  priests  of  Baal  (III  Kings  xviii).  Notwithstanding 
his  heavy  blow  at  Baal-worstiip  in  Israel,  idolatry  soon  flour- 
ished again  in  the  northern  kingdom  owing  to  the  supreme 
influence  of  Jezabel  in  religious  affairs,  and  the  faithful 
prophet  of  Jehovah  soon  took  to  flight  to  escape  her  re- 
vengeful feelings.  He  therefore  went  southward  to  Bersa- 
bee,  then  to  Mount  Sinai,  and  his  steps  were  ever  accompa- 
nied by  miraculous  proofs  of  Divine  providence  in  his  behalf 
(III  Kings  xix). 

Here  it  should  be  noticed  that  the  miraculous  powers 
ascribed  to  Elias  by  the  sacred  writer  were  no  less  neces- 
sary to  this  great  champion  of  Jehovah  in  face  of  the  State 
idolatry  of  the  northern  kingdom,  than  they  had  been  to 
Moses  in  his  fight  against  the  idolatry  of  ancient  Egypt. 
Nor  were  the  wonders  of  which  Elias  was  himself  the  object 


248  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

less  necessary  to  him  than  similar  miracles  had  formerly  been 
to  Moses,  to  preserve  his  life  amidst  the  countless  dangers 
which  surrounded  him,  and  to  keep  up  his  courage  in  an 
almost  desperate  struggle.  Indeed,  it  seems  that  under  the 
influence  of  such  Divine  intervention  in  behalf  of  the  person 
and  work  of  this  prophet  of  Jehovah,  Achab  relaxed  at  times 
the  persecution  he  had  started  in  Israel,  and  even  allowed 
himself  to  be  guided  by  the  advice  of  prophets  faithful  to 
the  true  God,  as  this  occurred  in  the  two  defensive  wars  the 
king  had  to  sustain  against  Ben-Adad,  the  King  of  Syria,  and 
out  of  which  he  came  victorious.  Not  so,  however,  with 
Jezabel,  who  ever  considered  Elias  as  her  own  personal 
enemy,  and  who  never  stopped  at  a  crime  which  might 
secure  the  end  she  had  in  view,  as  is  clearly  evidenced  in 
the  well-known  story  of  Naboth  and  his  vine.  It  was  after 
the  murder  of  this  God-fearing  man  under  the  false  charge 
of  blasphemy,  that  Elias  warned  Achab  of  the  violent  death 
which  awaited  him,  and  which  soon  occurred  in  the  third  war 
which  the  King  of  Israel,  then  allied  with  Josaphat,  King  of 
Tuda,  waged  against  Syria  (III  Kings  xx-xxii,  40). 

3.  After  the  Death  of  Achab.  The  inglorious  death 
of  Achab  produced  an  immediate  rupture  of  peaceful  rela- 
tions with  Moab,  on  the  southeastern  frontier  of  Israel  (IV 
Kings  i,  I  ;  iii,  4,  sq.).  The  fact  of  this  rupture  is  confirmed 
by  the  independent  testimony  of  an  inscription  discovered 
east  of  the  Jordan  in  1868,  and  now  known  as  the  stele  of 
Mesa  or  the  Moabite  stone.  This  inscription  is  written  in 
the  Phenician  or  old  Hebrew  character,  and  speaks  not  only 
of  Mesa  as  revolting  against  the  King  of  Israel,  but  also  of 
his  conquest  of  several  towns  east  of  the  Jordan  which 
Ochozias,  the  son  and  successor  of  Achab,  was  then  power- 
less to  defend  (IV  Kings  i,  2,  sq.).  We  learn,  indeed,  from 
the  Bible  that  the  war  against  Moab  was  actively  pursued 
by  Joram,  the  brother  and  successor  of  Ochozias,  but  neither 


THE    KINGDOM    OF    ISRAEL.  249 

in  the  sacred  narrative  nor  in  the  Moabite  record  are  we  told 
the  precise  manner  in  which  it  ended  (IV  Kings  iii,  6-27). 
For  a  translation  of  the  Moabite  inscription,  see  Records  of 
the  Fast,  new  series,  vol  ii.) 

It  was  apparently  but  a  short  time  before  the  death  of 
Ochozias  that  Elias,  who  had  foretold  the  death  of  that 
prince  (IV  Kings  i,  2,  sq.),  left  this  world  in  the  mysterious 
manner  which  is  described  in  IV  Kings  ii,  for  it  was  Eliseus, 
his  successor  in  the  prophetical  office,  who  guided  Joram  in 
his  expedition  against  the  Moabites,  and  a  little  later  in  his 
wars  against  Syria  (IV  Kings  vi,  vii).  As  the  dearest  dis- 
ciple of  his  master,  Eliseus  inherited  "a  double  portion  of 
his  spirit  "  and  also  his  wonderful  power  of  working  miracles, 
many  of  which  have  found  place  in  the  inspired  record  (IV 
Kings  ii,  13-viii). 

§  J.    Dynasty  of  Jehu. 

I.  Accession  of  Jehu.  Whilst  Joram  lay  critically  ill 
in  Jezrael  from  the  severe  wounds  he  had  received  during 
the  siege  of  Ramoth  Galaad,  Eliseus,  who  knew  that  the  time 
had  come  for  the  long-predicted  destruction  of  the  family  of 
Achab,  sent  ''one  of  the  sons  of  the  prophets"  to  Jehu  the 
captain  of  the  host  of  Israel  still  gathered  before  Ramoth 
Galaad.  The  messenger  thus  despatched  was  to  anoint 
Jehu  in  the  most  secret  recess  of  his  house,  to  announce  to 
him  that  he  was  chosen  to  be  Jehovah's  instrument  to  destroy 
the  house  of  Achab,  and  then  to  fly  with  all  speed.  The 
young  prophet  discharged  perfectly  his  mission,  and  the 
newly-anointed  monarch  made  known  without  delay  to  his 
fellow-ofhcers  all  that  had  taken  place.  These  in  turn,  catch- 
ing something  of  the  enthusiasm  which  lighted  up  the  coun- 
tenance of  Jehu,  proclaimed  him  king  at  once,  and  leaving 
strict  orders  that  no  one  should  go  out  of  the  camp  who  was 
not  fully  devoted  to  him,  they  escorted  him  on  his  way  to 
Jezrael. 


250  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

As  the  cortege  approached  the  city  Joram,  King  of  Israel, 
and  Ochozias,  King  of  Juda  (then  also  in  Jezrael)  drove  out, 
each  in  his  chariot,  to  meet  Jehu.  A  few  brief  words  ex- 
changed revealed  to  Joram  the  extent  of  his  danger  and  that 
of  his  royal  companion,  and  he  at  once  gave  the  signal  of 
flight.  It  was  too  late.  The  Israelite  monarch,  shot  to  the 
heart  by  an  arrow  from  Jehu's  own  hand,  w^as  flung  into  Na- 
both's  vineyard,  and  the  King  of  Juda  overtaken  in  his  flight 
towards  Beth-gan  (the  modern  Jenin)  wounded  in  his  chariot, 
but  escaped  to  Mageddo,  some  twenty  miles  distant,  where  he 
expired. 

These  murders  were  but  the  prelude  of  horrible  massacres. 
"Jezabel  was  flung  down  from  a  window  in  Jezrael  and  was 
devoured  by  dogs.  Seventy  sons  of  Achab  were  put  to  death 
in  Samaria.  The  brothers  of  Ochozias  were  put  to  death  in 
the  same  place.  The  priests  and  the  worshippers  of  Baal 
were  enticed  into  his  temple  at  Samaria,  the  doors  were  then 
blockaded,  and  the  inmates  were  killed  to  a  man.  Thus 
finished  the  mighty  house  of  Achab,  and  the  fabric  of  Phe- 
nician  idolatry,  reared  with  such  care  and  at  such  cost,  was 
utterly  overthrown  "  (Blaikie,  Manual  of  Bible  History,  p. 
290.     IV  Kings  ix-x,  28). 

2.  Relations  with  Syria  and  Assyria.  Of  the  com- 
paratively long  government  of  Israel  by  Jehu  —  he  reigned 
twenty-eight  years  —  the  sacred  writer  gives  us  but  a  short 
record,  which  stands  in  striking  contrast  with  his  lengthy  ac- 
count of  the  incidents  which  accompanied  the  accession  of 
that  prince.  He  simply  tells  us  that  at  home,  Jehu  did  not 
forsake  the  worship  of  the  golden  calves  started  by  Jero- 
boam, and  that  abroad,  he  was  unfortunate  in  his  war  against 
the  Syrian  king,  Hazael,  who  ravaged  all  the  possessions  of 
Israel  east  of  the  Jordan  (IV  Kings  x,  29-34).  To  this 
scanty  information  of  the  Biblical  narrative,  recent  discov- 
eries   have    added    an    interesting    detail :    Jehu  is   the  first 


THK    KIN(,lJO.M    (JF    I.-^RAKL.  25  I 

Israelite  king  Vvhose  name  is  disiinctly  mentioned  in  an  As- 
syrian inscription.  From  the  obelisk  of  black  marble  which 
Salmanasar  II  erected  at  Kouyounjik  (near  Mosoul),  we 
learn  that  Jehu  paid  to  the  Assyrian  monarch  a  tribute  of 
"silver,  gold,  bowls  of  gold,  chalices  of  gold,"  etc.  (cfr. 
Records  of  the  Past,  new  series,  vol.  iv,  p.  52).  We  are  not 
indeed  told  the  reason  for  which  the  King  of  Israel  had  to 
pay  this  heavy  tribute,  but  it  is  not  improbable  that  it  was 
because,  not  feeling  able  to  withstand  alone  the  forces  of 
Hazael,  he  had  summoned  to  his  help  Salmanasar  II,  w^hose 
victories  against  the  King  of  Syria,  Hazael,  are  expressly 
mentioned  on  the  same  obelisk  (cfr.  Records  of  the  Fas  t^  ibid., 
pp.  44,  45)- 

3.  Glorious  Rule  of  Jeroboam  II.  Perhaps  the  most 
prosperous  of  all  the  reigns  which  the  northern  kingdom  ever 
knew  was  that  of  Jeroboam  II,  the  third  successor  of  Jehu. 
That  prince  was  indeed  the  deliverer  of  Israel  from  the 
Syrian  yoke  whom  Jehovah  had  promised  to  His  people  (IV 
Kings  xiii,  5),  for  he  not  only  fought  bravely  against  Syrian 
invaders,  as  his  father  Joas  and  his  grandfather  Joachaz  had 
done,  but  actually  carried  the  war  into  their  own  country 
and  took  Damascus  their  capital.  He  next  turned  his  arms 
against  Moab  and  Ammon  and  conquered  their  territory,  so 
that  a  short  time  after  his  accession  the  dominions  of  Israel 
extended  again  from  the  source  of  the  Orontes  on  the  north 
to  the  Dead  Sea  on  the  south. 

The  whole  northern  empire  of  Solomon  was  thus  practi- 
cally restored,  a  wonderful  result  which  had  been  foretold  by 
one  of  the  prophets  of  the  time,  Jonas,  whose  we'll-known 
mission  to  the  great  city  of  Ninive  is  described  in  the  in- 
spired book  which  bears  his  name. 

Peace  and  security  naturally  followed  on  this  territorial 
extension  of  Israel  (IV  Kings  viii,  5)  and  together  with  them 
a  rapid  artistic  and  commercial  development  set  in,  as  we 


252  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

readily  infer  from  the  passing  allusions  to  it  which  we  find 
in  the  book  of  Amos^  another  prophet  of  this  period  (cfr.  for 
instance  Amos  iii,  11,  12,  15  ;  v,  11  ;  vi,  4,  5,  etc.).  Unfor- 
tunately, '^  the  prosperity  of  the  people  passed,  in  the  metrop- 
olis of  Samaria  and  in  many  other  parts  of  the  country,  into 
debauchery  and  excess  and  then  again  into  pampered  effem- 
inacy of  morals  (Amos  ii,  7  ;  iv,  1-8  ;  viii,  13).  .  .  .  Again, 
the  freer  intercourse  of  the  people  with  heathen  nations,  who 
had  either  been  conquered  or  were  distinguished  by  com- 
merce and  art,  together  with  the  general  spread  of  looseness 
and  intemperance  of  life,  caused  an  extensive  introduction  of 
heathen  religions  "  (Ewald,  History  of  Israel,  vol.  iv,  pp.  125, 
126,  English  translation).  All  this  was,  of  course,  sternly 
rebuked  by  Amos,  who  foretold  the  destruction  of  the  house 
of  Jeroboam  by  the  sword  (Amos  vii,  9),  together  with  severe 
punishments  upon  Israel  and,  indeed,  with  the  approaching 
ruin  of  the  northern  kingdom  (Amos  vii,  11,17,  etc.).  ^ 
this  is  more  particularly  described,  more  sternly  rebuked  by 
Osee,  who  probably  prophesied  during  the  latter  part  of 
Jeroboam's  rule,  that  is,  when  the  worst  effects  of  a  merely 
material  prosperity  had  become  apparent  in  a  generally  prev- 
alent drunkenness,  debauchery  and  idolatry  (cfr.  Osee  iv,  i, 
12,  13,  etc.).  No  wonder  that  he  also  threatens  the  existing 
dynasty  with  speedy  extinction  and  the  kingdom  itself  with 
near  destruction  (Osee  i,  4,  sq.,  etc.). 

§  4.    Closing  Reigns. 

I.  The  Kings:  Murderers  and  Profligates.  After 
the  death  of  Jeroboam  II,  the  kingdom  of  Israel  hastened  to 
its  ruin  under  the  rule  of  murderers  and  profligates.  His  son 
and  successor,  Zacharias,  was  murdered  after  a  reign  of  only 
six  months.  His  murderer,  Sellum,  had  occupied  the  throne 
hardly  one  month,  when  he  met  with  the  same  fate  at  the 
hands   of  one  Manahem,  who  came  from  Thersa,  and  who, 


THE    KINGDOM    OF    ISRAEL.  253 

having  committed  the  most  revolting  cruelties  against  his  op- 
ponents, reigned  ten  years  in  Samaria.  His  son  and  succes- 
sor, Phaceia,  reigned  but  two  years,  after  which  he  was  slain 
by  Phacee,  one  of  his  captains.  Phacee  occupied  the  throne 
for  the  comparatively  long  period  of  twenty  years,  but  was  at 
length  put  to  death  by  Osee,  the  nineteenth  and  last  King  of 
Israel  (Blaikie,  Manual  of  Bible  History,  p.  296). 

2.  Final  Overthrow  of  the  Northern  Kingdom. 
It  was  in  the  midst  of  these  rapid  and  bloody  changes  of 
rulers  that  the  northern  kingdom  was  repeatedly  invaded  by 
such  powerful  warriors  as  the  Assyrians.  The  first  Israelite 
king  who  had  to  suffer  from  these  terrible  enemies  was 
Manahem,  whose  kingdom  was  actually  invaded  by  Phul,  a 
prince  who  is  probably  identical  with  Teglathphalasar,  and 
to  whom  Manahem  hastened  to  proffer  submission  and 
tribute  to  preserve  his  crown  (IV  Kings  xv,  19,  20;  I  Para- 
lip,  v,  26  ;  cfr.  also  ViGOUROUX,  Bible  et  D^couvertes  Mod- 
ernes,  vol.  iv).  The  next  Israelite  king  whose  territory  was 
invaded  by  Teglathphalasar  was  Phacee,  who  had  leagued 
himself  with  Syria  against  the  kingdom  of  Juda.  In  his 
distress  Achaz,  King  of  Juda,  had  called  upon  the  Assyrian 
monarch,  and  in  consequence,  instead  of  the  easy  victory 
the  allied  kings  of  Israel  and  Syria  had  hoped  for,  they  were 
utterly  defeated :  the  northern  part  of  the  kingdom  of 
Israel  west  of  the  Jordan  was  laid  waste  by  the  conqueror, 
and  a  large  number  of  Israelites  carried  into  captivity  (IV 
Kings  XV,  29  ;  xvi,  7,  sq.;  I  Paralip.  v,  26j. 

Upon  the  death  of  Teglathphalasar,  Osee,  who  had  suc- 
ceeded Phacee  on  the  throne  of  I -real,  thought  it  an  oppor- 
tune time  for  withholding  the  tribute  he  had  hitherto  paid  to 
Assyria.  Then  it  was  that  Salmanasar  IV  invaded  the  terri- 
tory of  Israel  and  received  from  Osee  the  solemn  promise  of 
an  annual  tribute.  After  a  time,  however,  Salmanasar  found 
out  that  Osee  was  negotiating  with   Sua,  the  King  of  Egypt, 


2  54  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

to  get  rid  of  his  tribute  to  Assyria,  whereupon  the  Assyrian 
monarch  invaded  and  ravaged  the  kingdom  of  Israel,  cast 
Osee  into  prison,  and  laid  siege  to  Samaria.  It  was  during 
this  siege,  which  lasted  upwards  of  two  years,  that  Salma- 
nasar  died,  so  that  it  was  only  under  his  successor  Sargon 
II  (although  the  Biblical  narrative  apparently  suggests  the 
reverse  (IV  Kings  xvii,  4-6)  that  Samaria  was  captured,  and 
the  Israelites  carried  in  large  numbers  into  Assyria.  The  cap- 
tives were  chiefly  placed  "  in  the  cities  of  the  Medes,"  that  is, 
in  one  of  the  easternmost  districts  of  Assyria,  and  strangers 
from  various  parts  of  Babylonia  were  brought  in  to  occupy 
the  deserted  land  of  Israel.  These  new  settlers  soon  joined 
the  worship  of  Jehovah,  "  the  God  of  the  land,"  to  that  of 
their  own  idols,  and  gradually  formed  a  mongrel  race,  which 
was  ever  hated  by  the  Jews,  but  more  especially  in  the  time 
of  Our  Lord  (IV  Kings  xvii ;  John  iv,  9,  27  ;  viii,  48). 

Thus  ended  the  kingdom  of  Israel  in  721  B.  C.  Its 
destruction  should  have  indeed  been  a  warning  to  the 
Jews  of  the  south  that  they  should  serve  Jehovah  with  per- 
fect faithfulness  and  thereby  escape  a  similar  fate.  But,  as 
we  shall  see  in  the  next  chapter,  the  people  of  Juda  never 
clearly  realized  that  Jehovah  could  forsake  Juda  as  He  had 
done  Israel,  and  they  therefore  went  on  their  evil  ways  pro- 
voking God  to  anger,  till  the  Babylonian  Captivity  came  on 
and  made  forever  of  the  Jews  a  monotheistic  nation. 


SYNOP:3iS    OF    CHAPTER    XXII. 
The  Kixgdom  of  Juda. 


I. 
The  F Ik. si- 
Kings  OK 
Juda: 


A.  Animosity 
against 
Israel : 


]!.   Alliance 
i  ivith 


Israel  : 


f  I.  Vain  aiteinpis  to  re  csiablisli  the 
power  of  Juda  over  the  ten 
tribes. 

"i  2.  The  foreign  invasions  during  this 
period. 

[  3.  Religious  life  of  Juda. 

f  i.Josaphat:  His  reforms;  alliance 
with  Achab  ;  his  wars. 

r  Her  influence  over  Joram 
■    Athalia  :  }      and  Ochozias. 
f  Her  personal  rule. 
I  3.  Joas  :  His  accession ;    his  reign  be- 
[  fore  and  after  the  death  of  Joiada. 


II. 

From 

Amazias  to 

EZECHIAS:      i 


(  I.  A'uigs  Pre- 
I  vioHs  to 

Achaz : 


Achi 


Internal  condiiion  of  juhi. 
Outward  relations. 

Depths  reached  by  his  idolatry  and 
iniquity :  Isaias. 

Various  Invasions;  The  aid  of  Assy- 
ria secured. 


2-  Ezechias :    His    Reforms;    Invasions    of   Sennacherib 
(Nineveh  monuments). 


HI. 
Man  ASSES 

AND 

JosiAS : 

The  Fall 
OK  Juda: 


-<^M 


f  Idolatry  —  fear-       f 
(       ful    persecution.  | 

Manasses :       •{  A  captive  in  Haby- -j   History  of  Judith. 
I       Ion  —  his  resto-  ' 
I      ration.  I 

Religious   Reforms :  Discovery  of  the 
2.  Josias :  ^        Book  of  the  Law  — Jeremias. 

The  Invasion  of  Nechao. 


(   I .  Political  Parties  amon^  the  Jews  at  the  Beginning  0/  this 

I  Period. 

\   2.  The  Invasions  of  Nabiichodonosor  and  the  Last  Kings 

of  Juda. 
I  3.  Destruction  of  Jerusalem.     Subsequent  Condition  of  the 
I  Country.  ^ 


CUKi»NOLO(.V    OF    THE    RuVAL    PERIOD. 

[^55] 


CHAPTER   XXII. 

THE    KINGDOM    OF    JUDA. 

§  I.      The  First  Kings  of  Juda. 

I.  Animosity  against  Israel.  The  sudden  formation 
of  the  northern  kingdom  upon  the  death  of  Solomon  was  natu- 
rally considered  by  Roboam  his  son,  and  by  the  two  follow- 
ing kings  of  Juda,  Abiam  and  Asa,  as  a  revolt  against  lawful 
authority.  This  explains  how  for  sixty  long  years  these 
princes  cherished  a  great  animosity  against  Israel,  and 
attempted  repeatedly  to  re-establish  the  power  of  Juda  over 
the  ten  tribes  (III  Kings  xii,  19,  21  ;  II  Paralip.  xiii,  5).  It 
was  for  this  purpose  that  Roboam  gathered  a  numerous  army 
from  Juda  and  Benjamin,  and  that  although  these  large  forces 
disbanded  by  order  of  Jehovah,  the  King  of  Juda  kept  up 
an  armed  hostility  against  Jeroboam  "  all  the  time  of  his 
life  "  (III  Kings  xii,  21-24  ?  xiv,  30  ;  xv,  6).  For  this  same 
purpose,  Abiam,  the  son  and  successor  of  Roboam,  collected 
a  large  number  of  troops,  with  which  he  defeated  Jeroboam 
in  a  pitched  battle  and  secured  a  temporary  accession  of  ter- 
ritory to  Juda  (II  Paralip.  xiii,  2-20).  It  was  apparently  for 
the  same  purpose  that  Asa,  the  third  successor  of  Roboam,  not 
only  warred  against  Israel  (IV  Kings  xv,  16),  but  also  gave 
so  powerful  an  impetus  to  the  migration  of  religious  Israelites 
to  Jerusalem  that  King  Baasa  of  Israel  began  the  fortifica- 
tions of  Rama,  on  his  southern  frontier,  with  the  view  of 
checking  a  movement  which  tended  immediately  towards 
religious,  and  ultimately  towards  political  reunion  (II  Paralip. 
XV,  9  ;  xvi,  i). 

[256] 


THE    KINGDOM    OF    JUDA.  257 

What  contributed  most  to  foster  the  animosity  of  Juda 
against  Israel  were  the  two  foreign  invasions,  which  the 
intrigues  of  Jeroboam  and  his  second  successor,  Baasa,  most 
likely  brought  about  against  the  southern  kingdom.  The  first 
invasion  was  carried  out  by  Sesac,  King  of  Egypt,  and  it 
proved  most  disastrous  for  Juda,  whose  capital  was  captured 
and  temple  plundered.  Of  this  memorable  event  we  have  an 
independent  confirmation  in  a  bas-relief  which  was  found  in 
1828,  by  Champollion,  on  the  south  side  of  the  great  temple  of 
Karnak,  at  Thebes.  There  we  see  Sesac  (Sheshang,  in  Egyp- 
tian) represented  together  with  a  large  number  of  prisoners 
of  war,  among  whom  one  with  Jewish  features  is  designated  as 
"  lutah  Maleky^  which  means  either  Kingdom  of  Juda  or  King 
of  Juda  (ViGOUROUX,  Bible  et  De'couvertes  Modernes).  The 
second  invasion,  due  most  likely  to  the  intrigues  of  Baasa, 
was  carried  out  by  "  Zara,  the  Ethiopian,"  who  is  identified 
as  Osarken  I,  son  and  successor  of  Sesac,  and  king  of  both 
Egypt  and  Ethiopia.  Differently  from  the  first,  this  second 
invasion  ended  with  a  very  brilliant  victory  of  Asa,  King  of 
Juda  (III  Kings  xiv,  25,  Sq. ;  II  Paralip.  xiv,  9,  sq.). 

It  is  then  easy  to  understand  that  the  kings  of  Juda  were 
greatly  provoked  against  the  Israelite  monarchs  whom  they 
knew  to  be  the  underhand  cause  of  these  formidable  inva- 
sions, and  that  when  Asa  found  himself  hard  pressed  by 
Baasa  he  did  not  hesitate  to  call  upon  the  foreign  help  of 
Benadad,  the  ruler  of  Syria,  against  the  King  of  Israel,  as 
we  read  in  III  Kings  xv,  17,  sq. 

During  this  period  of  animosity  of  Juda  against  Israel, 
the  religious  life  of  the  southern  kingdom  rapidly  developed 
at  first  on  the  lines  started  by  Solomon.  Idolatry  and  its 
sensual  rites  spread  to  a  fearful  extent,  so  that  false  gods 
had  soon  '*  altars  and  statues  and  groves  upon  every  high 
hill  and  under  every  green  tree,  and  that  the  most  infamous 
rites  of  the  Chanaanites  were  revived  (III  Kings  xiv,  22-24). 
Indeed,  the   king    himself  forsaking   the    law    of   Jehovah, 


258  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

gave  the  example,  and  all  the  people  trod   in  his  footsteps 
(II  Paralip.  xii,  i). 

God,  however,  watched  over  this  select  portion  of  the  Jew- 
ish nation,  and  did  not  allow  Juda  to  sink  down  quietly  and 
long  into  such  depths  of  religious  corruption.  By  means  of 
external  punishments  and  still  more  effectively  by  the  efforts 
of  His  prophets,  He  gradually  prepared  a  reaction  against 
idolatry.  Things  went  on,  it  is  true,  pretty  much  the  same 
under  Abiam  as  they  had  under  Roboam.  But  Abiam  ruled 
only  three  years,  and  at  the  accession  of  Asa,  the  reaction 
was  already  so  strong  that  at  the  very  outset  of  his  reign,  the 
new  king  felt  free  to  deprive  Maacha,  his  grandmother  and 
the  prime-mover  of  the  idolatrous  worship  in  Juda,  of  all 
authority  and  influence  at  court  (III  Kings  xv,  11,  sq.;  II 
Paralip.  xiv,  2,  sq.).  A  little  later  he  went  further  still,  and 
did  almost  entirely  away  with  idolatrous  rites,  altars,  statues, 
etc.  (II  Paralip.  xv,  1-16)  ;-yet  even  then  he  allowed  the  high 
places  where  Jehovah  was  worshipped  to  subsist,  because  the 
nation  at  large  was  not  yet  prepared  for  a  complete  centraliza- 
tion of  Divine  worship  in  Jerusalem  (II  Paralip.  xv,  17  ;  cfr. 
also  XX,  2>^). 

2.  Alliance  with  Israel.  Asa  was  succeeded  on  the 
throne  by  Josaphat,  whose  religious  policy  was  not  only 
modelled  on  that  of  his  father,  but  actually  more  thorough- 
going against  all  idolatrous  worship,  for  he  did  his  best  to 
destroy  whatever  remains  of  it  still  existed  in  the  kingdom 
of  Juda  (II  Paralip.  xvii,  3  ;  III  Kings  xxii,  42-47).  Further- 
more, be  soon  understood  that  to  render  these  religious  re- 
forms permanent,  it  behooved  him  to  remedy  the  extreme 
religious  ignorance  which  prevailed  in  many  parts  of  the 
land.  He  therefore  appointed  a  sort  of  roving  commission 
especially  charged  to  impart  to  the  people  a  more  precise 
knowledge  of  the  religion  of  Jehovah  and  of  the  law  of  Moses 
(n  Paralip.  xvii,  7,  sq.). 


THE    KINGDOM    OF    JUDA.  259 

Other  important  reforms  were  carried  out  by  this  wise 
prince,  such  as  the  reorganization  of  justice,  the  strengthen- 
ing of  his  kingdom  by  the  erection  of  walled  cities  and  the 
maintenance  of  a  powerful  army.  The  result  of  them  all 
was  that  under  him,  Juda  was  feared  by  all  its  neighbors,  and 
that  in  some  cases,  friendly  overtures  were  made  either  to 
accept  a  position  of  dependence  on  the  Jewish  king,  or  to 
secure  his  favor  by  valuable  presents  (II  Paralip.  xvii,  lo,  sq.; 
xix). 

The  great  mistake  of  Josaphat  was  that  he  joined  affinity 
with  Achab,  King  of  Israel,  who  most  willingly  gave  his 
daughter,  Athalia,  in  marriage  to  Joram,  the  eldest  son  of  the 
King  of  Juda.  This  political  alliance  had,  in  time,  the  most 
disastrous  consequences,  although  its  immediate  results  do 
not  seem  to  have  interfered  considerably  with  the  prosper- 
ity of  Josaphat's  kingdom  (II  Paralip.  xvii,  2,  sq.).  It  is  true 
that  this  alliance  betrayed  him  into  an  expedition  against 
Syria  from  which  he  narrowly  escaped  with  his  life  (III 
Kings  xxiii ;  II  Paralip.  xviii),  and  that  this  unsuccessful 
campaign  itself  soon  brought  about  a  confederacy  of  Am- 
monites, Moabites,  and  others,  who  invaded  the  territory  of 
Juda  in  countless  numbers,  but  the  final  result  was  a  great 
victory,  which  more  than  made  up  for  the  loss  of  prestige 
suffered  in  the  war  against  Syria  (II  Paralip.  xx).  Later  on, 
he  was  also  involved  together  with  Joram,  the  second  son  of 
Achab,  in  an  expedition  against  Moab ;  his  arms  were  also 
crowned  with  success,  and  if  he  withdrew  from  the  siege  of  a 
Moabite  city  into  his  own  land,  it  was  for  a  reason  the  pre- 
cise nature  of  which  does  not  appear  from  the  Biblical  nar- 
rative (IV  Kings  ii). 

The  successor  of  Josaphat  on  the  throne  of  Juda  was  his 
son  Jorafn,  whose  reign  was  marked  by  many  disasters  which 
are  recorded  in  IV  Kings  viii,  20,  22 ;  II  Paralip.  xxi,  16,  17, 
and  are  ascribed  to  Divine  judgments  upon  the  people  for 
their  irreligion  (IV  Kings  viii,  18,  sq.,  II   Paralip.  xxi,  10). 


26o  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

This  unfaithfulness  of  the  nation  to  Jehovah  so  soon  after 
the  vigorous  reforms  effected  by  Asa  and  Josaphat  was  the 
result  of  the  influence  which  Athalia,  the  daughter  of  Jeza- 
bel,  exercised  in  favor  of  Baal  and  Astarthe  worship  during 
the  reign  of  Joram  her  husband.  Her  influence  was  still 
greater  during  the  reign  of  her  son  Ochozias,  and  on  the 
murder  of  the  latter  by  Jehu,  she  rose  up,  killed  all  the  royal 
family  of  the  house  of  Joram  (IV  Kings  xi,  i ;  II  Paralip. 
xxii,  lo)  with  the  exception,  however,  of  Joas,  concealed  by  his. 
nurse,  and  established  her  personal  rule  over  the  land. 

The  main  efforts  of  this  first  queen  of  God's  people  during 
the  six  years  of  her  tyrannical  reign  were  centred  in  the 
establishment  and  spread  of  the  infamous  worship  which  her 
mother  had  implanted  in  the  northern  kingdom.  She  clev- 
erly abstained  from  all  violent  measures,  such  as  suppressing 
altogether  the  ancient  religion,  shutting  up  the  ancient  temple 
or  hindering  its  rites,  and  persecuting  the  worshippers  of 
Jehovah.  But  short  of  these  extreme  methods,  she  left  noth- 
ing untried  to  make  of  her  religion  the  religion  of  the  State. 
"  In  Jerusalem  itself  a  rival  fane  rose  up,  dedicated  to  the 
Phenician  god,  adorned  with  altars  and  images  (IV  Kings 
xi,  i8)  and  continually  enriched  with  spoils  from  the  neigh- 
boring temple  of  Jehovah,  nay,  in  part  built  of  stones,  trans- 
ferred by  the  queen's  orders,  from  the  old  sanctuary  to  the 
new  (II  Paralip.  xxiv,  7).  The  temple  of  Solomon  was  left 
to  decay  and  ruin ;  that  of  Baal  constantly  increased  in  size 
and  magnificence.  Its  services  were  conducted  by  a  high 
priest  of  Baal,  the  counterpart  of  the  Aaronic  high  priest, 
who  still  maintained,  albeit  with  shorn  splendor,  the  rites  of 
the  Levitical  worship  in  the  old  edifice  "  (Rawlinson,  Kings 
of  Israel  and  Juda,  p.  115). 

It  was  therefore  high  time  that  an  effective  reaction  should 
set  in,  as  it  actually  did  in  the  seventh  year  of  Athalia's 
reign.  Under  the  auspices  of  Joiada,  the  high  priest  of 
Jehovah,  the  young  Joas^  who  had  escaped  from  the  mas- 


THE    KINGDOM    OF    JUDA.  261 

sacre  of  the  royal  family  of  Joram,  was  proclaimed  king  and 
Athalia  was  put  to  death,  together  with  Mathan  the  high 
priest  of  Baal  (IV  Kings  xi,  4-21;  II  Paralip.  xxiii).  Thus  at 
the  tender  age  of  seven,  Joas  began  a  reign  of  forty  years, 
the  first  part  of  which  was  marked  by  a  strong  revival  of  the 
worship  of  Jehovah,  and  by  a  careful  restoration  of  the  tem- 
ple of  Solomon  and  its  sacred  furniture  (IV  Kings  xi,  17-xii, 
16;  II  Paralip.  xxiv,  1-14).  Unfortunately,  the  second  part 
of  the  reign  of  Joas,  which  began  soon  after  the  death  of 
Joiada,  was  very  unlike  to  the  first.  To  the  good  influence 
of  the  priesthood  in  the  person  of  Joiada  which  had  hitherto 
prevailed  near  Joas,  succeeded  the  perverse  influence  of  the 
heads  of  the  Jewish  aristocracy  who  by  means  of  flattery 
secured  the  toleration  of  idolatrous  worship  in  Juda.  Once 
under  this  accursed  influence,  Joas  refused  to  listen  to  the 
solemn  warnings  of  priests  and  prophets,  and  even  went  so 
far  as  to  order  the  death  of  the  son  of  his  benefactor  Joiada, 
called  Zacharias,  who  had  predicted  national  calamities  in 
punishment  of  national  apostasy.  The  blood  of  Zacharias 
shed  in  the  Temple  court  was  soon  avenged,  first  by  the  de- 
feats which  were  inflicted  on  the  King  of  Juda  by  the  Syrians, 
and  next,  by  the  murder  of  Joas  by  his  own  officers  (IV 
Kings  xii,  17-21;  II  Paralip.  xxiv,  17-27). 

§  2.     From  Amasias  to  Ezec7iias. 

I.  Kings  previous  to  Achaz.  Between. Joas  and 
Achaz,  three  kings  —  Amasias,  Azarias  (called  Ozias  in  Par- 
alip.), and  Joatham  —  occupied  the  throne  of  Juda,  and  dur- 
ing their  reigns,  the  internal  condition  of  the  kingdom  was 
generally  prosperous.  This  is  particularly  true  of  the  condi- 
tion of  Juda  during  the  long  reign  of  Azarias,  a  prince  equally 
remarkable  as  an  administrator,  an  agriculturalist  and  an 
engineer,  and  whose  material  improvements  were,  to  a  large 
extent,  continued  by  his  son,  Joatham.     It  seems  also  that 


262  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

on  the  whole,  the  worship  of  Jehovah  fared  pretty  well  under 
these  three  monarchs.  We  see,  however,  that  the  first  was 
in  his  later  days  betrayed  into  idolatry,  that  the  second,  also 
in  his  later  days,  dared  to  intrude  into  strictly  priestly  func- 
tions, and  that  the  third  had  not  the  courage  of  working  at 
the  reformation  of  the  sad  prevailing  condition  of  morals 
and  religion,  which  is  described  in  the  opening  chapter  of 
Isaias,  and  which  paved  the  way  for  the  open  idolatry  of 
Achaz. 

In  their  outward  relations,  the  immediate  predecessors  of 
Achaz  were  always  successful  (with  the  sole  exception  of  the 
disgraceful  defeat  of  Amazias  by  Joas,  King  of  Israel) ;  even 
under  Azarias,  the  greatest  of  these  kings,  the  southern 
kingdom  arose  to  its  former  military  renown,  and  had  again 
a  name  terrible  to  the  surrounding  nations  (IV  Kings  xiv, 
XV;  II  Paralip.  xxv-xxvii). 

2.  Achaz  (IV  Kings  xvi ;  II  Paralip.  xxviii ;  Isai.  vii- 
xii).  The  son  and  successor  of  Joatham  was  Achaz,  who,  dur- 
ing his  short  rule  of  sixteen  years,  proved  himself  a  prince 
far  worse  than  any  of  his  predecessors.  Early  in  his  reign 
he  delighted  in  the  abominable  practices  of  Phenician  and 
Ammonite  worship,  and  we  read  that  he  went  even  so  far  as 
to  "  make  his  son  pass  through  the  fire  "  in  honor  of  Moloch. 
A  little  later,  in  Damascus,  he  apostatized  publicly  from  the 
national  faith  and,  in  consequence,  on  his  return  to  Juda  he 
desecrated  the  Temple  of  Jehovah  in  various  ways,  shut  up 
its  great  doors  and  discontinued  the  offering  of  its  sacrifices. 
He,  moreover,  erected  "in  all  the  corners  of  Jerusalem  and 
in  all  the  cities  of  Juda  "  altars  whereon  to  burn  incense  to 
other  gods.  Gold  and  silver  statues  glittered  throughout 
the  country,  and  soothsayers  come  from  the  East,  wizards, 
etc.,  were  freely  consulted  by  its  inhabitants  (Isai,  ii,  6,  8,  20  ; 
viii,  19). 

The  great  opponent  for  this  frightful  idolatry  was  Isaias, 


THE    KINGDOM    OF   JUDA.  263 

whose  prophetic  voice  was  never  willingly  heard  by  Achaz, 
although  from  a  mere  human  standpoint,  past  history  and 
clear  insight  into  the  future  should  have  convinced  the  king 
and  his  heathen  counsellors  tiiat  the  policy  of  adherence  to 
the  national  faith  he  advocated  was  the  only  means  to  secure 
the  prosperity  and  independence  of  the  Jewish  State. 
Achaz  was  bent  on  his  idolatrous  course,  and  all  the  warn- 
ings, offering  of  signs,  and  threats  of  the  prophet  availed 
nothing.  No  wonder  then  that  Jehovah  delivered  the  king 
into  the  hands  of  his  enemies,  and  that  the  wretched  prince 
was  unable  to  withstand  the  combined  efforts  of  Israel  and 
Syria,  the  invasions  of  the  Edomites  into  the  southern  dis- 
trict of  Juda,  and  those  of  the  Philistines  on  the  west  and 
southwest.  It  is  also  at  this  critical  juncture,  that,  hard 
pressed  in  every  direction  and  unwilling  to  have  recourse  to 
Jehovah,  Achaz  called  on  the  help  of  the  powerful  king  of 
Assyria.  Teglathphalasar  delivered,  it  is  true,  the  Jewish 
monarch  from  his  various  enemies,  but  it  was  at  an  enor- 
mous cost.  Juda  became  tributary  to  Assyria,  as  recorded 
in  the  Bible  and  confirmed  by  the  Nimrud  inscri{3tion  of 
Teglathphalasar  {Records  of  the  Past^  new  series,  vol.  vi,  p. 
126),  and  Achaz  appeared  in  Damascus  before  the  Assyrian 
monarch  as  his  vassal.  (For  the  Messianic  bearing  of  Isaias 
vii-xii,  see  Corluy,  Spicilegium  Dogmatico-Biblicum,  vol. 
i ;  ViGOUROUX,  Manuel  Biblique,  vol  ii,  §  924,  sq. ;  Charles 
Elliott,  Old  Testament  Prophecy,  etc.) 

3.  Ezechias  [727-698  B.  C]  (IV  Kings  xviii-xx ;  II 
Paralip.  xxix-xxxii ;  Isai.  xxxvi-xxxix).  The  very  depths  of 
impiety  reached  by  Achaz,  together  with  the  condition  of 
political  degradation  to  which  this  worthless  prince  reduced 
tiie  kingdom  of  Juda,  brought  about  a  strong  reaction 
against  both  idolatrous  worship  and  vassalage  to  Assyria. 
The  religious  reforms  of  Ezechias,  his  son  and  successor, 
were    at   once   thorough    and    far-reaching.       Not    only   he 


264  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

opened  the  doors  of  the  Temple  of  Jehovah  and  restored  to 
its  purity  and  order  Divine  worship,  but  he  also  did  away 
with  all  things  contrary  to  the  law,  such  as  images,  groves, 
high  places,  even  the  brazen  serpent  formerly  erected  by 
Moses  and  which  had  become  an  object  of  superstitious 
reverence,  and  actually  made  an  attempt  at  securing  the 
conversion  of  '•  the  remnant  of  Israel  that  had  escaped  the 
hand  of  the  King  of  the  Assyrians  "  (II  Paralip.  xxx). 
•  To  these  religious  changes,  Ezechias  added  several  mate- 
rial improvements,  and  then,  perhaps  confident  in  the  help 
of  Egypt,  threw  off  the  Assyrian  yoke.  Sennacherib  reigned 
at  the  time  in  Assyria,  and  as  soon  as  his  own  condition  of 
affairs  in  Babylonia  allowed  it,  he  turned  his  arms  towards 
Western  Asia.  In  his  first  invasion  of  Palestine,  of  which 
we  have  his  own  account  (cfr.  Records  of  the  Past,  new 
series,  vol.  vi,  p.  90,  sq.),  he  took  the  fenced  cities  of  Juda, 
blockaded  Jerusalem  and  laid  siege  before  Lachis,  a  town 
of  the  maritime  plain  and  now  identified  with  Tel  El  Hesy. 
Then  it  was  that  Ezechias  sent  to  Lachis  promising  submis- 
sion. Sennacherib  accepted  it  under  the  condition  of  an 
enormous  tribute  and  withdrew  to  Nineveh  (IV  Kings  xviii, 
13-16). 

Soon,  however,  he  was  made  aware  of  proceedings  between 
Egypt  and  Juda  against  his  authority  and  therefore  invaded 
Palestine  for  the  second  time,  with  an  immense  army  (Raw- 
LiNSON,  Kings  of  Israel  and  Juda,  p.  192).  Whilst  besieg- 
ing Lachis,  he  sent  three  of  his  officers  to  frighten  Jerusalem 
into  surrender.  Neither  their  summons,  nor  the  threatening 
letter  sent  a  little  later  to  Ezechias  by  the  Assyrian  monarch, 
who  after  having  taken  Lachis  was  now  besieging  the  neigh- 
boring town  of  Lobna,  could  shake  the  confidence  of  the 
Jewish  king  in  the  help  of  Jehovah,  for  Isaias  had  promised 
deliverance  to  him  in  the  certain  and  precise  following 
terms  :  "  the  King  of  the  Assyrians  shall  not  come  into  this 
city,  nor  shoot  an  arrow  into  it,   nor  come  before  it  with 


THE    KINGDOM    OF   JUDA.  265 

shield,  nor  cast  a  trench  about  it.  By  the  way  he  came,  he 
shall  return,  and  into  this  city  he  shall  not  come,  saith 
Jehovah." 

The  fulfilment  of  this  prediction  is  well  known.  The 
angel  of  Jehovah  destroyed  during  the  night  the  bulk  of 
the  Assyrian  army,  and  the  rest  fled  with  Sennacherib 
towards  Nineveh.  Of  this  wonderful  deliverance  there  is  of 
course  no  record  in  the  Assyrian  annals,  but  for  a  striking 
confirmation  of  the  Biblical  narrative  we  may  appeal  to  the 
Egyptian  account  of  this  miracle  preserved  by  Herodotus 
(History,  book  ii,  chapter  141),  as  he  learned  it  from  the 
priests  of  Egypt,  that  is,  disfigured  in  order  that  they  might 
ascribe  it  to  the  power  of  their  own  gods  (IV  Kings  xviii, 
17-xix). 

After  this  glorious  deliverance  of  Juda,  only  a  few  events_ 
are  recorded  of  the  reign  of  Ezechias.  These  are  (i)  his 
recovery  from  a  severe  illness  together  with  the  promise  of 
fifteen  years  more  of  life  ;  (2)  the  visit  he  received  from  the 
Babylonian  king  Merodach  Baladan,  to  whose  envoys  he 
showed  all  his  riches  with  great  ostentation,  whereupon 
Isaias  predicted  the  Captivity  of  Babylon ;  (3)  the  birth  of 
a  long-desired  son,  to  whom  he  gave  the  name  of  Manasses. 

§  J*.     Manasses  and  Josias. 

I.  Manasses  [698-644  B.  C]  (IV  Kings  xxi ;  II 
Paralip.  xxxiii).  Soon  after  the  death  of  Ezechias  the 
heathenizing  party  in  Juda  started  a  powerful  reaction  in 
favor  of  idolatry,  and  when  Manasses  took  the  reins  of  gov- 
ernment he  set  his  heart  on  undoing  the  good  his  father  had 
done.  For  this  purpose,  he  not  only  re-established  all  the 
forms  of  idolatrous  worship  which  Achaz  had  formerly 
started  in  the  kingdom,  and  like  him  made  his  sons  pass 
through  fire,  surrounded  himself  with  soothsayers,  etc. ;  but 
he  went  even   so  far  as  to  set  a  pillar  of  Astarthe  in  the 


266  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

House  of  Jehovah.  His  impiety  was  only  equalled  by  his 
tyranny,  and  the  blood  of  those  who  refused  to  join  him  in 
his  idolatry  ran  like  water  through  the  streets  of  Jerusalem. 
A  Jewish  tradition — perhaps  alluded  to  in  Heb.  xi,  37  — 
reckons  Isaias  among  the  victims  of  the  tyrant  and  repre- 
sents him  as  sawn  asunder.  In  vain  did  the  prophets  of  the 
time  predict  that  the  future  fate  of  Jerusalem  would  be  like 
that  of  Samaria  ;  threats  and  remonstrances  were  useless, 
and  actual  punishment  could  alone  bring  back  the  king  to 
his  senses,  and  prevent  Juda  from  becoming  an  altogether 
heathen  nation.  Risings  of  the  Philistines,  Moabites  and 
Ammonites  were  speedily  followed  by  an  Assyrian  invasion. 

The  captains  of  Asarhaddon,  the  son  and  successor  of 
Sennacherib  and  who  had  lately  added  Babylonia  to  the 
Assyrian  empire,  invaded  Juda,  besieged  Jerusalem,  took 
Manasses  captive  and  carried  him  off  to  Babylon.  There, 
Manasses  repented  sincerely,  and  the  King  of  Babylon 
allowed  him  to  return  to  Jerusalem  as  a  tributary  king.  In 
so  acting,  Asarhaddon  wishe'd  most  likely  that  this  city  natu- 
rally so  strong  and  moreover  situated  so  near  the  Egyptian 
frontier  should  be  held  by  one  whom  he  could  trust  implic- 
itly in  the  event  of  the  struggle  with  Egypt  which  he  was 
contemplating.  Thus  restored,  Manasses  set  himself  to 
work  to  undo  the  mischief  he  had  wrought,  but  this  was  no 
easy  task  and  his  son  Amon  [643-642  B.  C],  for  two  years, 
imitated  after  him,  his  first  and  worst  practices. 

From  a  comparison  between  the  text  of  the  book  of  Judith, 
as  it  has  come  down  to  us,  with  Assyrian  inscriptions  recently 
discovered,  it  seems  probable  that  the  condition  of  things 
described  in  this  inspired  book  corresponds  best  with  the 
time  of  the  captivity  of  Manasses,  and  that  the  expedition  of 
Holophernes  it  records  took  place  under  Assurbanipal,  the 
son  of  Asarhaddon.  (As  to  the  historical  character  of  the 
book  of  Judith,  see  Pelt,  vol.  ii,  p.  283,  sq.;  Vigouroux, 
Bible  et  Decouvertes  Modernes.) 


THE    KINGDOM    OF    JUDA.  267 

2.  Josias  [641-610  B.  C]  (IV  Kings  xxii-xxiii,  30;  II 
Paralip.  xxxiv,  xxxv).  Fortunately  for  Juda,  Josias,  the  son 
and  successor  of  Amon  proved  a  king  most  sincerely  and 
constantly  devoted  to  the  worship  of  the  true  God.  When 
sixteen  years  old,  the  young  prince  started  himself  an  ener- 
getic reform  not  only  in  Jerusalem,  but  also  through  Juda 
and  indeed  through  the  territory  which  had  formed  the  king- 
dom of  Israel.  Not  satisfied  with  doing  away  with  every 
trace  of  idolatry,  he  also  destroyed  the  high  places  where 
Jehovah  worship  had  been  so  far  practised,  and  started  on  a 
positive  re-establishment  of  the  pure  national  religion.  A 
special  commission  was  empowered  to  restore  the  Temple 
and  to  levy  contributions  for  this  purpose.  In  the  course  of 
the  repairs,  Helcias,  the  high  priest,  found  a  roll  which  con- 
tained the  Book  of  the  Lmv  whereby  is  not  meant  most  likely 
the  whole  Pentateuch  known  as  ''''  the Law'^  in  later  times,  but 
only  Deuteronomy  or  a  part  thereof  (cfr.  Charles  Robert, 
Re'ponse  \  "The  Encyclical  and  the  English  and  American 
Catholics,"  p.  52,  sq.;  Driver,  International  Critical  Com- 
mentary on  Deuteronomy).  The  Book  of  the  Law,  newly  dis- 
covered, was  read  to  the  king  and  the  threats  it  contained 
against  idolatry,  and  the  national  punishments  it  foretold 
against  national  apostasy  struck  Josias  with  terror;  hence 
his  care  to  have  the  whole  nation  renew  the  solemn  covenant 
with  the  God  of  Israel,  and  to  celebrate  the  Pasch  with  a 
ritual  accuracy  never  surpassed  since  the  establishment  of 
the  monarchy. 

It  was  early  in  the  reign  of  Josias  that  tiie  ever-celebrated 
patriot  and  prophet  Jeremias  received  his  prophetical  call 
from  Jehovah.  From  his  writings  we  learn  that  unfortunately 
the  conversion  of  many  in  Juda  was  more  apparent  than 
sincere  (Jerem.  iv,  14;  vi,  19,  20;  vii,  8-10,  etc.). 

The  virtues  of  Josias  could  only  delay  the  fate  of  a  king- 
dom naturally  doomed  to  destruction  between  the  two  mighty 
rival  empires  of  Egypt  and  Chaldaea.     As  a  faithful  vassal  of 


268  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

the  latter,  Josias  opposed  Nechao,  when  this  Egyptian  king 
attempted  to  profit  by  the  stir  and  conflict  then  prevailing 
on  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates  and  in  the  adjacent  countries. 
The  Jewish  monarch  was  defeated  at  Mageddo  and  mortally 
wounded,  and  Nechao  succeeded  in  establishing  his  author- 
ity over  the  territory  west  of  the  Euphrates. 

§  4.    The  Fall  of  Jiuia. 

1.  Political  Parties  among  the  Jews  at  the  Begin- 
ning of  this  Period.  No  one  lamented  more  sorrowfully 
the  demise  of  Josias  than  the  prophet  Jeremias  (IV  Kings 
XXXV,  24,  25),  and  this  indeed  most  justly.  To  him  the  death 
of  the  king  was  the  death  of  a  personal  friend ;  it  was  also 
the  deathblow  of  the  policy  he  was  long  still  to  advocate  of 
a  faithful  alliance  with  Chaldaea  as  the  only  means  to  pre- 
serve the  Jewish  kingdom  from  utter  destruction.  Despite 
the  protestations  of  the  prophet  and  of  his  friends  who 
formed  still,  it  is  true,  a  powerful  Assyrian  party  in  Juda, 
the  kings  who  succeeded  to  Josias,  together  with  their  noble- 
men, the  false  prophets  and  the  bulk  of  the  nation  ever  re- 
garded Egypt  'as  their  only  chance  of  salvation,  provoked 
repeatedly  the  invasion  of  the  Holy  Land  by  the  Chaldeans, 
and  thus  hastened  blindly  the  ruin  of  the  Jewish  polity  so 
plainly  and  so  often  foretold  by  Jk.vemias  (cfr.  art.  Jeremiah, 
in  Smith,  Bible  Dictionary). 

2.  The  Invasions  of  Nabuchodonosor  and  the  Last 
Kings  of  Juda  (IV  Kings  xxiii,  31-xxiv;  II  Paralip.  xxxvi). 
For  some  unknown  reason  —  probably  because  he  did  not 
owe  his  elevation  to  the  King  of  Egypt  —  Joachaz,  the  son 
and  successor  of  Josias,  was  dethroned  by  Nechao  after  three 
months  of  rule,  and  replaced  on  the  throne  of  Juda  by  the 
eldest  son  of  Josias,  called  Eliacim,  but  who,  on  his  acces- 
sion, took  the  name  of   Joakim  [610-599  B.  C.].     It  was 


THE    KINGDOM    OF    JUDA.  269 

under  this  wicked  successor  of  Josias,  that  Nabuchodonosor, 
then  acting  as  lieutenant  of  his  father  Nabopolassar,  King  of 
Babylon,  on  his  victorious  march  to  Egypt  through  the  terri- 
tory west  of  the  Euphrates,  invaded  Juda  for  the  first  time, 
and  bound  the  Jewish  king  in  fetters  to  carry  him  to  Babylon 
(cfr.  II  Paralip.  xxxvi,  6,  in  the  Hebrew).  We  learn  how- 
ever from  IV  Kings  xxiv,  i,  that  Joakim  was  allowed  to  stay 
in  Jerusalem  as  a  tributary  king,  and  that  for  three  years  he 
showed  himself  a  faithful  vassal,  after  which  he  threw  off  the 
yoke.  The  time  chosen  by  Joakim  to  vindicate  his  freedom 
was  well  chosen,  for  Nabuchodonosor  was  apparently  long 
unable  to  come  in  person  to  re-establish  his  authority;  never- 
theless, the  Babylonian  troops  overran  the  territory  of  Juda 
and  reduced  it  to  the  lowest  degree  of  misery.  Joachim,  the 
son  and  successor  of  Joakim,  reigned  but  about  three  months, 
for  the  Babylonian  king  having  at  length  invaded  the  country, 
took  the  Holy  City  and  carried  the  Jewish  king  to  Babylon 
together  with  a  very  large  number  of  captives  belonging  to 
the  leading  classes.  Matthanias  [599-588  B.  C]  (who  ex- 
changed his  name  for  that  of  Sedecias),  the  uncle  of  the 
captive  king,  was  now  set  on  the  throne  of  Juda,  but  not- 
withstanding the  advice  of  Jereraias,  he  courted  an  alliance 
with  Egypt  and,  in  consequence,  soon  saw  his  States  over- 
run by  the  Babylonian  armies.  Under  him,  perhaps,  more 
than  even  under  his  predecessors,  the  Jews  were  addicted  to 
the  grossest  idolatry,  so  that  the  measure  of  iniquity  being  at 
length  filled  up,  "the  wrath  of  Jehovah  arose  against  His 
people  and  there  was  no  remedy,"  for  he  delivered  them  into 
the  hands  of  Nabuchodonosor,  who  invaded  the  country  for 
the  last  time. 

3.  Destruction  of  Jerusalem.  Subsequent  Condi- 
tion of  the  Country.  Whilst  the  army  of  the  Babylonian 
king  ravaged  the  Holy  Land  far  and  wide,  he  himself  with 
his  best  troops,  laid  siege  to   Jerusalem.     The   attack  was 


270  ,  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

skilfully  and  vigorously  conducted,  and  resistance  already 
began  to  appear  useless  when  suddenly  the  news  spread  of 
the  departure  of  the  Babylonian  king  to  meet  an  Egyptian 
army  which  was  advancing  to  the  rescue  of  the  Jewish  capi- 
tal. The  news  proved  true,  and  many  thought  that  the  siege 
was  at  an  end.  Not  so,  however,  with  Jeremias  who  pre- 
dicted the  speedy  return  of  Nebuchodonosor.  The  predic- 
tion was  fulfilled,  and  after  a  siege  of  nearly  eighteen 
months,  during  which  all  the  horrors  of  famine  and  pesti- 
lence preyed  on  the  unfortunate  city  (cfr.  the  description 
of  these  horrors  in  the  Lamentations  of  Jeremias),  the 
Babylonian  army  penetrated  into  Jerusalem  by  the  north 
side. 

Whilst  the  victors  pillaged  the  Holy  City  and  spared 
neither  age  nor  sex,  Sedecias  with  his  family  and  a  few  of 
his  troops  effected  his  escape  towards  Jericho,  but  he  was 
overtaken  and  led  bound  before  the  Babylonian  monarch, 
who  had  his  eyes  put  out  after  they  had  seen  the  death  of 
his  attendants  and  of  his  sons. 

Then  followed  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  :  the  Temple 
of  Jehovah,  the  palace  of  the  king  and  the  houses  of  the 
wealthy  were  set  on  fire  ;  the  walls  of  the  city  were  thrown 
down,  the  sacred  vessels  plundered;  the  chief  priests  put  to 
death,  and  most  of  the  inhabitants  carried  into  captivity 
(588  B.  C). 

After  this  frightful  disaster,  Godolias,  a  friend  of  Jere- 
mias, was  appointed  governor  of  the  miserable  Jewish  rem- 
nant which  was  allowed  to  stay  in  the  land.  Jerusalem 
being  now  in  ruins,  Godolias  fixed  his  residence  at  Mas- 
phath,  but  he  was  soon  treacherously  murdered  by  Ismahel, 
whereupon  the  little  remnant  of  the  Jews,  fearing  the  ven- 
geance of  Nabuchodonosor,  fled  into  Egypt  whither  Jere- 
mias accompanied  them  (Jeremias  xxxvii-xliv). 


THE    KINGDOM    OF   JUDA.  27 1 

Chronology  of  the  Royal  Period. 

Perhaps  the  reader  has  been  surprised  to  find  that  no 
dates  have  been  supplied  in  those  parts  of  the  preceding 
chapters  which  relate  the  history  of  the  monarchy  before 
the  capture  of  Samaria.  Of  course,  it  would  have  been 
easy  to  adopt  the  chronology  commonly  received  for  that 
period  of  Jewish  history.  From  this,  however,  we  refrained 
because  recent  investigations  have  proved  that  the  chronolo- 
gical data  supplied  by  the  books  of  Kings  before  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  kingdom  of  Israel,  not  only  are  at  variance  with 
the  dates  furnished  by  Assyro-Babylonian  chronology  which 
are  held  as  fully  ascertained,  but  also  do  not  agree  with  the 
chronological  data  which  are  met  with  in  the  parallel  narra- 
tives of  the.  books  of  Paralipomenon.  The  first  event,  the 
date  of  which  is  perfectly  established  by  synchronous  facts, 
is  the  capture  of  Samaria,  in  721  B.  C.  The  reign  of  Saul 
extended  approximately  from  1050  to  loio  B.C.;  that  of 
David,  from  loio  B.  C.  to  970  B.  C,  and  the  disruption  of 
Solomon's  kingdom  occurred  about  930  B.  C.  (cfr.  Pelt, 
Histoire  de  I'Ancien  Testament,  vol.  ii,  p.  126,  sq.). 


SYNOPSIS    OF   CHAPTER   XXIII. 

The  Prophetical  Office  in  the  Old  Testament. 
Section  I,     Nature  and  History. 


U^<l.  Meaning  of  the  Words:   Prophet;  prophecy. 


^ 


I. 


Nature  I' 


U-t 


ly" 2.  Prophetical  Mission:  Its  proper  object  essentially  re- 
ligious. 

f  Described  in  its  main  feat- 

'"^.  Propheticallnspiration:   \^ll^^^^^^^    ^.^1^     ^^^^^^^ 

y      divination. 

4.  Prophetical  Training  (the  schools  of  the  prophets). 


II. 

History: 

(Three  Prin- 
cipal 
Periods.) 


r  -D       u  *       A  \.  ^   { Before  Moses; 

I  ^'9'^Y^f^  ^""^  P'°P  '  f '-om  Moses 

Before  Sam-    I      ical  utterances  |      to  Samuel. 

'  '  The  Mosaic  law  "a  prophecy"  (Matt, 

xi,  13). 


2.  From  Sam- 
uel to  the 
Babylonia7t 
Captivity  : 


3.  Prophets 
of  the 
Captivity 
and  the 


Rise  of  the  prophetical  order. 
Oral  and  literary  work  of  the  j  Israel, 
chief  prophets  in  (  Juda. 

f  The  Jewish  law 
and    priest- 
Attitude   of   the  hood, 
prophets  towards    1  Idolatry   and 
"  calf-wor- 
ship." 

Special  mission  of  Ezechiel  and  Daniel 

during  the  exile. 
Old  Testament  prophecy  closed  with 

the  announcement  of  "  the  angel  of 


Restoration:  {      the  covenant"  (Mai.  iii,  i). 


[272] 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

THE   PROPHETICAL    OFFICE    IN    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

Section  I.     Nature  and  History. 
§  7.     Nature  of  the  Prophetical  Office. 

1.  Meaning  of  the  Words:  Prophet;  Prophecy. 
It  is  impossible  to  peruse  the  historical  records  of  the  Old 
Testament  without  noticing  that,  chiefly  during  the  Royal 
Period,  there  existed  in  the  Jewish  State  a  powerful  element 
for  the  guidance  of  both  rulers  and  people  in  the  person  of 
the  Prophets  of  Jehovah  and  in  their  Prophecies  or 
prophetical  utterances.  The  Seer  or  Prophet  of  that  period 
—  as  indeed  of  any  period  in  Jewish  history  —  was  neither 
necessarily  nor  exclusively  a  man  endowed  with  supernatu- 
ral insight  into  the  future,  and  hence  able  to  foretell  far  dis- 
tant events,  although  to  be  considered  as  a  /rwd" prophet,  pre- 
dictions, if  made  by  him,  had  to  be  verified  by  the  event. 
He  was  rather,  according  to  the  constant  meaning  of  the 
Hebrew  word  rendered  by  "  Prophet,"  the  man  who  had 
been  selected  by  Jehovah  to  receive  and  communicate  to 
others  knowledge  of  the  Divine  will  and  purposes.  The 
prophet  was  thus  the  mouthpiece  of  the  God  of  Israel,  and 
his  prophecy  a  Divine  message  (cfr.  Pelt,  vol.  ii,  p.  136; 
Charles  Elliott,  Old  Testament  Prophecy,  p.  21,  sq.). 

2.  Prophetical  Mission.  No  one,  of  course,  could 
lawfully  call  himself  a  prophet  of  Jehovah  and  claim  to 
give   utterance   to  a   Divine   message,   who  had   not   been 


274  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

selected  and  called  by  the  Almighty  for  the  exalted  mission 
of  being  his  messenger  and  speaking  in  his  name.  This 
prophetical  mission,  when  actually  intrusted  to  a  man,  was 
ever  in  harmony  with  the  essentially  theocratic  character  of 
the  Jewish  people,  and  its  proper  object  was  not  so  much 
the  political  or  material  well-being  of  the  nation,  as  its 
moral  and  religious  advantage.  The  true  prophet  had  stood 
in  the  secret  counsel  of  Jehovah,  the  God  and  King  of 
Israel,  and  when  he  came  forth  he  spoke  the  words  he  had 
heard  from  his  mouth.  His  was  the  mission  of  declaring 
God's  will,  of  denouncing  God's  judgments,  of  defending 
truth  and  righteousness  and  innocence,  of  keeping  alive  the 
constant  intercourse  b^^n  God  and  his  chosen  people,  of 
making  of  Israel's  religion  a  moral  and  spiritual  religion,  of 
opposing  sternly  idolatry  and  promoting  energetically  pub- 
lic compliance  with  the  Divine  law  and  ultimately  of  pre- 
paring by  all  this  the  nation  at  large,  for  the  coming  of  the 
Messias  who  was  "the  end  of  the  law  "  (Rom.  x,  4). 

3.  Prophetical  Inspiration.  To  fulfil  this  most  im- 
portant and  most  difficult  mission,  the  true  prophets  of  Israel 
received  a  wonderful  gift,  known  under  the  name  of  pro- 
phetical inspiration.  This  inspiration  did  not  find  its 
origin  in  the  unassisted  intelligence  of  man,  in  his  natural 
parts  and  powers  however  great,  but  was  the  result  of  a 
special  and  higher  supernatural  working  of  the  Spirit  of  God. 
Thus  Holy  Writ  teaches  repeatedly  that  the  prophets  received 
their  communication  by  the  agency  of  the  Divine  Spirit 
(Numb,  xi,  17,  25  ;  I  Kings  x,  6,  etc.),  whilst  it  describes  the 
false  prophets  as  men  who  "spoke  out  of  their  own  heart, 
and  not  out  of  the  mouth  of  Jehovah  "  (Jerem.  xxiii,  16). 

The  ordinary  mode  of  communication  between  God  and 
His  prophets  was  what  may  be  called  a  direct  manifestation 
of  His  will  by  word.  It  usually  consisted  of  ideas  distinctly 
suggested  to  the  understanding  of  the  prophets  without  any 


THE    PROPHETICAL    OFFICE.  275 

articulate  sound  (for  cases  of  articulate  speech,  see  I  Kings 
iii,  4,  10,  sq.;  Exod.  iii,  4,  etc.).  God  revealed  also  His  will 
and  purposes  in  visions^  and  this  is  the  very  title  of  the  proph- 
esies of  Isaias,  for  instance ;  but  the  precise  nature  of 
these  visions  cannot  well  be  defined.  It  is  probable,  how- 
ever, that  ordinarily  pictures  familiar  to  the  prophets  were 
presented  to  their  imagination  without  any  external  corre- 
sponding object,  and  that  in  some  cases  actual  apparitions 
are  described,  as,  for  instance,  in  Daniel  viii,  16,  sq.  Finally, 
God's  communications  were  made,  but  more  rarely  in  dreams 
sent  during  the  sleep  of  the  prophets. 

The  principal  difference  between  the  two  latter  modes  of 
Divine  revelation  and  the  former  seems  to  consist  in  this  : 
when  God  spoke  to  the  prophets,  they  retained  the  use  of 
their  external  senses  and  the  normal  exercise  of  their  intelli- 
gence and  freedom ;  when,  on  the  contrary.  Divine  communi- 
cations were  imparted  in  visions  or  dreams,  the  prophets 
were  in  what  has  been  q2\\^^  ecstasy.  Their  external  senses 
were  at  rest;  their  soul  was  inactive,  passive,  powerless  to 
react  against  what  they  perceived,  whilst  on  the  contrary, 
their  power  of  intuition  was  raised  to  its  highest  degree  and 
enabled  the  prophets  to  understand  and  behold  everything 
with  the  greatest  distinctness  (cfr.  Daniel  viii,  18,  sq  ;  x,  9, 
sq.  See  also  Vigouroux,  Manuel  Biblique,  vol.  ii.  Pelt, 
vol.  ii,  p.  140,  sq). 

This  state  of  ecstasy  stands  in  very  great  contrast  with 
heathen  divination.  Whilst  the  higher  faculties  of  the  Jewish 
prophet  are  the  medium  of  communication  with  Jehovah,  the 
spiritual  God  of  Israel,  the  lower  powers  of  human  nature  in 
the  pagan  diviner  were  ever  conceived  as  the  means  whereby 
he  had  access  to  his  god  (cfr.  \V.  R.  Smith,  Old  Testament 
in  the  Jewish  Church,  second  edit,  p.  285,  sq.).  Again,  whilst 
heathen  diviners  uttered  their  oracles  when  in  paroxysms  of 
delirium  and  frenzy,  the  prophets  of  the  Old  Testament  when 
making  their  announcements  were  always  in  full  possession 


276  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

of  themselves,  knowing  that  they  had  a  Divine  commission 
and  prefacing  their  prophetical  utterances  accordingly  (cfr. 
Hanneberg,  Histoire  de  la  Revelation  Biblique,  vol.  i,  p. 
294,  sq.). 

4.  Prophetical  Training.  It  was  only  natural  that 
men,  who  felt  some  attraction  for  the  exalted  and  difficult 
functions  of  the  prophetical  office,  should  be  gradually  pre- 
pared by  a  special  training  for  those  parts  of  their  future 
work  which  depended  upon  religious  and  literary  culture. 
In  point  of  fact,  schools  in  which  promising  young  men  were 
gathered  and  trained  in  view  of  the  prophetical  mission 
existed  among  the  Jews  during  the  whole  Royal  Period,  and 
their  institution  is  generally  referred  to  Samuel,  the  intro- 
ducer of  the  monarchy  into  Israel.  One  of  these  existed  in 
his  lifetime  at  Ramatha,  where  his  house  was  (I  Kings  xix, 
19,  20;  vii,  17);  others  flourished  in  various  places,  such  as 
Bethel,  Jericho,  Galgal,  etc. 

These  schools,  now  known  as  the  Schools  of  the  Prophets^ 
appear  to  have  consisted  of  students  different  in  numbers  ; 
at  the  head  of  each  there  was  an  elderly  or  leading  prophet, 
who  acted  as  president  (I  Kings  xix,  20;  IV  Kings  iv,  38) 
and  to  whom  the  young  men  gave  the  name  of  "  Father  "  or 
"Master"  (IV  Kings  ii,  3  ;  I  Kings  x,  12).  The  Sons  of  the 
Prophets,  as  these  students  were  called,  lived  together  in  dis- 
tinct communities  (IV  Kings  iv,  38),  and  were,  no  doubt,  in- 
structed in  the  knowledge  and  interpretation  of  the  Divine 
law.  Subsidiary  subjects  of  instruction  were  music  and  sacred 
poetry  (I  Kings  x,  5  ;  IV  Kings  iii,  15  ;  I  Paralip.  xxv,  3,  sq., 
etc.).  In  this  way,  they  prepared  by  recollection,  study  and 
prayer  to  receive  from  God  a  call  and  inspiration,  which  He 
often  bestowed  upon  students  so  instructed,  and  which  were 
necessary  in  order  that  men  however  well  trained  might 
undertake  the  prophetical  ministry. 


THE    PROPHETICAL    OFFICE. 


§  2.   History  of  the  Prophetical  Office. 


277 


I.  First  Period:  Before  Samuel.  Long  centuries 
before  the  institution  of  the  monarchy,  the  sacred  records 
speak  of  prophets  and  prophetical  utterances  among  the 
chosen  people.  During  the  Patriarchal  Age,  however,  Abra- 
ham, the  great  ancestor  of  the  Jews,  is  the  only  man  called  a 
"prophet"  in  Holy  Writ  (Gen.  xx,  7),  and  outside  Divine 
communications  made  to  individuals  by  oracles  and  visions, 
even  the  great  patriarchs  of  Israel  were  inspired  to  prophesy 
only  upon  the  occasion  of  some  great  event,  such  for  instance 
as  their  parting  blessing.  In  Moses,  on  the  contrary,  we  find 
the  type  of  the  prophet  of  Jehovah  so  perfectly  realized  in 
his  close  intimacy  with  the  God  of  Israel,  and  in  his  prophet- 
ical utterances,  that  Jewish  tradition  has  ever  considered  him 
as  the  greatest  prophet  of  the  Old  Covenant  (Deuter.  xxxiv, 
10).  Around  him,  we  notice  a  few  persons  moved  at  times 
by  the  spirit  of  prophecy,  but  as  the  prophetical  gift  had  been 
granted  to  Moses  for  the  fulfilment  of  his  mission  as  Liberator 
and  Lawgiver  of  the  Jews,  it  passed  to  his  successor  only  in 
so  far  as  Josue  needed  it  to  complete  the  work  of  Moses  by 
introducing  the  Hebrews  into  the  Promised  Land.  At  times 
also,  the  judges  were  endowed  with  the  spirit  of  prophecy 
(Judges  iv,  4)  for  a  work  similar  to  that  of  Moses  and  Josue, 
and  here  and  there  we  even  catch  a  glimpse  of  a  man  sent 
on  a  special  prophetical  mission  by  Jehovah  (Judges  vi,  8 ;  I 
Kings  ii,  27,  sq.)  or  favored  with  some  Divine  communica- 
tion (Judges  xiii,  2,  sq.;  I  Kings  iii,  1).  It  remains  true, 
however,  that  the  prophetical  order  was  simply  foretold  by 
Moses,  and  that  his  prediction  was  not  fulfilled  before  the 
time  of  Samuel  (Deuter.  xviii,  15-22;  for  the  interpretation 
of  this  passage  of  Deuteronomy  see  Pelt,  Histoire  de 
I'Ancien  Testament,  vol.  ii,  p.  137,  footnote  6). 

But  if  Moses  did  not  leave  after  him  an  order  of  men 
intended  to  carry  on    his  prophetical  work  or  discharge   the 


278  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

prophetic  mission  such  as  it  was  intrusted  to  the  prophets  of 
later  days,  he  at  least  had  supplied  the  chosen  people  with 
a  constant  '^prophecy  "  in  the  law  he  had  given  to  them 
(Matt,  xi,  13).  The  whole  purpose  of  the  Mosaic  law  was 
clearly  to  ward  off  idolatry  from  the  Jewish  nation,  to  pro- 
mote an  ever-closer  intercourse  between  Israel  and  Jehovah, 
and  prepare  effectively  the  chosen  race  for  the  coming  of 
Him  who  is  the  "end  of  the  law,"  and  these  various  objects 
were,  as  we  have  seen,  the  very  objects  of  the  prophetical 
mission.  In  another  sense,  the  Mosaic  law  was  also  a 
prophecy^  to  wit,  inasmuch  as  its  various  elements  (priest- 
hood, sacrifices,  etc.)  were  but  the  figure  of  those  of  the 
Christian  dispensation  for  which  they  were  preordained  (see 
Epistle  to  the  Hebrews, /^i'j/>«). 

2.  Second  Period  :  From  Samuel  to  the  Babylon- 
ian Captivity.  The  introduction  of  the  monarchy  into 
Israel  opened  a  new  and  particularly  critical  period  in  the 
religious  life  of  the  Jews.  The  establishment  of  kings 
among  the  Jews  naturally  tended  to  diminish  the  feeling  of 
the  people  that  they  were  a  theocratic  nation,  \}[\q.  peculiar  peo- 
ple of  Jehovah.  In  like  manner,  one  may  well  conceive  that 
Jewish  kings  would  aim  at  becoming  gradually  independent 
of  all  religious  supremacy,  and  that  some  of  them  could  prove 
so  entirely  unfaithful  to  the  spiritual  worship  of  Jehovah  as  to 
use  the  whole  weight  of  their  power  in  the  State  in  favor  of 
idolatrous  religions.  Add  to  these  difficulties  against  the 
survival  of  pure  monotheism  in  Israel  under  the  monarchy, 
the  constant  proneness  of  the  bulk  of  the  nation  to  idolatry, 
and  it  will  be  readily  seen  that  the  rise  of  the  prophetical 
order  at  the  beginning  of  this  period  was  a  new  means  of 
faithfulness  provided  by  God  in  view  of  new  dangers.  He 
wished  to  have  henceforth  direct  and  official  representatives 
to  plead  his  cause  with  the  people  of  His  choice,  to  oppose 
fearlessly  all  national   tendencies  towards  idolatry,  and  to 


THE    PROPHETICAL    OFFICE.  279 

remind  at  each  step,  both  kings  and  subjects,  of  their  essen- 
tial dependence  on  Him  tlie  invisible  and  supreme  Lord  of 
Israel. 

This  the  first  prophets  of  the  Royal  Period  did  only  by 
word  of  mouth,  speaking  to  their  own  generation  of  the 
blessings  of  various  kinds  promised  by  God  to  his  chosen 
people  if  faithful ;  of  the  manifold  punishments  that  awaited 
its  unfaithfulness  ;  and  finally,  of  God's  renewed  favor  to 
those  who  repent  (Andrews,  God's  Revelations  of  Himself  to 
Men,  p.  86).  Several  of  these  prophets  limited  their  action 
to  watching  sedulously  over  the  spiritual  and  religious  inter- 
ests of  the  nation  ;  others  added  to  this  the  literary  work 
of  theocratic  writers  of  history  (cfr.  for  instance,  I  Paralip. 
xxix,  29).  It  may  also  be  noticed  that  after  the  disruption 
of  Solomon's  empire,  the  oral  work  seems  to  have  been 
more  active  and  more  etlective  in  the  northern,  than  in  the 
southern,  kingdom.  This  difference  is  perhaps  sufficiently 
accounted  for  by  the  fact,  that  in  the  former  there  were 
numerous  prophetic  societies  helping  on  the  mission  of  tiie 
prophets  ;  whilst  in  the  latter,  individual  prophets  had  to 
meet  almost  entirely  unseconded,  at  least  equal,  if  not 
greater,  obstacles  (cfr.  art.  Prophetic  Office  in  SchaffHerzog, 
Encyclopaedia  of  Religious  Knowledge,  vol.  iii). 

However  this  may  be,  it  is  beyond  doubt  that  the  earliest 
written  prophecies,  those  of  Jonas  in  the  kingdom  of  Israel, 
and  of  Joel,  and  perhaps  Abdias,  in  the  kingdom  of  Juda, 
are  to  be  placed  about  the  middle  of  the  ninth  century  B.  C. 
In  thus  writing  down  their  prophecies,  the  Divine  messengers 
had  naturally  among  other  objects,  that  of  proving  to  future 
generations  the  truth  of  their  predictions  (cfr.  Isai.  xxx,  8 ; 
Jerem.  xxx,  2,  3).  If  we  reckon  Baruch  with  Jeremias  as 
one  book,  the  Old  Testament  comprises  the  books  of  eleven 
prophets  who  wrote  before  the  Babylonian  exile,  three  of 
whom  belong  to  the  northern  kingdom,  namely,  Amos, 
Osee    and    Jonas ;     and    eight    to    the    southern    kingdom. 


28o  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

namely,  Isaias,  Jeremias,  Joel,  Abdias,  Micheas,  Nahunx, 
Habacuc  and  Sophonias.  Of  course,  it  may  readily  be 
admitted,  that  some  literary  productions  of  the  Jewish 
prophets  are  now  lost,  as  may  be  inferred  from  references  to 
older  sources,  such  for  instance,  as  Isai.  ii,  2-4 ;  Mich,  iv, 
1-4,  etc.,  and  that  some  of  those  which  are  still  ex- 
tant present  considerable  deviations  from  their  original 
form,  as  we  know  is  the  case  with  the  prophecies  of 
Jeremias. 

It  is  particularly  in  connection  with  the  prophets  of  the 
Royal  Period,  that  critics  of  our  century  have  affirmed  the 
existence  of  an  antagonism  on  the  part  of  these  messengers 
of  Jehovah  to  the  Jewish  law  and  priesthood.  The  proph- 
ets, \we  are  told,  are  exclusively  concerned  with  the  moral 
and  spiritual  duties  of  Jehovah's  worship,  and  are  in  op- 
position to  the  priests  and  the  ritual  enactments  of  the 
written  law.  Hence  it  is  inferred  that  the  legislation  of  the 
Pentateuch  did  not  exist  in  the  days  of  those  prophets  and 
that  the  Jewish  hierarchy  did  not  attain  to  full  power  until 
prophecy  ceased. 

All  this,  however,  seems  very  much  at  variance  with  the 
facts  of  the  case.  The  prophets  of  the  royal  period  pre- 
suppose the  existence  of  a  law  and  of  a  covenant  like  that 
described  in  the  Pentateuch  (cfr.  Amos  iii,  2  ;  Joel  i,  9,  sq.  ; 
Osee  ix,  3,  15,  etc.);  they  know  of  a  ritual  complied  with 
by  their  contemporaries  and  they  object  to  this  compliance 
only  in  so  far  as  the  people  remain  satisfied  with  a  mere 
observance  of  outward  rites  without  regard  for  the  fulfil- 
ment of  higher  moral  and  spiritual  duties  (Isai.  i,  11,  sq., 
etc.).  In  like  manner,,  the  prophets  know  of  the  Jewish 
priests  of  their  time  as  the  ministers  of  Jehovah,  and  as 
intercessors  in  behalf  of  the  people  (Joel  i,  9,  13,  14 ;  ii,  15- 
17).  True  it  is,  sometimes  priests  of  Juda  are  rebuked  for 
their  sins,  but  so  are  also  the  prophets  unfaithful  to  their 
calling  (Isai.  xxviii,  7),  and  if  the  priesthood  of  the  northern 


THE    PROPHETICAL    OFFICE.  251 

kingdom  is  upbraided  by  Osee,  it  is  because  of  its  non-Leviti- 
cal  origin  and  calf-worship. 

Thus,  then,  the  attitude  of  the  prophets  towards  the  Jew- 
ish law  and  priesthood  is  perfectly  in  harmony  with  the  ex- 
alted character  of  their  calling ;  they  must  promote  in  Israel 
that  inward  piety  which  seems  to  have  ever  been  greatly 
wanting  in  the  Jewish  nation,  raise  the  standard  of  morality 
as  high  as  possible  and  spare  no  one,  high  or  low,  in  their 
censures  of  evil.  Nor  is  their  attitude  less  easily  understood 
with  regard  to  idolatry  and  "  calf-worship."  Naturally  enough 
they  were  the  deadly  opponents  of  idolatrous  worship,  and 
when  we  bear  in  mind  the  most  severe  enactments  of  the 
Mosaic  law  against  idolaters  (cfr.  Exod.  xxii,  20;  Deut.  xviii, 
20,  etc.),  it  is  not  difficult  to  understand  that  extreme  meas- 
ures, like  those  of  Elias  against  the  false  prophets  for  in- 
stance, must  have  appeared  to  them  as  the  fulfilment  of  a 
duty.  The  conduct  of  some  early  prophets  of  the  northern 
kingdom  regarding  the  *' calf-worship"  introduced  by  Jero- 
boam can  be  justified  still  more  easily;  we  have  no  record 
of  opposition  by  these  prophets  to  calf-worship  in  Israel ;  if, 
in  reality,  they  raised  none,  it  may  be  supposed  that  they 
thought  it  better  to  make  all  their  efforts  bear  on  the  destruc- 
tion of  Baal  worship,  which  had  already  become  the  official 
worship  of  the  northern  kingdom,  and  which,  if  not  soon 
overthrown,  threatened  with  permanent  extinction  the  re- 
ligion of  Jehovah  in  Israel  (cfr.  Charles  Elliott,  Old  Tes- 
tament Prophecy,  p.  152,  sq. ;  p.  144,  sq.). 

3.  The  Prophets  of  the  Captivity  and  the  Res- 
toration. With  the  Babylonian  captivity  opened  for  the 
Jews  a  new  era  fraught  with  new  and  special  dangers  for 
the  religion  of  Jehovah  among  the  chosen  people.  It  is 
only  natural,  therefore,  to  find  that  the  mission  intrusted  to 
Ezechiel  and  Daniel,  the  two  great  prophets  of  the  exile, 
exhibited  special  features  worthy  of  notice. 


282  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

Ezechiel  had  been  carried  to  Babylon  at  the  same  tune  as 
King  Jechonias,  in  598  B.  C,  that  is,  ten  years  before  tlie 
destruction  of  Jerusalem.  His  mission  during  this  short 
period  was  to  prepare  his  fellow-captives  for  the  near  coming 
but  unexpected  ruin  of  the  Holy  City;  and  after  this  event 
had  taken  place  according  to  his  prediction,  he  had  to  make 
the  most  of  his  influence  as  a  recognized  prophet  of  Jehovah, 
to  comfort  the  Jews,  to  prevent  them  from  considering  the 
victory  of  the  Babylonians  over  God's  chosen  people  as  a 
victory  of  heathenism  over  the  true  theocracy.  Heathenism, 
with  all  its  actual  might  and  glory,  was  doomed  to  destruc- 
tion, and  the  people  of  Jehovah  would  be  restored  to  the 
Holy  Land. 

Daniel  also  had  the  mission  of  comforting  the  exiled  Jews 
and  of  strengthening  them  in  their  faith,  but  this  he  did  not 
so  much  by  his  exhortations  as  by  the  whole  tenor  of  his  life. 
He  was  an  exemplar  of  holy  living,  of  perfect  faithfulness  to 
Jehovah  in  the  very  midst  of  the  seductions  of  a  corrupt  and 
heathen  court;  his  miracles  and  prophecies,  and  more  par- 
ticularly the  wonders  granted  to  him  for  his  own  preserva- 
tion, were  to  all  the  Jews  manifest  proofs  that  Jehovah  had 
not  forsaken  His  people,  but  rather  watched  lovingly  over 
them  in  the  land  of  exile.  But  besides  this  indirect  mission 
to  his  own,  Daniel  had  a  direct  one  to  the  heathen.  It  was 
given  him  to  prove  to  them  that  Jehovah  is  the  sole  God 
deserving  worship,  because  He  alone  revealed  the  most 
hidden  secrets  (Daniel  ii),  inflicted  exemplary  punishments 
on  those  who  opposed  His  designs  (iv ;  v),  protected  against 
all  harm  His  faithful  worshippers  (iii)and  was  the  sole  living 
Gcd,  all  the  others  being  lifeless  idols  utterly  unable  even  to 
defend  themselves  against  assailants  (xiv). 

After  the  return  from  the  exile,  the  main  object  of  Aggeus, 
Zacharias  and  Malachias,  the  prophets  of  the  time  of  the 
restoration,  was  "  to  remove  the  hindrances  among  the  people 
to  the  fulfilment  of  God's  promises,  and  to  direct  their  eyes 


THE    PROPHETICAL    OFFICE.  283 

to  the  dawning  of  the  Messianic  salvaiion  "  (Chas.  Elliott, 
p.  185).  The  last  of  these  prophets,  who  is  also  the  last  of 
the  prophets  of  the  Old  Testament,  is  especially  remarkable 
for  the  clearness  of  his  predictions  concerning  the  work,  the 
sacrifice  and  the  person  of  the  Messias,  so  that  the  Old  Tes- 
tament prophecy  may  be  said  to  close  with  the  announce- 
ment of  the  Lord  whom  the  Jews  sought  and  of  the  Angel  of  the 
Covenant  whom  they  desired  {M.2i\2ich,  iii,  i). 


SYNOPSIS    OF    CHAPTER   XXIV. 

The  Prophetical  Office  in  the  Old  Testament 
Section  II.     Predictions  and  Influence. 


I. 

Predictions 

OF  the 
Prophets: 


I.    Thei7-  Super- 
7iatnral 
Character : 


On  what  principal  grounds  questioned 
in  our  century  ? 

f  Utterly  inadequate. 


These  ration- 
alistic 
grounds 


i    Clearly 


Veracity 
of    ' 

prophets. 

State- 
ments of 


:   opposed  ^  ^^^    Lord 
and  New- 
Testa- 
ment 
I     writers. 


-     T/ieir  Mam-  \  ^^f  Jewish  people  ;    the  heathen  na- 
~'  f  Ifi  Oh'   /  •       '       tions. 
■^  I  The  Messias  and  His  kingdom. 

'7-7    •     /-I  ■  jr  \  Moral  and  religious  import. 
■\.   Their   Chief       y      ,      r        u-      •.. 

^       ^,         .  -'  \  Lack  of  ambiguity. 

Character-  \  ^.,  .^    /•.        -^    •      i  \ 

....  I  Obscurity  (its  principal  causes). 

y  Conditional  fulfilment. 


I. 
Influence 

OF  the 
Prophets: 


I.  Obstactes  to 
be  Over- 
come : 


2.  Means  of 
Success : 


r  Popular  religious  degeneracy  (sensual 
idolatry;  mere  formalism). 
Opposition  of  kings  and  princes. 
Conditional  character  of  prophetical 
predictions. 


f  Certain  features  of  the  prophetical  in- 
j       stitution. 

\  Personal      moral      qualities     of      the 
prophets. 
Preternatural  powers. 


3.   General  Results  (Moral  —political  —religious). 

[284] 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

THE     PROPHETICAL    OFFICE    IN    THE    OLD    TESTAMENT. 

Section   II.     I'redictions  and  Influence. 
^  /.     The  Predictions  of  the  Prophets. 

I.  Their  Supernatural  Character.  Up  to  recent 
times,  it  was  universally  held  that  the  predictions  of  the 
prophets  of  the  Old  Testament  were  proofs  of  their  Divine 
mission,  and  a  real  preparation  to  the  Gospel.  Contempo- 
rary Rationalists,  however,  and  even  many  outside  this  radi- 
cal school,  either  reject  entirely  the  supernatural  character 
of  the  predictive  element  in  the  Old  Testament  prophecies, 
or  regard  it  as  something  secondary  in  comparison  with  the 
doctrinal  teachings  and  the  historical  data  which  are  con- 
tained in  the  prophetical  writings.  They  do  not  indeed  deny 
altogether  that  the  Hebrew  prophets  foretold  the  future  and 
that  many  of  their  predictions  had  a  striking  fulfilment;  but 
according  to  them,  the  agreement  between  the  prediction 
and  the  event  may  be  referred  to  merely  natural  causes. 
We  are  told,  for  instance,  that  the  power  of  foreseeing  events 
in  the  near  future  may  be  quite  natural  to  the  human  soul  in 
some  peculiar  physical  and  mental  states,  when  dormant  and 
otherwise  unknown  powers  are  suddenly  aroused  to  activity. 
Again,  it  is  said  that  the  prophets  were  wonderfully  acute 
discerners  of  the  signs  of  the  times,  and  that  reasoning  from 
the  analogy  of  history,  from  the  well-known  unchanging  char- 

[285] 


286  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

acter  of  God's  moral  government,  they  might  make  a  predic- 
tion regarding  the  distant  future  which  would  be  fulfilled,  the 
more  so  because  the  prediction  itself  would  exercise  a  con- 
siderable influence  on  the  dispositions  and  actions  of  those 
who  became  acquainted  with  it  (cfr.  Kuenen,  Prophets  and 
Prophecy  in  Israel,  p.  277,  English  Translation;  Stackpole, 
Prophecy,  chap.  v). 

These,  and  other  such  appeals  to  mere  natural  causes  to 
account  for  all  the  predictions  of  the  prophets,  will  ever  ap- 
pear at  best  inadequate  to  the  unprejudiced  reader  of  Jewish 
history  and  prophecy.  A  large  number  of  the  predictions  of 
the  prophets  related  to  remote  events  and  were  given  out  in 
an  age  when  the  causes  to  which  they  owed  their  origin  either 
did  not  exist,  or  were  so  obscure  and  latent  as  to  be  con- 
cealed from  the  observation  of  the  most  perspicacious  men, 
especially  as  these  predictions  were  not  merely  general  in 
their  character,  but  strongly  marked  by  the  addition  of  many 
circumstances  of  the  events  which  they  foretold.  Nor  could 
the  analogy  of  history  enable  men  to  make  conjectures  like 
the  predictions  which  foretold  not  only  the  exile  of  the 
Hebrews,  but  also  their  return  to  their  country  and  their 
subsequent  prosperity,  the  burning  and  devastation  of  Jeru- 
salem, the  empire  of  the  Chaldeans  and  the  seventy  years' 
captivity  in  Babylonia,  etc.  (cfr.  Amos  ii,  5  ;  ix,  4,  14;  Osee 
li,  15-23;  viii,  14;  xiv,  5-9;  Mich,  iii,  12,  iv,  i,  sq.;  vii,  8-17  : 
Jerem.  xxv,  11,  sq.).  Since  such  clear  predictions  could  not 
be  made  by  men  of  thG  greatest  sagacity,  and  must  necessa- 
rily have  proceeded  from  God  Himself,  we  may  conclude  that 
others  agreeing  with  these  in  nature  and  design,  and  attrib- 
uted to  the  same  God.  have  Him  also  for  their  especial 
author  (Jahn,  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament,  p.  299, 
English  Translation). 

Again,  all  rationalistic  attempts  at  explaining  away  the 
supernatural  character  of  the  prophetical  predictions  must 
fail  before  the  well-known  attitude  of  the  prophets  themselves 


THE    PROPHETICAL    OFFICE.  287 

regarding  their  own  predictions.  They  claimed  openly  the 
gift  of  Divine  illumination  respecting  the  future  (cfr.  for  in- 
stance, IV  Kings  i,  3,  sq.),  clearly  distinguished  between 
those  predictions  they  could  have  made  through  their  own 
unassisted  powers  and  those  which  they  owed  to  special  com- 
munications from  Jehovah  (III  Kings  xxii,  14,  sq.;  Jerem. 
xxviii,  9;  Isai.  xx,  i,  sq.,  etc.),  and  in  a  variety  of  ways  suc- 
ceeded in  making  their  contemporaries  believe  that  this  was 
the  great  difference  between  the  predictions  they  uttered  and 
those  which  were  made  by  the  false  prophets.  Whence  it 
plainly  follows  that  the  veracity  of  the  prophets  requires  that 
we  should  admit  that  they  received  from  God  a  distinct  fore- 
knowledge of  the  future  near  or  distant ;  and  indeed,  had  they 
not  actually  possessed  this  supernatural  foresight,  they  would 
have  soon  lost  their  great  influence  upon  the  various  classes 
of  Jewish  society. 

It  should  also  be  noticeu  m  inis  connection  thai  lu  ucny 
the  supernatural  character  of  the  predictions  of  the  prophets 
of  the  Old  Testament  is  to  run  directly  counter  to  the  state- 
ments of  Our  Lord  (cfr.  for  instance,  Luke  xxiv,  25,  26,  44, 
46),  and  of  the  inspired  writers  of  the  New  Testament  (cfr. 
in  particular,  II  Peter  i,  19-21). 

2.  Manifold  Objects  of  the  Predictions  of  the 
Prophets.  Amidst  the  great  variety  of  topics  about  which 
the  Jewish  prophets  uttered  predictions,  some  deserve  special 
attention  because  of  their  greater  prominence  in  the  propheti- 
cal writings. 

Naturally  enough,  the  chosen  people  themselves  are  the 
object  of  numerous  predictions  on  the  part  of  the  prophets. 
It  was  of  the  special  benefit  of  the  Jews  that  Jehovah  called 
men  to  the  prophetical  office,  and  that  He  made  known  the 
future  to  His  select  messengers.  Because  the  Jews  were  His 
"  peculiar  people,"  that  is,  the  theocratic  nation  of  antiquity, 
prosperity  was  to  be  foretold  to  them  as  a  reward  for  faith- 


288  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

fulness,  public  calamities  as  chastisements  for  unfaithfulness, 
restoration  to  favor  as  a  return  for  sincere  repentance,  and 
final  rejection  as  the  awful  punishment  of  perseverance  in 
apostasy.  Such  were  the  general  purposes  for  which  the 
prophets  of  Israel  were  allowed  distinct  insight  into  the 
future  of  the  Jewish  nation,  and  were  directed  to  utter  pre- 
dictions which,  under  a  variety  of  forms,  corresponded  to  the 
special  needs  of  the  people  of  God  in  the  various  periods  of 
its  national  existence. 

It  was  also  because  of  the  chosen  people  that  we  find  in 
many  of  the  Jewish  prophets  predictions  which  regard  the 
heathen  nations.  There  we  find  foretold  the  manner  in 
which  Jehovah  intended  to  use  them  as  instruments  of  His 
retributive  justice  to  Israel,  and  next  to  punish  them  for  their 
own  pride  and  cruelty  whilst  inflicting  upon  the  Jews  chastise- 
ments which  the  chosen  people  had  but  too  well  deserved. 
There,  also,  we  find  predicted  the  future  call  of  the  nations  of 
the  world  to  become  in  their  turn  the  chosen  people  of  God, 
in  place  of  the  ungrateful  nation,  which,  despite  promises  and 
favors,  threats  and  punishments,  was  ultimately  to  lose  that 
glorious  privilege. 

Whilst  contemplating  the  future  restoration  of  the  Jews  to 
the  Land  of  Promise,  and  the  future  call  of  the  nations  to 
the  worship  of  the  true  God,  the  prophets  of  Israel  are  in- 
duced to  foretell  another  kingdom  which  will  begin  with  the 
theocratic  people,  perpetuate  the  glorious  rule  of  David,  the 
faithful  theocratic  king  of  the  Jews,  and  extend  its  sway  over 
all  the  nations  of  the  world.  This  is  the  Messianic  kingdom 
which  the  prophets  of  Israel  describe  in  its  ideal  perfection, 
under  the  glorious  images  of  an  ideal  earthly  prosperity. 
At  the  head  of  that  kingdom  —  the.  true  continuation  of  the 
Jewish  theocracy  —  there  will  be  a  descendant  of  David,  born 
in  Bethlehem,  and  who  will  prove  the  ideal  King  long-ex- 
pected to  Stan  a  universal  and  eternal  rule  of  happiness  in 
the  faithful  service  of  Jehovah.     It  is  for  this  glorious  rule  of 


THE    PROPHETICAL    OFFICE.  289 

the  Messias  that  the  Jews  are  bidden  to  prepare  by  the  prac- 
tice not  only  of  outward  but  also  of  inward  righteousness. 
Unfortunately,  under  the  misleading  guidance  of  the  Scribes^ 
who  to  a  large  extent  succeeded  the  prophets  in  the  office  of 
keeping  alive  the  true  religion  in  Israel,  the  ancient  people  of 
God,  as  a  nation,  will  lose  sight  of  the  inward  righteousness 
which  alone  could  fit  the  Jews  for  entering  the  Mesr^ianic 
kingdom  at  its  coming.  No  less  unfortunately  for  them,  both 
the  leaders  and  the  people  of  Israel  will  take  to  the  letter  the 
glorious  descriptions  of  worldly  peace,  plenty,  victory,  etc., 
which  they  will  notice  in  the  prophetical  writings,  and  miss 
altogether  the  meaning  of  other  traits  of  the  Messianic  pict- 
ure drawn  before  their  eyes,  so  that  when  the  Messias  comes 
and  sets  up  His  kingdom  they  will  not  be  able  to  recognize 
in  Him  and  in  His  work  the  many  traits  of  the  prophetical 
predictions  which  pointed  to  a  kingdom  **  not  of  this  world" 
and  to  a  suffering  Messias,  and  in  consequence  they  will  be 
excluded  from  the  Kingdom  of  God. 

3.  Chief  Characteristics  of  the  Predictions  of  the 
Prophets.  From  the  foregoing  remarks,  it  is  clear  that, 
unlike  the  oracles  of  the  heathens,  the  predictions  of  the 
Jewish  prophets  were  not  uttered  *'  to  support  the  tottering 
interests  of  States  or  kings,  to  satisfy  mere  curiosity  about 
the  future,  or  to  incline  the  people  to  the  wishes  of  their  rul- 
ers. They  all  tended  to  one  object,  worthy  of  a  Divine  inter- 
vention, the  proof  of  the  Divine  mission  of  the  prophets,  and, 
by  consequence,  of  the  true  doctrine  concerning  God,  namely, 
that  the  one  only  God  who  sent  the  prophets  is  the  omniscient 
Ruler  of  the  universe  (Isai.  xli,  21,  sq.)  ;  and  particularly  that 
He  was  governing  the  Hebrews  in  such  a  manner  that  they 
should  preserve  the  knowledge  of  Him  until  the  period 
when  it  should  be  propagated  to  all  nations  by  a  great  Mes- 
senger who  was  to  arise  from  the  posterity  of  David  "  (Jahn, 
Introduction,  p.  2*97,   English  Translation).     It  may  also  be 


290  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

noticed  that  the  predictions  of  the  prophets  are  usually 
bound  up  with  further  instructions,  warnings,  etc.,  which 
had  a  religious  or  moral  bearing  for  their  direct  purpose. 

A  second  manner  in  which  the  predictions  of  the  prophets 
offer  a  striking  contrast  with  the  heathen  oracles  is  their 
lack  of  ambiguity.  This  is  particularly  true  in  connection 
wich  very  near  events,  when  oracles  and  soothsayers  care- 
fully selected  ambiguous  expressions  in  order  that  in  any 
result  their  credit  might  be  preserved.  Not  so  with  the 
Hebrew  prophets  who,  whether  they  used  external  symbols, 
elevated  or  even  poetical  style,  parabolic  or  allegorical 
descriptions,  invariably  made  it  clear  what  they  foretold  the 
event  would  be,  and  spoke  with  great  definiteness,  although 
they  knew  full  well  that,  should  their  predictions  remain 
unfulfilled,  a  prompt  death  awaited  them  from  the  hands  of 
powerful  enemies  in  the  Jewish  State. 

Thi5  does  not  mean,  of  course,  that  all  the  predictions  of 
the  Jewish  prophets  are  perfectly  clear,  for,  in  point  of  fact, 
whilst  some  of  them  present  this  perfect  clearness,  most  are 
surrounded  with  considerable  obscurity.  But  they  are  not 
ambiguous  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  expression,  and  when 
they  have  been  transmitted  to  us  complete  they  are  clear 
enough  to  enable  us  to  discern  the  historical  event  to  which 
they  refer. 

The  obscurity  of  the  prophetical  predictions  is  not  simply 
due  to  the  poetical  style  in  which  they  are  written,  or  to  the 
fact  that  they  refer  to  very  ancient  events,  with  which  we  are 
but  imperfectly  acquainted,  it  is  due  also  to  the  purpose  of 
the  predictions  themselves.  It  stands  to  reason  that  if  the 
prophecies  had  had  from  the  beginning  the  same  degree  of 
clearness  as  that  which  history  requires,  they  would  have 
sometimes  been  a  positive  obstacle  to  their  own  fulfilment, 
by  suggesting  to  those  on  whose  free  agency  this  fulfilment 
depended  so  to  act  as  to  prevent  the  occurrence  of  the  event 
foretold.     In  consequence,  many  of  them-  when   uttered  or 


THE    PROPHETICAL    OFFICE.  29 1 

written  down  were  so  obscure  as  to  leave  the  event,  or 
rather  its  main  circumstances,  unintelligible  before  its  fulfil- 
ment, and  so  clear  as  to  be  intelligible  after  it.  Another 
natural  cause  of  obscurity  in  the  prophetical  predictions  is 
to  be  found  in  the  unquestionable  fact  that  the  prophets 
usually  beheld  things  not  as  we  are  accustomed  to  see 
objects  near  at  hand,  but  as  we  see  things  at  a  distance, 
that  is,  all  at  once,  with  different  degrees  of  distinctness  for 
the  various  objects  according  to  their  nearness,  and  without 
giving  an  accurate  idea  of  the  distance  which  may  intervene 
between  them.  The  prophets  had  therefore  at  times  but  an 
imperfect  knowledge  particularly  of  the  intervals  of  time 
which  separated  the  events  which  they  foretold,  and  in  con- 
sequence these  same  events  are  often  predicted  without  that 
chronological  order  which  would  be  necessary  for  perfect 
clearness. 

The  last  characteristic  of  the  predictions  of  the  prophets 
to  be  noticed  here  is  their  conditional  fulfilment.  Many 
predictions  were  of  the  nature  of  a  promise  or  a  threat  with 
regard  to  persons  or  cities  and  countries,  as  we  find  it  stated 
in  Jeremias  xviii,  7-10  and  Ezechiel  xxxiii,  13-16.  This  is, 
of  course,  in  perfect  harmony  with  the  moral  government  of 
a  JList  and  holy  God,  and  should  be  distinctly  borne  in  mind 
because  it  explains  why  many  predictions  have  been  unful- 
filled, and  from  the  nature  of  the  case  will  never  be  fulfilled: 
the  actual  retribution  of  the  predicted  evil  or  good  things  was 
dependent  on  the  continuance  of  the  same  moral  attitude  of 
the  people  concerned,  and  as  this  moral  attitude  was  actu- 
ally changed,  the  promised  reward  or  denounced  punishment 
were  necessarily  withheld. 

§  2.  Influence  of  the  Prophets. 

I.  Obstrtcles  to  be  Overcome.  As  might  naturally 
be  expected,  the  influence  of  the  prophets  of  the  Old  Testa- 


292  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

ment  varied  considerably  in  the  different  periods  of  Jewish 
history,  according  to  the  greater  or  lesser  obstacles  which 
these  various  periods  opposed  to  the  successful  discharge  of 
the  prophetical  mission.  To  prove  faithful  messengers  of 
the  God  of  Israel,  the  prophets  had,  first  of  all,  to  resist 
with  all  their  energy  the  religious  degeneracy  of  the  nation 
at  large.  Instead  of  feeling  naturally  attracted  towards  the 
pure  and  ennobling  worship  of  the  one  true  God,  the  bulk 
of  the  chosen  people  ever  felt  a  wellnigh  irresistible  ten- 
dency towards  an  impure  and  degrading  polytheism.  It 
was  therefore  a  hard  task  for  the  defenders  of  the  exclusive 
worship  of  Jehovah  and  preachers  of  inward  righteousness, 
such  as  the  prophets  were,  to  produce  in  the  minds  and  feel- 
ings of  the  people  a  reaction  against  sensual  idolatry,  a 
harder  task  still  to  prevent  its  inherited  and  inveterate  crav- 
ing for  impure  rites  from  getting  the  upperhand  and  betray- 
ing the  nation  into  lower  and  worse  forms  of  idolatry  than 
those  they  had  but  recently  renounced.  Further,  even  when 
the  Jewish  race  kept  aloof  for  some  time  from  the  shameful 
excesses  of  Baal  or  Moloch  worship,  there  usually  crept  in 
another  form  of  religious  decay,  that  of  mere  formalism  in 
the  practice  of  the  religion  of  Jehovah.  Time  and  again, 
we  hear,  therefore,  the  prophets,  those  men  favored  with 
special  intercourse  with  the  living  God,  lifting  up  their  voices 
and  protesting  energetically  against  the  soulless  form  of 
worship  which  was  ever  compatible  with  moral  corruption. 
It  must  be  said,  however,  that  if  the  action  of  the  prophets 
of  Jehovah  had  been  seconded  by  the  political  leaders  of  the 
Jews,  by  the  kings  and  princes,  the  faithful  messengers  of 
God  would  have  found  it  far  less  difficult  to  purify  and  ele- 
vate the  religious  tone  of  the  nation  ;  but,  unfortunately, 
most  of  the  kings  of  Juda  and  Israel,  together  with  the 
larger  number  of  their  courtiers,  opposed  the  influence  of 
the  prophets  by  every  means  in  their  power.  Through  per- 
sonal inclination   towards  idolatry,  those  kings   and  princes 


THE    PROPHETICAL    OFFICE.  293 

practised,  encouraged  idolatry,  and  when  rebuked  for  it  by 
the  prophets,  they  resented  this  interference,  persecuted  and 
put  to  death  those  troublesome  opponents  of  whom  they 
spoke  as  the  enemies  of  the  State.  Thus  was  the  whole 
weight  of  political  and  social  influence  usually  brought  to 
play  right  against  the  noble  but  limited  efforts  of  the  proph- 
ets and  their  disciples. 

As  a  last  obstacle  against  which  the  true  prophets  of 
Jehovah  had  to  struggle  in  order  to  preserve  their  influence 
upon  their  contemporaries,  we  may  mention  the  conditional 
character  of  their  prophetical  predictions.  The  non-fulfil- 
ment of  these  conditional  predictions,  which,  as  stated  above, 
was  ever  possible,  and  which  at  times  occurred  actually,  was 
calculated  to  cause  them  to  be  considered  as  false  prophets, 
unworthy  of  credence,  and,  therefore,  to  turn  against  them 
both  friends  and  foes  of  Jehovah  worship. 

2.     Means  of  Success.    To  face  these  general  obstacles, 

together  probably  with  many  others  arising  from  tiie  par- 
ticular circumstances  of  their  time,  the  prophets  of  Israel 
had  at  their  disposal  powerful  means  of  success.  First  of 
all,  certain  features  of  the  prophetic  institution,  such  as  tlie 
special  training  which  many  of  them  had  undergone  in  the 
prophetical  schools,  the  direct  Divine  call  and  sometimes 
personal  intercourse  with  Jehovah,  tiie  miracles  oftentimes 
performed  for  their  preservation,  the  public  and  private  ser- 
vices which  they  rendered  to  their  contemporaries,  and  even 
the  elevation  of  their  moral  and  religious  teachings,  etc., 
were  so  many  things  which  procured  for  them  the  deep  rev- 
erence and  grateful  affection  of  many  of  their  fellow  country- 
men, sometimes  of  the  kings  and  leaders  of  the  nation. 

Another  means  of  success  for  the  prophets  in   the   dis- 
charge of  their  difficult  mission  was  found  in  their  personal 
moral  qualities.     We  have,  it  is  true,  details  concerning  the 
ife   and  work  of  only  a  few  prophets   of   Israel,  but   it   can 


294  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

hardly  be  doubted  that  the  other  prophets  trod  in  the  foot- 
steps of  those  who  are  best  known  to  us,  that  they  were  men 
of  genuine  singleness  of  purpose,  ardent  zeal,  persevering 
energy,  men  ever  ready  to  make  the  most  of  every  oppor- 
tunity either  to  win  back  king  and  people  to  the  pure  wor- 
ship of  Jehovah,  or  to  render  closer  the  union  of  the  Jews 
with  their  invisible  king.  Their  disinterestedness  was  be- 
yond question,  and  stood  in  striking  contrast  with  the  greedy 
selfishness  of  the  soothsayers  and  false  prophets  in  the  land. 
They  were  indeed  "  men  of  God,"  as  they  were  called,  and 
their  examples  of  holy  living  no  less  than  their  ardent  exhor- 
tations contributed  powerfully  to  increase  the  influence  they 
exercised  upon  their  contemporaries. 

It  remains  true,  however,  that  the  wonders  it  was  given  to 
the  prophets  to  perform  and  the  true  predictions  they  ut- 
tered were  their  greatest  means  of  success.  These  preter- 
natural powers  were  justly  considered  by  the  nation  at  large 
as  unquestionable  proofs  of  a  Divine  mission;  they  con- 
tributed much  to  secure  to  the  prophets  enthusiastic  and 
grateful  followers,  and  caused  them  to  be  publicly  consulted, 
even  by  several  of  the  worst  kings,  in  cases  of  pressing  na- 
tional danger. 

3.  General  Results.  When  after  this  rapid  survey  of 
the  work  and  history  of  the  prophetical  office  in  the  Old 
Testament,  we  try  to  sum  up  the  general  results  produced  by 
this  great  institution  among  the  Jewish  people,  we  find  first 
of  all  that  even  when  the  severe  rebukes  of  the  prophets  did 
not  succeed  in  effecting  the  moral  reformation  they  were 
urging  upon  king  and  people,  they  yet  secured  to  Israel  over 
the  other  nations  the  advantage  that  the  moral  precepts 
should  not  be  violated  without  protest.  By  thus  inveighing 
fearlessly  against  public  corruption,  the  prophets  kept  alive 
among  the  chosen  people  a  distinct  knowledge  of  what  was 
right,  and  prevented  the  Jews  from  sinking  dow!i  quietly  or 


THE    PROPHETICAL    OFFICE.  295 

permanently  to  the  low  moral  level  of  the  surrounding  pagan 
nations.  Of  course,  their  holy  examples  and  fervent  exhor- 
tations had  also  the  precious  result  of  communicating  to  the 
minds  and  hearts  of  many  of  their  contemporaries  something 
of  the  generous  piety  which  they  themselves  possessed. 

In  the  second  place,  it  is  easy  to  realize  that  from  a  politi- 
cal standpoint  the  Hebrew  prophets  were  of  great  advantage 
to  their  nation.  In  exercising  fearlessly  their  mission  of  re- 
buking the  Jewish  monarchs,  they  ever  reminded  the  kings 
that  they  were  not,  that  they  could  not  be,  absolute  rulers 
over  the  Holy  Land  in  the  same  manner  as  the  kings  of  the 
neighboring  tribes.  By  their  opposition  to  the  unjust  or 
irreligious  enactments  of  the  royal  power,  they  also  taught 
the  people  not  to  bow  down  too  easily  before  the  will  of  a 
mortal  monarch. 

Finally,  from  a  religious  point  of  view,  the  mission  of  the 
prophets  of  Israel  had  the  best  and  most  faithful  results. 
They  prevented  idolatry,  even  when  imposed  by  despotic 
kings,  from  taking  such  root  in  the  people  as  to  preclude  all 
return  to  Jehovah  ;  they  kept  alive  the  precious  remembrance 
among  the  Jews  of  their  covenant  with  the  one  true  Gpd,  and 
repeatedly  promoted  religious  reforms.  More  particularlv 
did  they  bring  out  the  spiritual  element  of  Judaism,  and 
direct  the  eyes  of  the  nation  towards  the  coming  of  the 
Messias  and  the  setting  up  of  His  kingdom. 


SYNOPSIS   OF   CHAPTER    XXV. 

The  Babylonian  Captivity. 


I. 

The  Baby- 
lonian 
Empire  : 


r  I.  Geography   (Extent;    principal    provinces;    splendid 
capital). 


2.  History: 


Beginning  of  the  new  Babylonian  or 
Chaldean  Empire  (606  B.C.). 

Rapid  consolidation  and  wonderful 
prosperity  under  Nabuchodonosor. 

Decline  and  fall  (a  comparatively  easy 
prey  to  Cyrus). 


f  Manners  and  customs. 
3.  Civilization:  \  Arts  of  peace  and  war. 
Religion. 


II. 
The  Jews 
IN  Exile: 


I.  Number  and  Quality  of  the  Captives. 

r  At  first,  cruel  slavery  inflicted. 


2.  Social  Cotidi- 
tion  in  Baby- 
lonia : 


3.  Religious 
Life: 


Prompt  organization  as  colonists. 

Share  in  the  commerce  of  the  con- 
querors. 

Final  attachment  to  Babylonia  as  to  a 
mother  country. 

General  reaction  against  idolatry. 

r  practices     faithfully    kept 

^     ^  I  beliefs  confirmed  and  de- 

y       veloped. 
Origin  of  synagogues  as  places  for  re- 
ligious meetings. 


The  Book  of  Tobias. 
[296J 


FOURTH   PERIOD. 

THE    RESTORATION:    FROM    THE    BABYLONIAN 
CAPTIVITY  TO  OUR  LORD. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

THE    BABYLONIAN    CAPTIVITY. 

§  /.    The  Babylonian  Empire, 


I.    Geography.    Babylonia  is  the  name  which  the  Greeks 

and  the  Romans  gave  to  "  the  land  of  the  Chaldeans  "  (Jerem. 
xxiv,  5  ;  Ezech.  xii,  13)  into  which  the  Jews  were  carried  cap- 
tive by  Nabuchodonosor.  The  Babylonian  empire  proper 
comprised  the  region  along  the  lower  course  of  the  Euphrates 
and  the  Tigris,  from  the  point  where  they  approach  each  other 
near  the  modern  Baghdad,  to  their  mouth  in  the  Persian  Gulf 
and  from  Elam  on  the  east  to  Arabia  on  the  west.  As  a 
worthy  successor  to  the  immense  Assyrian  empire,  the  new 
Babylonian  or  Chaldean  empire  controlled  all  the  southern 
and  western  portions  of  the  former  Assyrian  dominions,  and 
included  such  important  provinces  as  Susiana,  Elam,  Meso- 
potamia, Syria,  Phenicia,  Palestine,  Idumaea,  Northern  Arabia 
and  probably  Lower  Egypt. 

The  great  cities  found  in  this  vast  extent  of  territory  were 
very  numerous,  and  among  them  we  may  notice  Borsippa, 
Sippara,  Erech,  Susa,  Carcamis,  Haran,  Emath,  Damascus, 
Jerusalem,  Sidon,  etc.     Prominent  among  them  all  was  Baby- 

[297] 


298  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

Ion,  the  capital  of  the  empire,  and  commonly  believed  to 
have  occupied  the  site  of  the  ancient  Babel  (Gen.  xi,  4,  5.  9). 
It  was  situated  in  a  flat,  fertile  plain  on  both  sides  of  the 
Euphrates,  some  200  miles  above  its  junction  with  the  Tigris. 
Its  extent,  strength  and  beauty  are  detailed  by  Herodotus 
(History,  book  i,  chap.  178,  sq.),  according  to  whom  Babylon 
was  200  square  miles  in  extent,  cut  into  squares  by  straight 
streets,  and  enclosed  by  a  double  line  of  walls.  The  Greek 
historian  speaks  also  (i)  of  the  houses  as  being  mostly  three 
and  four  stories  high,  (2)  of  the  splendid  temple  of  Bel,  a 
tower  600  feet  square,  having  eight  stories,  480  feet  high, 
with  a  winding  ascent  passing  around  it,  and  the  chapel  of  a 
god  at  the  top,  (3)  of  an  immense  palace  of  the  kings,  the 
ruins  of  which  are  identified  with  the  Kasr,  an  enormous  pile 
of  bricks,  tiles  and  fragments  of  stone,  (4)  of  the  fine  quays 
of  Babylon.  Berosus,  a  Babylonian  priest  and  historian, 
who  lived  a  little  later  than  Herodotus,  has  also  left  an  ac- 
count of  the  famous  hanging  gardens  of  the  great  Babylon 
(cfr.  JosEPHUS,  Antiq.  of  the  Jews,  book  x,  chap,  xi,  §  i). 

It  must  be  said,  however,  that  whilst  a  few  explorers  of  the 
ruins  of  that  splendid  city  accept  the  enormous  figure  given 
for  its  extent  by  Herodotus,  most,  and  apparently  on  very 
good  grounds,  reject  it  and  think  that  Babylon  was  about 
eight  miles  in  circuit. 

2.  History.  The  founder  of  the  new  Babylonian  or 
Chaldean  empire,  the  position  and  extent  of  which  have 
been  just  described,  was  Nabopolassar  (Nabu-pal-usur  in 
Assyrian),  a  general  of  great  ability,  who  was  made  first 
governor  and  next  king  of  Babylonia  when  that  country  was 
siill  only  a  province  of  the  Assyrian  empire.  Nabopolassar 
proving  disloyal  to  his  suzerain,  the  last  Assyrian  king,  Asa- 
raddon  II,  attacked  and  destroyed  Ninive  in  union  with 
Cyaxares,  King  of  Media,  and  started  a  new  empire  with 
Babylon  for  its  capital  (606  B.  C). 


THE    BABYLONIAN    CAPTIVIIY.  299 

The  son  and  successor  of  Nabopolassar  in  C04  B.  C,  Was 
Nabuchodonosor  (Nabu-kudur-usur  in  the  Assyrian  inscrij> 
lions),  to  whom  the  new  Babylonian  empire  owed  chiefly  its 
rapid  consolidation  and  wonderful  prosperity.  During  a  long 
reign  of  forty-three  years,  this  great  warrior  recovered  Syria 
and  Palestine,  destroyed  Jerusalem  and  carried  away  the 
Jews  to  Babylon,  reduced  Phenicia,  ravaged  and  probably 
conquered  Egypt.  Then  laden  with  spoils  and  glory,  he 
utilized  to  its  utmost  limit  the  physical  strength  of  his  numer- 
ous captives  —  Jews,  Phenicians,  Syrians  and  Egyptians  —  to 
cover  his  whole  territory  with  gigantic  works,  the  remains  of 
which  excite  admiration  even  to  the  present  day.  He  forti- 
fied his  capital  with  the  greatest  care,  not  only  repairing  the 
old  wall  around  the  city,  but  adding  to  it  another  less  thick 
but  almost  as  strong.  He  raised  the  walls  of  a  huge  palace 
in  the  incredibly  short  time  of  fifteen  days,  as  we  read  in  his 
large  inscription  and  in  the  history  of  Berosus,  and  dug  a 
canal  the  remains  of  which  Rawlinson  traced  for  a  distance 
of  from  400  to  500  miles.  "  He  built  or  rebuilt  almost  all 
the  cities  of  Upper  Babylonia,  Babylon  itself,  upon  the  bricks 
of  which  scarcely  any  other  name  is  found,  Sippara,  Borsippa, 
Cutha,  Teredon,  Chilmad,  etc.;  he  formed  aqueducts  and  con- 
structed the  wonderful  hanging  gardens  at  Babylon  ;  he  raised 
the  huge  pyramidal  temples  at  Borsippa  and  Akkerkuf,  to- 
gether with  a  vast  number  of  other  shrines,"  etc.  (Rawlin- 
son's  edition  oi  Herodotus,  History,  vol.  i,  p.  413;  cfr.  also 
Lenormant,  Manual  of  the  Ancient  History  of  the  East,  vol, 
i,  pp.  476-486). 

The  wealth,  power  and  general  prosperity  of  the  Babylonian 
empire  under  Nabuchodonosor  are  nowhere  better  illustrated 
than  in  the  opening  chapters  of  the  book  of  Daniel  (cfr. 
especially,  ii,  37,  38  ;  iii,  i,  sq.;  iv,  17-19).  There  we  read  also 
of  his  excessive  pride,  which  made  him  consider  himself  as 
more  than  a  mortal  man  (cfr.  inscription  quoted  by  Lenor- 
mant, loc.  cit.)  and  required  divine  honors  from  his  subjects 


300  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

(Daniel  iii ;  iv,  27).  After  a  long  punishment  in  that  strange 
form  of  madness  which  the  Greeks  called  Lycanthropy^  the 
Babylonian  monarch  was  restored  to  health  and  to  his  former 
grandeur.  Soon  afterwards  he  died  predicting,  says  Aby- 
denus,  the  ruin  of  the  Chaldean  empire  (Eusebius,  Praepar. 
Evang.,  book  ix,  chap.  41). 

The  prediction  was  soon  to  be  fulfilled ;  the  Babylonians 
owed  their  rapid  success  to  their  hordes  of  cavalry,  rather 
than  to  their  energy  of  character  or  to  their  knowledge  of 
military  tactics,  and  both  were  most  desirable  in  view  of  con- 
flicts with  the  Persians  in  a  near  future.  Furthermore,  the 
immediate  successors  of  Nabuchodonosor,  Evil-Merodach 
and  Neriglissar,  besides  being  men  unworthy  of  the  throne, 
were  no  match,  from  a  military  standpoint,  for  the  young 
Cyrus  who  had  already  conquered  Media.  The  only  ruler 
worthy  of  Nabuchodonosor's  throne  was  the  last  King  of 
Babylon,  named  Nabonahid,  who  reigned  seventeen  years. 
This  prince  was  formerly,  although  wrongly,  identified  with 
King  Baltassar,  who  is  spoken  of  in  the  book  of  Daniel  (chap, 
v)  as  the  son  of  Nabuchodonosor  and  apparently  as  the  last 
King  of  Babylon,  for,  from  the  inscription  which  has  a  refer- 
ence to  Baltassar,  it  seems  well  established  that  he  was  really 
the  son  of  Nabonahid  and  had  been  associated  by  him  to  the 
empire.  After  the  defeat  of  Nabonahid  by  Cyrus,  Babylon 
was  taken  during  a  royal  banquet  given  by  Baltassar,  and  its 
capture  put  an  end  to  the  Babylonian  empire  (cfr.  Records  of 
the  Fast,  new  series,  vols,  iii,  p.  125,  sq.;  v,  p.  160,  sq.;  Wallis 
Budge,  Babylonian  Life  and  History,  chap,  vi ;  Vigouroux, 
Bible  et  Decouvertes  Modernes,  vol.  iv  ;  Deane,  Daniel,  chap, 
viii). 

3.  Civilization.  The  civilization  of  Babylon,  in  the 
midst  of  which  the  Jews  lived  duririg  the  Exile,  resembled 
very  closely  that  of  Ninive,  its  former  rival.  In  Babylonia 
as  in  Assyria,  the  upper  classes  wore  a  long  sleeveless  robe 


THE    BABYLONIAN    CAPTIVITY.  3OI 

adorned  with  fringes  and  bound  around  the  waist  with  a 
belt,  a  mantle  over  their  shoulders,  a  tiara  or  fillet  on  their 
heads  and  sandals  on  their  feet.  The  dress  of  the  soldiers 
and  lower  classes  was  much  more  simple  :  it  consisted  in  a 
linen  tunic  which  did  not  quite  reach  the  knees,  and  which 
was  fastened  round  the  waist  by  a  girdle  or  sword-belt; 
sometimes  even  a  simple  kilt  seems  to  have  taken  the  place 
of  this  tunic,  more  frequently  the  kilt  was  worn  under  it. 
They  all  curled  their  hair  and  beard,  used  staves  and  a  seal 
usually  in  the  form  of  a  cylinder. 

The  diet  of  the  poorer  class  was  simple,  consisting  almost 
exclusively  of  dates,  which  were  perhaps  pressed  into  cakes, 
as  usual  in  the  country  at  the  present  day.  To  this  were 
probably  added  some  vegetables,  such  as  gourds,  melons, 
etc.,  and  in  the  marshy  regions  of  the  south,  fish.  The  diet 
of  the  rich  was  more  varied  and  pleasing  to  the  taste. 
Wheaten  bread,  meats  of  various  kinds,  luscious  fruits,  fish, 
game  appeared  on  their  table,  and  wine  imported  from 
abroad  was  the  usual  drink.  A  festival  banquet  was  mag- 
nificent and  generally  ended  in  drunkenness.  Music,  instru- 
mental and  vocal,  entertained  the  guests,  a  rich  odor  of  per- 
fumes floated  around,  and  there  was  great  display  of  gold 
and  silver  plate.  The  splendid  dresses  of  the  guests,  the 
exquisite  carpets  and  hangings,  the  numerous  attendants 
gave  an  air  of  grandeur  to  the  scene  (Rawlinson,  Ancient 
Monarchies,  vol.  iii,  p.  19). 

Marriages  were  made  once  a  year  at  a  public  festival, 
when  the  maidens  of  age  to  marry  were  put  up  at  public 
auction.  Polygamy  was  permitted,  but  probably  practised 
only  by  very  wealthy  men.  The  dress  of  the  women  con- 
sisted of  a  long  tunic  and  mantle,  and  a  fillet  for  confining 
the  hair,  and  their  seclusion  seems  scarcely  to  have  been 
practised  in  Babylonia  with  as  much  strictness  as  in  most 
Oriental  countries. 

All  deeds  and  contracts  stamped  on  tablets  of  clay  were 


302  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

signed  and  sealed  in  presence  of  several  witnesses,  who 
attached  their  seals,  or  at  least  their  nail  marks,  to  the  docu- 
ment. It  was  then  enclosed  in  an  outer  coating  of  clay  on 
which  an  abstract  of  the  contents  was  given.  These  tablets, 
of  varied  shapes  and  colors,  make  us  acquainted  with  all 
kinds  of  topics.  Papyrus  was,  of  course,  one  of  the  writing 
materials,  but  it  had  long  been  reserved  for  what  we  would 
call  "editions  de  luxe,"  and  the  usual  material  was  the  clay, 
on  which,  whilst  still  wet,  cuneiform  or  "  wedge-shaped  " 
characters  were  impressed  by  means  of  a  metal  stylus  with 
a  square  head  :  then  the  clay  was  dried  in  the  sun.  In  all 
the  great  cities  of  the  empire  there  were  regular  libraries 
well  supplied  with  books  in  papyrus  and  clay,  and  the 
decipherment  of  such  writings  and  inscriptions  as  have 
been  recently  discovered  in  Assyria  and  Babylonia  has 
proved  a  source  of  invaluable  information.  (Many  of  those 
old  texts  will  be  found  correctly  rendered  into  English  in 
the  six  volumes  of  the  Records  of  the  Past^  new  series,  pub- 
lished under  the  editorship  of  Professor  Sayce.) 

In  architecture,  painting  and  sculpture,  the  Babylonians 
were  inferior  to  the  Assyrians,  but  it  was  not  so  in  com- 
merce, both  foreign  and  domestic.  Great  numbers  engaged 
in  the  manufacture  of  textile  fabrics,  particularly  carpets 
and  muslins,  and  m.any  more  excelled  as  lapidaries.  But  it 
is  chiefly  in  agriculture  that  the  bulk  of  the  people  was 
ei>gaged,  with  such  success  that  on  many  points  modern 
nations  have,  as  it  were,  re-invented,  but  not  improved  on 
Babylonian  methods.  It  seems  also  that  in  the  days  of 
Nabuchcdonosor  there  was  a  firm  of  bankers  whose  special 
business  it  was  to  carry  on  the  commerce  of  Babylon. 

If  we  except  the  physical  sciences,  it  can  easily  be  proved 
that  the  various  branches  of  human  learning  were  cultivated 
with  intelligence  and  success  by  the  Babylonians.  (For 
details,  see  Wallis  Budge,  Babylonian  Life  and  Histor}^, 
chap,  viii.) 


THE    BABYLONIAX    CAPTIVITY.  303 

The  Babylonians  were  armed  with  swords,  bows  and 
arrows,  and  staves  ;  and  in  later  days  they  used  helmets  and 
shields.  Their  battles,  in  which  horses  and  chariots  besides 
infantry  were  used,  were  little  more  than  sudden  surprises 
and  skirmishes.  In  besieging  cities,  they  employed  scaling 
ladders,  and  men  were  set  under  cover  to  dig  out  the  stones 
from  the  foundations,  that  the  city  walls  might  fall.  On  the 
taking  of  a  city  they  ruthlessly  destroyed  everything,  so  that 
only  a  few  kings  took  captives  as  working  bondmen. 

However  mpnotlieistic  may  have  been  the  primitive  re- 
ligion of  Babylonia,  it  is  beyond  doubt  that  in  the  time  of 
the  Exile  they  had  long  worshipped  gods  without  number. 
From  Ilu  (El)  the  fountain-head  of  all  divinity,  a  first  triad  of 
gods  known  as  Anu,  Ea  and  Bel  (with  three  female  counter- 
parts) was  supposed  to  have  emanated.  These  three  gods 
represented  time,  intelligence  and  creation,  and  from  them 
had  originated  a  second  triad,  made  up  of  Sin,  Samas  and 
Rimmon  (with,  of  course,  three  corresponding  female  deities) 
and  representing  the  moon,  the  sun  and  the  evening  star. 
Next  in  order  of  succession  came  the  five  planets :  Adar, 
Merodach,  Nergel,  Istar  and  Nebo,  whose  names  appear  so 
often  in  Assyrian  proper  names. 

To  these  great  gods,  and  to  a  countless  host  of  minor 
deities,  the  Babylonians  addressed  prayers,  sung  hymns  and 
litanies,  some  specimens  of  which  have  come  down  to  us. 
But  what  is  far  more  important  to  notice,  is  the  Chaldean 
account  of  the  creation  of  the  world,  and  a  legend  respect- 
ing the  Tower  of  Babel  and  the  Flood,  which  have  been  dis- 
covered and  which  are  in  close  agreement  with  the  inspired 
account  in  Genesis  (cfr.  Smith,  Chaldean  Account  of 
Genesis). 

The  splendid  worship  of  Babylon  was  conducted  by 
priests,  through  whom  the  worshippers  made  offerings, 
sometimes  of  the  most  costly  kind,  and  sacrifices  of  oxen 
and  goats.     The  priests  were  married   and  lived  with  theil 


304  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

families,  either  within  the  sacred  enclosures  of  the  temples  or 
in  their  immediate  neighborhood.  They  were  supported 
either  by  lands  belonging  to  the  temple  to  which  they  were 
attached,  or  by  the  offerings  of  the  Babylonian  worshippers. 

Notions  of  legal  cleanness  and  uncleanness  akin  to  those 
prevalent  among  the  Jews  were  found  in  the  religious  sys- 
tem of  the  Babylonians,  and  hke  the  Jews  also,  the  Chaldeans 
kept  the  seventh  day.  Let  us  mention  finally  their  belief  in 
demons,  in  a  future  life,  and  also  the  immoral  character  of 
some  of  their  religious  practices.  (In  connection  with  this 
idolatrous  system  of  the  Babylonians,  chapter  vi  of  Barucb 
and  chapter  xiv  of  Daniel  should  be  read.)  <r^  ^  "•  ^"^^9 

§  2.    The  Jews  in  Exile. 

1.  Number   and   Quality   of    the  Captives.     It   is 

impossible  in  the  present  day  to  give  even  the  approximate 
number  of  the  Jewish  captives  whom  Nabuchodonosor  car- 
ried to  Babylon  in  his  various  invasions.  Even  though  we 
should  suppose  that  the  figures  supplied  in  the  Bible  (in  the 
books  of  Kings,  of  Jeremias,  and  Ezechiel)  have  not  been 
tampered  with,  it  would  remain  ^ery  probable  that  these 
)/  official  figures  represent  only  the  number  of  the  men  of  rank 
whose  influence  was  feared,  if  left  in  Judoea,  and  of  those 
whose  technical  skill  or  physical  strength  made  particularly 
desirable  for  the  numerous  and  gigantic  works  of  the  King 
of  Babylon  (cfr.  IV  Kings  xxiv,  14).  But  of  course  the  mem- 
bers of  the  families  of  those  exiles  followed  them  into  cap- 
tivity, and  only  a  very  small  remnant  of  Jews,  and  these  of 
the  poorest  sort,  remained  in  the  land. 

2.  Social  Organization  in  Babylonia.  The  bitter 
sense  of  bereavement  experienced  by  the  Jews  thus  torn 
away  from  their  country  can  be  more  easily  imagined  than 
described.      It   is   this  feeling  which   is   suggested  by  the 


THE    BABYLONIAN    CAPTIVITY.  305 

Hebrew  word  "  Guloth,"  by  which  they  designated  the  Cap- 
tivity; it  is  also  this  feeling  which  we  find  so  touchingly 
expressed  in  the  well-known  Psalm,  Super  flumina  Baby- 
lonis.  Nor  is  this  to  be  wondered  at,  when  we  bear  in  mind 
the  barbarous  treatment  which  the  bulk  of  them  had  most 
likely  to  undergo  at  the  beginning  of  the  P^xile.  They  were 
the  bondmen  of  Nabuchodonosor,  and  despite  all  their 
efforts  to  execute  speedily  and  well  the  hard  task  daily  ex- 
acted from  them,  they  could  say  in  all  truth,  *'  The  plowers 
(the  overseers)  plowed  upon  my  back  ;  they  made  long  their 
furrows  "  (Psalm  cxxviii,  3,  in  Vulgate).  To  the  sufferings 
inflicted  by  the  lash  were,  no  doubt,  joined  in  many  cases 
those  of  the  dungeon,  of  hunger  and  of  nakedness;  hence 
we  hear  the  captives  complaining  that  they  are  "  devoured  " 
and  "  broken  in  pieces,"  and  repeating  that  wish  inspired 
by  revengeful  hatred:  "O  daughter  of  Babylon,  miserable; 
blessed  shall  he  be  who  shall  repay  thee  thy  payment  thou 
hast  paid  us.  Blessed  he  that  shall  take  and  dash  thy  littK 
ones  against  the  rock  !  " 

Soon,  however,  their  condition  became  less  unbearable,  for, 
owing  to  the  high  influence  of  Danjel  at  courts  his  three 
Jewish  companions,  Sidrach,  Misach  and  Abdenago  were 
"appointed  over  the  works  of  the  province  of  Babylon" 
(Daniel  ii,  48,  49).  Henceforth  fthey  enjoyed  the  rights 
which  Babylonian  civilization  ever  recognized  in  slaves  of 
whatever  origin  :  they  had,  for  instance,  a  right  to  compensa- 
tion for  their  labor,  and  the  faculty  of  redeeming  themselves 
from  bondage.  Nay,  more,  they  seem  to  have  been  allowed 
to  settle  in  colonies  here  and  there  over  the  land,  and  to 
organize  themselves  pretty  much  in  the  same  way  as  in 
Judaea  (Ezechiel  xx,  i). 

This  they  actually  did,  when,  giving  up  their  foolish  hope 
of  an  immediate  restoration  to  the  Holy  Land,  they  complied 
with  the  wise  counsel  of  Jeremias,  that  they  should  build 
houses,  plant  orchards,  marry  their  sons  and  daughters,  work 


3o6  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

and  pray  for  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  Babylon  (Jeremias, 
xxix,  4-7).  In  point  of  fact,  the  history  of  Suzanna  and  the 
two  elders  narrated  in  the  book  of  Daniel  (chap,  xiii)  giv^es 
us  positive  information  about  an  extent  of  self-government 
which  we  would  have  hardly  supposed  granted  to  the  Jews 
in  their  exile.  It  allows  us  also  an  insight  into  the  material 
prosperity  which  many  among  them  were  doubtless  able  to 
secure  to  themselves  by  sharing  in  the  industrial  and  com- 
mercial life  of  their  conquerors.  Indeed,  it  has  been  sup- 
posed, and  with  some  probability,  that  the  great  banker  of 
Babylon,  Egibi,  was  of  Jewish  origin. 

Thus  the  Jews  gradually  became  attached  to  this  foreign 
country,  and  in  proportion  as  they  enjoyed  material  pros- 
perity, religious  freedom,  satisfaction  of  commercial  instincts 
and  genuine  consideration  from  the  heathens,  in  the  same 
proportion,  also,  their  enthusiasm  for  the  desolate  land  of 
Palestine  abated,  especially  in  the  minds  of  the  new  genera- 
tion born  in  Babylonia.  A  striking  proof  of  this  is  found  in 
the  fact  that  when  permission  to  return  to  the  Holy  Land 
was  granted  to  the  exiles  only  a  small  number  availed  them- 
selves of  it,  and  the  rest  preferred  to  continue  to  live  in  a 
country  in  which  they  had  a  comfortable  home.  Henceforth, 
and  for  long  centuries  to  come,  Babylon  was  to  be  a  great 
centre  of  Jewish  population,  a  great  seat  of  Jewish  learning. 

3.  Religious  Life.  As  might  naturally  be  expected, 
idolatry,  to  which  the  Jews  had  long  been  accustomed  in 
Palestine,  flourished  at  first  among  them  in  Babylonia,  the 
more  so  because,  by  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  and  its 
temple,  Jehovah  had  proved  inferior  in  the  eyes  of  many  to 
the  idols  of  the  nations.  Soon,  however,  it  became  a  con- 
viction with  a  large  number  that  these  great  evils  were,  after 
all,  nothing  but  the  just  punishment  of  their  wicked  deeds, 
and  under  the  influence  of  the  prophets,  priests  and  Levites 
of  Jehovah  this  better  frame  of  mind   spread  daily.     Again, 


THE    BABYLONIAN"    CAPTIVITY.  307 

the  fulfilment  of  the  predictions  concerning  the  fall  of  Jeru- 
salem and  Ninive,  the  courage  and  patronage  of  Daniel,  to- 
gether with  the  miracles  granted  to  him  and  the  spectacle  ' 
of  many  heathens  embracing  Hebrew  worship,  brought  about 
a  strong  reaction  against  idolatry.  In  fact,  Divine  Provi- 
dence intervened  so  repeatedly  and  powerfully  during  the 
seventy  years  of  the  Exile,  both  in  favor  of  the  worshippers 
of  Jehovah  and  against  their  opponents,  that  this  reaction 
proved  a  lasting  one,  and  that  the  descendants  of  the  exiles 
remained,  as  a  body,  invariably  faithful  to  national  mono- 
theism. 

Of  course,  in  Babylon  the  Levitical  worship  could  not  be 
carried  out  in  its  fulness.  The  sacrificial  rites  of  the  Temple, 
for  instance,  were  naturally  stopped  during  the  period  of  the 
Exile,  but  this  made  it  all  the  more  desirable  that  the  rest  of 
the  religion  of  Jehovah,  which  could  be  observed  outside 
Palestine,  should  be  faithfully  adhered  to  by  the  Jews.  Dur- 
ing that  time  they  no  doubt  read  with  great  reverence  what- 
ever sacred  books  were  in  their  possession,  eager  to  find  in 
them  prospects  of  a  brighter  condition  for  their  religion  and 
commonwealth.  It  is  also  during  this  same  period  that  the 
practice  of  lifting  up  their  hearts  to  God  in  prayer  at  the 
regular  time  of  the  morning  and  evening  incense-offering 
spread  among  the  exiles;  to  these  sacred  times  for  supplica- 
tion they  seem  even  to  have  added  the  hour  of  noon  (Daniel 
vi,  10). 

Whilst  the  religious  practices  of  the  Jews  were  thus  faith- 
fully kept  up  in  Babylon,  and  even  improved  upon,  their 
religious  beliefs  were  also  confirmed  a n d  de velgp e d .  The 
unity  of  God  and  inanity  of  idols  became  daily  more  evident  '^ 
truths  to  their  minds ;  the  power  of  prayer  and  of  good 
works  was  also  emphasized  in  various  ways,  whilst  the  great 
dognia  of  the  resurrection  of  the  dead  was  formulated  with  a 
distinctness  which  could  hardly  be  surpassed  (Ezech.  xxxvii ; 
Dan.  xii,  1-3).     At  the  same  time,  the  Messianic  belief  was 


x^. 


308  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

developed  into  the  idea  of  a  Divine  Messenger,  of  a  great 
King,  who  would  found,  not  a  transient  and  limited  king- 
dom like  unto  the  great  empires  of  the  world,  but  a  universal 
and  everlasting  theocracy.  Finally,  Jewish  theology  re- 
specting the  holy  angels  was  developed  and  completed; 
henceforth  they  were  clearly  conceived  as  constituting  a 
hierarchy  of  spirits,  who  under  God,  have  a  great  power  over 
men  and  demons,  and  are  busied  about  the  interests  of  in- 
dividuals and  empires. 

A  last,  but  very  important  feature  of  the  religious  life  of 
the  Jews  during  their  exile,  is  to  be  found  in  the  institution 
of  the  Synagogues  as  places  for  religious  meetings.  We  have, 
it  is  true,  no  definite  statement  in  the  inspired  records  to 
the  effect  that  this  is  the  period  of  Jewish  history  to  which 
we  must  trace  back  the  origin  of  those  synagogues,  which  we 
find  so  multiplied  in  the  time  of  Our  Lord  and  His  apostles, 
but  the  circumstances  of  time  and  place  were  such  as  would 
naturally  lead  the  Jews  to  start  such  an  institution  ;  and  they 
were  no  sooner  restored  to  their  own  land,  than  something 
very  much  akin  to  the  synagogal,  worship  in  its  most  devel- 
oped form  is  observable  in  the  Biblical  records  (cfr.  Nehemias 
viii). 

T/ie  Book  of  Tobias. 

Intimately  connected  with  the  period  of  the  Exile,  although 
not  with  the  captives  of  Babylon,  is  the  inspired  book  of 
lobias^  the  text  of  which  has  reached  us  only  in  translations 
which  present  many  important  variatipns.  Naturally  enough, 
the  historical  character  of  this  book  had  long  remained  un- 
questioned among  Catholics,  for  all  the  details  it  contains 
are  presented  in  the  form  of  a  narrative.  A  few  Catholic 
scholars,  however,  especially  because  of  alleged  historical  in- 
accuracies, and  the  peculiar  cliaracter  of  the  miracles  it  de- 
scribes, have,  of  late,  departed  from  this  time-honored  posi- 
tion.    They  prefer  to  look  upon  it  as  an  inspired  story  based 


THE    BABYLONIAN    CAPTIVHY.  ^qQ 

on  facts  and  therefore,  even  from  a  historical  standpoint 
very  useful  to  Biblical  students.  There  is  no  doubt,  that  it 
supplies  many  interesting  data  concerning  the  material,  moral 
and  religious  condition  of  those  Jews  of  the  northern  king- 
dom who  were  spread  through  the  Assyrian  empire  (cfr. 
Pelt,  vol.  ii,  p.  296-300). 


SYNOPSIS    OF    CHAPTER   XXVI. 

Return  from  the  Exile. 


I. 

ZOROBABEL 
AND   THE 

Second 
Temple : 


II. 


Nehexhas 


ESDRAS : 


I.   The  New 
X 


^The  decree  of  Cyrus  (its  motives). 
Exodtis  • '        y  The  first  departure  under  Zorobabel. 
'i^  [  The  route  followed. 


State  of  Palestine  on  the  arrival  of  the 

exiles. 
Political  organization. 


r 


The  "  Old 
Country  "  ; 


I.  Nehemias : 

K 


2.  Esdras. 
X 


i<eligious 
concerns : 


The    sacrifices     begun    at 
once. 

f  Beginning  — 
j^   interrup- 
The  second  ;      tion. 
^  temple  :      ^  Dedication 
\>r  — descrip- 
l      tion. 


I 

]a  he  rebuilding  of  the  city-walls  forbid- 
ws  den  by  Assuerus  (The  Book  of  Es- 
^  ther). 


First  visit  to  Jerusalem 
(445-433  B.C.)  : 


Second  visit  to  Jerusa- 
■^  lem  : 


His   mission. 

Solemn    pro- 
mulgation 
of  the  law. 


\  His    reforms. 
!  The    Samari- 
\\    tan  Temple 
I       on  Mount 
(.       Garizim. 


>rhe    second    departure    under    P^.sdras 
^    (398  B.C.). 
His  reforms  in  Jerusalem. 

f  The  Great  Syn- 
agogue (can- 
on of  the  Old 
Testament). 

Authorship  of 
several  books 
of  Holy  Writ. 

Local    sy n  a- 
gogues 
(scribes  and 
[  I       traditions). 


Other  works  ascribed 
to  him : 


General  Condition  of  Palestine  under  Persian  Rule. 

[3T0] 


CHAPTER    XXVI. 


RETURN    FROM    THE    EXILE. 


§  /.    Zorobabel  and  the  Second  Temple 


I.  The  New  Exodus.  The  Babylonian  Captivity  was 
brought  to  a  close  in  B.  C.  536,  by  the  decree  of  Cyrus  which 
has  been  preserved  to  us  in  Esdras  i,  1-4  (cfr.  also  II  Para- 
lip,  xxxvi,  22,  23).  From  the  wording  of  this  decree  — which 
speaks  of  Jehovah  as  the  God  of  heaven,  as  the  bestower  of 
kingdoms,  as  He  who  commanded  Cyrus  to  build  Him  a 
temple  in  Jerusalem  —  it  was  formerly  inferred  that  being  a 
Persian,  the  conqueror  of  Babylon  was  a  strict  monotheist,         .  i  ^ 


■r 


J* 


and  was  thereby  led  to  grant  to  the  Jews,  because  they  also  ^^1 .    , -■ 
were  monotheists,  theOong-desffed  permission  to  return  to^* 
the  Holy  Land.)  But  the  cylinder  inscription  of  Cyrus  dis- 
covered in  1879  (cfr.  Records  of  the  Past,  new  series,  vol.  v)  -^^ 
makes  it  plain  that  *' he  was  no  strict  monotheist,  and  that  '^'^j^^ 
political,  and  not  religious,  motives  prompted  him  to  set  the     f^ 
Jews  free.     It  was  a  part  of  his  general  policy  to  allow  per- 
fect freedom  to  all  religions,  and  it  was  with  the  same  indif- 
ference that  he  allowed  the  Jews  to  build  their  temple  that 
he  rebuilt  the  temples  of   the    Babylonian   gods"  (Deane, 
Daniel,  p.   161).     Cyrus  was   also   aware  that  the   Jews  of 
Babylon  looked  upon  him  as  the  deliverer  promised  to  their 
race  by  their  sacred  books,  and  he  realized  how  great  a  help 
it  would  be  for  his  new  empire  if  this  friendly  people  were 
established  under  its  protection,  between  its  territories  and 
Egypt,  the  ancient  rival  for  dominion    over  Western  Asia. 
Hence,  he  not  only  issued  a  decree  which  secured  full  free- 


312  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

dom  to  the  Jews  to  return,  but  even  added  to  this  the  grant 
of  the  sacred  vessels  of  Jehovah's  temple,  which  Nabuchod- 
onosor  had  carried  into  Babylon  (Esdras  i,  7,  sq). 

Although  a  comparatively  small  number  of  Babylonian 
exiles  availed  themselves  of  the  royal  favor  extended  to 
them,  yet  the  decree  of  Cyrus  was  considered  as  an  event  of 
national  importance  by  the  many,  who  feeling  unable  or  dis- 
inclined to  return,  contributed  largely  of  their  wealth  towards 
the  well-being  of  their  returning  brethren  and  the  prospective 
erection  of  a  second  temple  to  Jehovah.  (^The  ''new  Exodus  " 
y-  was  carried  out  under  the  leadership  of  Zorobabel  (whose 
Chaldean  name  of  Sassabasdr  is  also  given  in  the  sacred 
text),  "  the  prince  of  Juda."  This  courageous  descendant 
of  David  and  worthy  ancestor  of  Our  Lord,  having  received 
from  the  Persian  officers  the  sacred  vessels,  the  restoration 
of  which  had  been  enjoined  by  Cyrus,  and  having  made 
everything  ready  for  the  departure  of  the  exiles  who  had 
gathered  around  him,  set  out  for  the  Holy  Land  (Esdras  i, 
4-ii,  67). 

We  are  not  told  the  route  followed  by  his  joyous  caravan. 
Not  unlikely  "it  was  the  great  trade-road  along  the  Tigris 
and  past  the  ruins  of  Ninive ;  then  across  Mesopotamia  to 
Haran,  the  home  of  their  first  father  ;  from  there  to  Carcamis, 
the  ancient  Hittite  stronghold  at  the  fords  of  the  Euphrates, 
and  from  thence  south  by  Aleppo,  Emath  and  Damascus  to 
Jerusalem  "  (A.  B.  Davidson,  The  Exile  and  the  Restoration, 
p.  76).  It  was  a  long  and  fatiguing  journey  of  at  least  four 
months,  for  we  know  that  the  much  less  numerous  caravan 
headed  later  on  by  Esdras  took  between  three  and  four 
months  to  reach  Jerusalem,  but  their  courage  was  kept  up 
by  their  ardent  desire  to  contemplate  the  holy  mountains  of 
Juda. 

2.  The  "Old  Country."  At  length  they  reached 
Palestine,  the  actual  state  of   which    was    indeed  far   from 


RETURN    FROM    THE    EXILE. 


3^3 


cheering.  It  is  true  that  the  northern  part  of  the  Holy  Land 
had  been  already  resettled  by  numerous  exiles  who  had 
gradually  returned  from  the  captivity  of  the  ten  tribes,  but 
the  central  part  of  the  territory  was  occupied  by  the  descend- 
ants of  the  mixed  races  settled  in  it  by  the  Assyrian  kings 
after  the  destruction  of  Samaria.  The  condition  of  southern 
Palestine  was  still  more  lamentable.  The  Edomites  had 
seized  Hebron  and  all  Juda,  together  with  the  eastern  part 
of  Benjamin,  and  of  this  most  sacred  territory  they  were 
bound  to  give  up  to  the  returning  Jews  but  a  small  part,  by 
the  express  command  of  the  Persian  monarch. 

But  however  straitened  on  all  sides  by  other  races,  the 
returned  exiles  considered  as  sacred  the  territory  which  had 
been  surrendered  to  them  and  began  at  once  to  settle  in  it. 
Part  of  them  occupied  Jerusalem  and  its  surrounding  vil- 
lages, whilst  others  repaired  to  the  towns  in  Juda  and  Ben- 
jamin, from  which  they  or  their  fathers  had  been  torn  away 
(cfr.  Nehemias  xi,  xii,  28,  29).  They  formed  a  small  com- 
munity, which,  of  course,  did  not  require  any  complex 
political  organization.  Its  civil  head  was  Zorobabel,  with 
the  Persian  titles  of  "  Athersata "  (Esdras  ii,  6^),  and 
*' Pasha"  (Aggeus  i,  i),  which  were  equivalent  to  that  of 
"governor"  of  Juda,  whilst  Josue,  the  son  of  Josedech, 
filled  the  position  of  high  priest.  Under  them,  and  appar- 
ently associated  with  them  in  the  government  of  the  colony, 
were  ten  selected  men  known  as  "  the  chief  of  the  fathers  " 
(Esdras  iv,  2  ;  viii,  i).  These  twelve  men  formed  a  council 
which  represented  the  whole  nation :  hence  their  number  of 
twelve  plainly  fixed  after  the  number  of  the  tribes  of 
Israel.  They  attended  to  all  the  affairs,  social,  religious, 
etc.,  of  the  returned  exiles ;  but  yet  recognized  the  suprem- 
acy of  the  Persian  monarch,  whose  superior  power  over  all 
Palestine  was  represented  by  an  officer  with  the  title  of 
"Chancellor."  Under  these  councillors,  and  working  har- 
moniously with  them,   there  were   also  secondary   officers, 


314  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

whose  duties  and  powers  cannot  be  defined  strictly  at  the 
present  day  (cfr.  Nehemias  x,  29  ;  Esdras  iii,  12). 

It  may  be  noticed  in  this  connection  that  no  attempt  was 
made  to  re-establish  the  Jewish  monarchy,  although  so  promi- 
nent a  descendant  of  David  as  Zorobabel  was  already  at 
the  head  of  the  government.  Perhaps  this  was  owing  to  the 
fact  that  the  Jews  were  not  anxious  to  see  restored  a  form 
of  government  v/hich  had  contributed  so  much  to  make  the 
nation  unfaithful  to  Jehovah,  and  to  bring  about  the  ruin  of 
the  Jewish  commonwealth.  Besides,  of  course,  the  governor 
of  the  Jews  had  not  received  the  title  of  King  from  the 
Persian  monarch,  and,  under  the  circumstances,  an  attempt 
at  restoring  the  monarchy  would  have  been  objected  to  by 
this  suzerain  of  Palestine. 

Another  restoration,  that  of  Divine  worship,  lay  infinitely 
closer  to  the  heart  of  the  returned  exiles  than  the  restora- 
tion of  the  monarchy.  Their  return  had  been  clearly 
prompted  by  a  religious  impulse,  and  this  is  why,  soon  after 
they  had  effected  their  settlement,  the  religious  and  civil 
authorities  of  the  nation  gathered  the  people  to  witness  the 
setting  up  of  an  altar  to  the  God  of  Israel  and  the  renewed 
offering  of  the  morning  and  evening  sacrifices  on  the  first 
day  of  the  seventh  month.  The  great  Festival  of  the  Tab- 
ernacles was  also  celebrated  with  due  solemnit}^,  and  the 
various  legal  holidays  were  henceforth  observed  with  strict 
faithfulness  (Esdras  iii,  1-6).  A  step  towards  the  restora- 
tion of  the  Temple  had  already  been  taken  in  the  form  of 
generous  contributions  towards  the  rebuilding  of  the  Hou?e 
-''of  Jehovah  on  its  former  site  (Esdras  i,  68-79).  ^^  ^^'^^  "'^^ 
however,  before  "the  second  month  of  the  second  year  of 
their  coming  "  that  the  first  stone  of  the  "  second  "  temple  — 
called  ali^o  the  Temple  of  Zorobabel  —  was  laid,  amidst  the 
sound  of  the  priestly  trumpets,  the  sacred  hymns  of  the 
Levifes  and  the  joyful  acclamations  of  the  pjople.  Yet  this 
glorious  day  for  Israel  was  also  marked  by  the  loud  sobs  of 


RETURN    FROM    THK    EXILE.  315 

*'many  of  the  priests  and  Le\ites,  and  the  chief  of  the  fath- 
ers and  of  the  aiicienis  of  the  people  who  had  seen  the  for- 
mer temple  "  and  remembered   its   past  glories   (Ksdras  iii,. 

6^-13). 

The  work  of  reconstruction  was  not,  however,  to  proceed, 
without  interruption.  The  mixed  races  which  dwelt  in 
Samaria  made  overtures  to  the  supreme  council  of  the: 
Jews,  that  they  also  might  be  allowed  to  share  in  the  great, 
work  of  rebuilding  the  Temple  of  Jehovah ;  but  they  were 
refused,  lest  friendly  relations  should  lead  to  intermarringesv 
between  the  Jews  and  the  Samaritans  and  to  familiarity  wiih- 
the'ir  impure  worship  of  the  God  of  Israel  (cfr.  IV  Kings 
xvii,  24-4 [  ;  Esdras  iv,  1-3).  Whereupon  the  Samaritans 
resorted  to  every  means  to  prevcint  the  progress  of  the. 
national  temple  of  their  neighbors.  Not  satisfied  with  inter- 
fering directly  with  the  workmen  of  Juda,  they  exerted  all 
their  influence  with  the  King  of  Persia,  and  in  consequence^ 
"  the  work  of  the  House  of  Jehovah,  in  Jerusalem,  was 
interrupted  "  until  the  reign  of  Darius  I  (Esdras  iv,  4,  5,  24).. 
The  rule  of  this  prince  (521-485  B.  C),  much  milder  than< 
his  immediate  predecessors,  Cambyses  (529-522  B.  C.)  and 
Smerdis  (522-521  B.  C).  was  deemed  by  the  heads  of  the 
Jewish  colony  a  favorable  opportunity  to  resume  the  great 
work  so  long  suspended,  and  in  compliance  with  the  stirring 
exhortations  of  the  prophets  Aggeus  and  Zacharias  the 
Jews  actually  resumed  the  building  of  the  second  temple^ 
The  report  of  the  Pasha  of  Palestine  to  the  court  of  Persia, 
about  this  resumption  of  the  work  served  only  to  prove: 
that  Cyrus  had  indeed  allowed  the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple 
of  Jehovah,  as  was  affirmed  by  the  Jewish  authorities,  and 
to  procure  for  them  greater  resources  and  full  security  to 
complete  their  sacred  undertaking.  The  Temple  thus  fin- 
ished (B.  C.  515)  was  dedicated  with  the  greatest  solem- 
nity: numerous  victims  wer  ;  offered  in  thanksgiving,  and 
"  twelve  he-goats  as  a  sin-ofTering  for  all  Israel,  according^ 


3l6  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

to  the  number  of  the  tribes  of  Israel."  For  the  service  of 
this  second  House  of  Jehovah,  the  priests  and  Levites  were 
distributed  again  into  courses  ;  and  we  read  that  soon  after- 
wards the  Passover  was  celebrated  within  its  courts  by  all 
the  Jews  who  had  undergone  the  purifications  required  by 
the  Mosaic  law  (Esdras  v-vi). 

"  This  second  temple,  though  inferior  in  many  respects  to 
the  first,  having  no  ark,  no  mercy-seat,  no  visible  revelation 
of  the  Divine  glory,  no  Urim  and  Thummim,  still  was  in 
breadth  and  height,  in  almost  every  dimension,  one-third 
larger  than  that  of  Solomon.  In  three  particulars  the  gen- 
eral arrangements  differed  from  those  of  the  ancient  sanctu- 
ary :  (i)  there  were  no  trees  in  the  courts  ;  (2)  at  the  north- 
west corner  was  a  fortress-tower,  the  residence  of  the  Per- 
sian, afterward  of  the  Roman,  governor  ;  (3)  the  court  of 
the  worshippers  was  divided  into  two  compartments,  of 
which  the  outer  enclosure  was  known  as  the  Couft  of  the 
Gentiles  or  Heathens.  This  temple  furnished  a  fixed  place  of 
worship  for  the  nation,  and  ultimately  became  the  theatre 
of  far  more  glorious  illustrations  of  the  Divine  attributes 
than  the  first  temple  ever  witnessed  "  (Stanley,  Lectures  on 
the  History  of  the  Jewish  Church,  lecture  xliii,  and  Schaff, 
Bible  Dictionary,  art.  Temple). 

The  Temple  once  finished,  the  Jewish  leaders  started  on 
the  rebuilding  of  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  although  appar- 
ently they  had  never  received  any  permission  from  the  Per- 
sian king  to  that  effect ;  this  afforded  the  Samaritans  a  natu- 
ral opportunity  for  denouncing  the  Jews  again  to  the  court  of 
Persia  and  they  availed  themselves  of  it.  It  does  not  seem, 
however,  that  their  complaints  were  favorably  received  by 
the  Persian  king  Xerxes  I  (485-465  B.  C),  whom  the  Bible 
calls  Assuerus.  But  they  were  most  successful  under 
Artaxerxes  I  (465-424),  who  strictly  forbade  the  Jews  to 
proceed  with  the  rebuilding  of  the  walls  of  the  Holy  City 
(Esdras  iv,  6-23). 


RETURN    FROM    THE    EXILE. 


3^7 


It  is  most  probably  an  episode  of  the  reign  of  Xerxes  I 
that  we  find  described  in  the  Book  of  Esther^  the  form  of 
which  is  more  complete  in  the  Greek  translation  which  has 
reached  us  than  in  the  original  text  such  as  it  is  found  in 
the  Hebrew  Bible.     The  contents  of  this  sacred  book  are 
l)riefiy  as  follows:    The  Jews  who    had  remained  scattered   ,        '      ^ 
through  the  Persian  empire  were  threatened  with  utter  de-      Ji  '-^^ 
struction  by  the  hatred  of  Aman,  the  prime  minister  of  KingT^  ^)J^ 
Assuerus.    The  time  and  manner  of  this  butchery  had  already     \ 
been  fixed,  when  Esther  a  young  Jewess,  who  had  but  re- 
cently become  the  favorite  wife  of  Assuerus,  acting  upon  the 
counsel  of  her  uncle  Mardochai,  intervened  successfully  in 
behalf   of  her   own   nation.     The  Jews   thus  rescued  from 
death  instituted  in  memory  of  their  deliverance  the  annual 
festival  of  Purim.     The  book  of  Esther  has  generally  been 
considered  as  historical  in  the  Church,  and  there  is  no  doubt 
that  the  events  it  narrates  fit  in  very  well  with  all  the  data 
supplied  by  other  sources  of  information  concerning  Persian 
history  (cfr.  Trochon,  Introduction  k  I'Ecriture  Sainte,  vol. 
^'j  P-  ZZ^')  sqO-     The  recent  discoveries  made  by  Dieulafoy 
in  the  Acropolis  of  Susa,  where  King  Assuerus  held  his  court, 
have  proved  how  accurate  are  the  descriptions  contained  in 
the  book  of  Esther  (cfr.  Vigouroux,  Manuel  Biblique,  vol. 
ii,  chap,  viii;  F.  Lenormant  et  Ernest  Babklon,  Histoire 
Ancienne  de  I'Orient,  vol.  vi.  ninth  edit.;  Rawlinson,  Ezra 
and  Nehemiah,  p.  76,  sq.). 

§  2.   Ne  he  mi  as  and  Esdras?- 

I.     Nehemias.     For  some  time  already,  the  rebuilding 
of  the  walls  of  the  Holy  City  had  been  stopped  by  order  of 

'  Writers  on  Jewish  history  have  admitted  so  far  that  the  mission  of  Esdras  preceded 
that  of  Nehemias.  For  reasons  which  it  would  be  too  long  to  detail  here,  we  consider  it 
as  certain  that  in  reality  the  mission  of  Nehemias  preceded  that  of  Esdras,  and  as  thii 
order  of  events  allows  a  much  more  satisfactory  arrangement  of  the  facts  recorded  in  the 
Bible,  we  adopt  it  here,  after  such  Catholic  writers  as  Van  Hoonacker,  Meignan,  Lagrange 
and  Pelt  (cfr.  Lagrange,  Revue  Biblique  Internationale,  1894,  p.  561,  sq.,  and  Pelt 
vol.  ii,  p.  366,  sq.). 


3l8  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

Artaxerxes  I  (surnamed  Longimanus),  when  some  Jews  come 
from  Palestine  to  Susa  told  Nehemias,  a  Jewish  cup-bearer 
to  the  Persian  king,  the  wretched  condition  of  the  Holy  Land, 
of  its  inhabitants  and  in  particular  of  Jerusalem  '■  the  ancient 
wall  of  which,"  they  said,  "is  broken  down  and  the  gates 
thereof  are  burnt  with  fire."  Whereupon  Nehemias  resolved 
that  he  would  avail  himself  of  the  affection  and  confidence 
Artaxerxes  had  towards  him  to  secure  the  permission  of  re- 
building the  wall  of  Jerusalem.  Nehemias  succeeded  in  his 
'design ;  he  was  appointed  governor  of  Juda  for  twelve  years, 
;and  obtained  from  the  king,  together  with  an  escort  to  accom- 
pany him  to  Palestine,  letters  for  ''  the  governors  of  the  coun- 
try beyond  the  Euphrates  "  and  for  the  "  keeper  of  the  king's 
forest "  in  the  Holy  Land  (445  B.  C). 

After  a  rest  of  three  days  in  Jerusalem,  Nehemias  inspected 
the  state  of  the  wall  for  himself,  by  night,  accompanied  onlv 
by  a  few,  and  revealing  to  no  one  his  further  designs.  He 
next  assembled  the  Jews,  and  making  known  to  them  the 
great  work  he  had  come  to  accomplish  with  them,  he  secured 
their  cooperation.  Many  difficulties  he  had  to  overcome  on 
the  part  of  Sanaballat,  the  Horonite,  and  his  friends;  many 
traps  laid  for  him  in  the  country  and  in  Jerusalem  he  had  to 
escape ;  but  excited  by  his  confidence  in  Jehovah,  and  guided 
by  his  counsels,  the  Jews  finished  the  walls,  and  hung  up  the 
gates,  fifty-two  days  after  the  work  had  been  resumed  (Ne- 
hemias i-vi). 

The  next  concern  of  Nehemias  was  that  of  repeopling 
"Jerusalem,  the  Holy  City,"  with  Jews  of  the  purest  descent 
(for  these  only  could  be  fully  depended  upon  for  its  defence), 
.and  for  this  purpose  he  made  a  census  of  the  whole  Jewish 
•population  with  the  help  of  a  former  census  of  Zorobabel  and 
other  documents.  He  carefully  excluded  all  foreign  elements 
.and  ordered  that  every  tenth  man  should  dwell  in  the  capital, 
•whilst  the  rest  were  allowed  to  remain  in  the  other  cities 
^Nehemias  vii,  xi}. 


RETURN     FROM    THE    EXILE.  319 

Nor  did  Nehemias  forget  what  was  supremely  important 
for  the  reorganization  of  the  Jewish  State,  namely,  the  public 
renewal  of  the  covenant  with  Jehovah.  On  the  first  day  of 
the  seventh  month  (probably  444  B.  C.)  all  the  people  as- 
sembled in  the  broad  place  beside  the  Water  Gate,  and  the 
scribe  Esdras,  acting  simply  as  the  secretary  of  Nehemias 
himself  (for  the  name  of  Esdras  is  not  found  among  the 
signatories  of  the  covenant),  read  to  them  out  of  the  Book  of 
the  Law.  The  portion  he  read  the  next  day  gave  instruc- 
tions for  keeping  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles,  and  this  festival 
was  accordingly  celebrated  on  the  fifteenth  day  with  strict 
compliance  with  all  the  requirements  of  the  law.  The 
twenty-fourth  was  kept  as  a  day  of  fasting  and  confession, 
the  people  solemnly  acknowledging  that  national  forgetful- 
ness  of  the  law  of  Jehovah  had  been  the  cause  of  all  their 
national  calamities.  The  new  covenant  was  written  down 
and  signed  by  the  princes,  priests  and  Levites  of  Israel,  headed 
by  Nehemias,  the  "  Athersatha"  or  governor  of  Juda.  The 
special  legal  ordinances  to  which  the  Jews  pledged  them- 
selves on  this  occasion  were  of  particular  importance  at  the 
time;  they  were,  abstinence  from  marriage  with  the  heathen, 
keeping  holy  the  Sabbath,  the  contribution  of  tlie  third  of  a 
side  by  each  Israelite  (the  side  or  shekel  was  equivalent  to 
about  fifty-five  cents  of  our  money)  for  the  maintenance  of 
God's  temple  and  altar,  the  tithes,  first-fruits  and  other  dues 
to  the  priests  and  Levites  (A.  B.  Davidson,  The  Exile  and  the 
Restoration,  p.  107,  sq.). 

We  are  not  told  how  long  after  this  promulgation  of  the 
law  the  solemn  dedication  of  the  city-wall  took  place.  It  is 
not  improbable,  however,  that  this  solemn  ceremony  was  car- 
ried out  as  one  of  the  last  acts  of  the  first  govenorship  of 
Nehemias,  after  which  he  entrusted  the  care  of  the  city  to 
the  high  priest  Eliasib,  and  returned  to  Persia  (Nehemias 
viii,  ix,  X,  xii,  26-xiii,  6). 

Somewhat  later  on  —  how  lone:  after  the  end  of  his  first 


320  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

,       mission    it  is  impossible  to  say  —  Nehemias  came  back  to 

the  Holy  City  with  full  powers  from  Artaxerxes  I.     There  he 

found  that  grave  abuses  had  crept  in ;  he  did  not  hesitate, 

therefore,  to  have  recourse  even  to  armed  force  to  punish  the 

violators  of  the  law,  those  in  particular  who  had  intermarried 

with  foreigners.   He  notably  expelled  from  Jerusalem  Joiada, 

the  son  of  the  Jewish  high  priest  Eliasib,  who  had  so  far  set 

the  bad  example  to  the  people  as  to  marry  the  daughter  of 

a  certain    Sanaballat,  who    was  apparently  the  governor  of 

Samaria.     This  affront  was  so  keenly  resented  by  Sanaballat 

that  soon  afterwards  he  erected  for  his  son-in-law  a  temple 

on  Mount  Garizim.     Thus  began  the  schismatic  worship  of 

.  ,  ^  /  the  Samaritans,  which  continued  to  be  maintained  on  that 

^(t/\  mountain  up  to  the  time  of  Our  Lord  (Nehemias  xiii,  6-31; 

\         John  iv,  20;  JosEPHUs,  Antiq.  of  the  Jews,  book  xi,  chap.  viii). 

^-'\_,  2.     Esdras.     It  was  most  probably  in  ^98  B.  C.  —  the 
vV^^year  which  corresponds  with    "the   seventh   year"  of   the 
^    \r        Persian  King  Artaxerxes  II  (Mnemon)  —  that  a  second  de- 
^'  parture  of  the  exiled  Jews  took  place  under  the  leadership 

of  Esdras.     This  man  of  priestly  descent,  of  whom  we  spoke 
^  already  as  secretary  to  Nehemias,  had  apparently  succeeded 

him  in  the  royal  favor,  and  had  just  received  from  Artaxerxes, 
together  with  the  most  valuable  gifts  for  the  Temple  of 
Jehovah,  the  greatest  powers  to  secure  the  full  compliance 
of  all  the  Jews  with  the  law  of  God.  A  few  thousand  Jews 
had  gathered  around  him,  "  among  whom  were  many  of  the 
priesthood,  both  of  the  higher  and  lower  orders  "  (Maclear, 
p.  476).  After  a  solemn  fast  by  the  river  Ahava  (whereby 
is  possibly  meant  the  modern  Hif,  a  famous  ford  of  the 
Euphrates)  to  obtain  the  blessing  of  Jehovah  on  their  jour- 
ney, they  set  out  and  arrived  unmolested  at  Jerusalem, 
After  a  three  days'  rest  the  gifts,  with  which  the  priests  and 
Levites  who  had  accompanied  Esdras  were  laden,  were  de- 
posited in  the  Temple  treasury,  and  numerous  victims  were 


RETURN    FROM    THE     EXILE. 


321 


offered,    '*  all    for   a   holocaust   to    Jehovah  "    (Esdras,  vii, 

viii).  '^^.^    ^ 

Having  exhibited  his  credentials,  Esdras  was  told  the'full  n 
extent  of  an  old  abuse  against  the  Mosaic  law  :  "  the  people  (/^''^ 
of  Israel  and  the  priests  and  Levites  had  mingled  their  seed 
with  the  people  of  the  lands ;  and  the  hand  of  the  princes 
and  magistrates  had  been  first  in  this  transgression."  Where- 
upon, by  public  mourning  and  prayer,  he  impressed  the 
people  with  the  enormity  of  their  sin,  and  after  a  short  time 
obtained  "  of  the  chiefs  of  the  priests  and  of  the  Levites,  and 
all  Israel,"  a  solemn  oath  "  that  they  would  do  according  to 
his  word."  The  extreme  measure  proposed  by  Sechenias,  a 
Jewish  zealot,  that  the  foreign  wives  and  children  born  from 
them  should  be  dismissed,  was  accepted  by  the  multitude  in 
solemn  assembly,  at  the  bidding  of  Esdras.  As,  however, 
the  rainy  season  had  already  set  in,  the  putting  away  of  the 
foreign  wives  was  carried  out  only  gradually,  under  the  di- 
rection of  Esdras  and  the  magistrates  whom  he  appointed  to 
assist  him  in  his  investigations  through  the  land  of  Juda  and 
Benjamin  (Esdras  ix,  x). 

This  is  all  that  the  sacred  text  tells  us  of  the  mission  of 
Esdras  to  the  Jews  of  the  Hofy  Land,  for  the  book  which 
bears  his  name  and  makes  us  acquainted  with  his  mission 
ends  abruptly  with  the  list  of  the  names  of  those  Israelites" 
whom  he  compelled  to  put  away  their  wives.  But  as  he  is 
spoken  of  in  this  sacred  book  as  "  a  scribe  instructed  in  the  -/- 
words  and  commandments  of  Jehovah,  and  His  ceremonies 

in  Israel,"  as  the  man  "  who  had  prepared  his  heart  to  teach    

in  Israel  the  commandments  and  judgment  *'  (Esdras  vii,  10,^^^^*^  <^ 
11),  it  is  not  surprising  to  find  that  Jewish  traditions  have'*^^='*'«^^ 
ascribed  to  him  numerous  other  works.     Among  these  may     "'^w^ 
be  mentioned  here  :  (jj  the  institution  of  the  Great  Syna- 
gogue, made  up,  we  are  told,  of  120  men,  who,  under  the 
presidency  of  Esdras,  completed  the  collection  or  canon  of 
Holy  Scripture,  revised  and  rewrote  the  sacred  books  of  the 


322  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

Old  Testament  in  the  Chaldee  characier  ;  (V),  the  authorship 
of  several  of  those  books  :  Paralipomenon,  Esdras,  Nehe- 
mias,  Ezechiel,  Daniel,  etc.;  (3)  the  establishment  of  local 
synagogues  in  which  men  called" "  scribes  "  would,  after  the 
example  of  Esdias,  interpret  in  the'  vernacular  those  por- 
tions of  the  sacred  text  which  were  publicly  read  in  Hebrew, 
a  language  but  imperfectly  understood  by  the  bulk  of  the 
worshippers  ;  (4]  the  beginning  of  oral  traditions  claiming 
to  give  the  correct  meaning  of  the  text  of  the  Holy  Script- 
ures, but  which  ultimately  did  away  with  its  real  spirit. 

3.  General  Condition  of  Palestine  under  Persian 
Rule.  From  what  we  know  of  Jewish  history  during  the 
Persian  rule,  it  is  plain  that  the  giission  of  Zorobabel,  Nehe- 
mias  and  Esdras  was  that  of  I^estorers  of  thg_J_ewish  theoc- 
racy. Their  main  efforts  were  centred  in  reorganizing  the 
commonwealth  of  the  Jews  on  a  religious  basis,  and  in 
checking  every  tendency  which  might  betray  the  nation  into 
unfaithfulness  to  the  God  of  Israel.  Under  their  influence, 
Juda  and  Benjamin  renewed  several  times  their  covenant 
wiih  Jehovah,  and  the  high  priest  of  the  Jews,  that  is,  the 
natural  representative  of  God,  obtained  a  prominent  part  in 
the  government.  Especially  during  the  intervals  between 
Zorobabel  and  Nehemias,  between  the  governorships  of 
Nehemias,  between  Nehemias  and  Esdras,  it  is  clear  that 
under  the  satraps  of  Coele-Syria,  the  action  of  the  high  priest- 
hood had  a  very  considerable  influence  upon  religious  and 
civil  matters  alike.  Thus  then,  during  the  Persian  rule  the 
government  of  the  high  priests  was  gradually  inaugurated  in 
Israel  and,  of  course,  it  continued  with  about  the  same  powers 
during  the  short  time  which  elapsed  between  the  death  of 
Esdras  (the  exact  date  and  place  of  which  are  unknown)  and 
the  overthrow  of  the  Persian  domination  in  Syria  (B.  C.  ZZ"^)- 
During  the  same  period  the  country  seems  to  have  enjoyed 
a  steadily  increasing  prosperity. 


SYNOPSIS    OF   CHAPTER   XXVU. 
Rule  of  the  High  Priests. 


I. 

From 

Jaddus  to 

Illeazar: 


f  I.    Visit  of  Alexander  the  Great :  llW's,  iz.\ox%  k  Jerusalem, 
to  the  Jews  of    [  (   Alexandria. 

;.   Rapid  Changes  of  Foreign  KuUrs. 
\f\.  Rise  of  Helieniitn. 


T\iblic  works 
of  Simon 
,       the  Just. 
I  The  Septu- 
i      agint. 


II. 
Onias  II 

AND 

.Simon  II  : 


I.  Onias  II 


(.3<^..6B.C.,:]p,<=;|f« 


His   difficulties  with  Ptolemy  III,  Eu- 
the  "  Son  of  Tobias." 


2.  Simon  II 


f  His  personal  courage  against  Ptolemy 
•       IV,  I'hilopator. 


(226-198,  B.  C.) :  ]  Palestine  finally  subjected  to  Antiochus 
y      III,  the  Great. 


-r 


III. 

Onias  HI, 

Jason 
AND  Men- 

ELAUS : 


f  Prosperous  beginning  of  his  pontificate 
I.  Onias  III        '       (II  Mach.  iii,  1-3). 
(19S-175  B.  C):  I  Episode   of  *  Heliodorus  (II    Mach.   iii, 
4-iv,  6)  ;  Onias  in  Antioch. 


I 

^  fxRapid  growth  of  Hellenism  in  Jerusa- 

y     lem  under  Jason. 
Jason  and        \  Accession  and  tyranny  of  Menelaus. 
Menelaus :        '   Plunder   of  Jerusalem  and  profanation 
IJ-  of    the     temple    by    Antiochus    IV, 
I       Epiphanes. 


[323] 


CHAPTER   XXVII.  ' 

RULE    OF    THE    HIGH    PRIESTS. 

§  I.    From  Jaddits  to  Eleazai'. 

I.  Visit  and  Favors  of  Alexander  the  Great.  The 
religious  freedom  and  material  prosperity  which  the  Jews 
had  so  long  enjoyed  under  the  Persian  suzerainty  explain 
how,  after  the  rapid  overthrow  of  the  Persian  domination  in 
Syria  by  Alexander  the  Great,  the  Jewish  high  priest  Jaddus 
refused  to  transfer  to  the  Greek  conqueror  the  allegiance 
which  the  nation  had  vowed  to  the  Persian  monarchs.  The 
capture  of  Tyre  by  Alexander  and  the  report  of  his  cruelties 
to  its  inhabitants  overawed,  how^ever,  the  Jews,  and  to  ap- 
pease the  victorious  king,  now  on  his  march  towards  Jeru- 
salem through  the  plain  of  Saron,  they  sent  him  ambassadors. 
As  he  approached  the  Holy  City,  a  long  procession  of  priests 
and  elders,  headed  by  Jaddus,  clad  in  his  pontifical  robes, 
went  out  to  meet  him  on  the  plateau  of  Scopus,  the  high 
ridge  to  the  north  of  Jerusalem. 

Following  a  wise  policy  of  conciliation,  the  Greek  monarch 
accepted  the  proffered  submission  of  the  Jews  and  entering 
their  city,  displayed  the  greatest  reverence  for  the  worship 
of  Jehovah.  Having  offered  sacrifices  in  the  Temple,  he 
was  shown  in  the  prophecies  of  Daniel  the  prediction  that  a 
Greek  would  overthrow  the  Persian  empire;  whereupon,  he 
granted  to  the  Jews  the  free  enjoyment  of  their  religious  and 
civil  liberties  for  themselves  and  for  their  brethren  in  Media 
and  Babylonia,  together  with  the  exemption  of  tribute  during 
t' e  Sabbatical  years. 

[324] 


RULE    OF    THE    HIGH    PRIESTS. 


325 


These  great  favors  of  Alexander  to  the  Jews  of  Jerusalem 
so  attached  the  nation  to  his  cause  that  many  among  them 
enlisted  in  his  army  and  followed  him  in  his  march  to  Egypt. 
In  return  for  the  valuable  services  of  this  Jewish  contingent, 
the  Macedonian  conqueror  of  the  land  of  the  Pharaos  granted 
to  the  Jews  who  settled  in  the  new  Egyptian  city  he  had 
founded,  and  which  —  after  his  own  name  —  he  had  called 
Alexandria,  equal  civic  rights  with  the  Macedonians  (331 
B.  C). 

The  visit  of  Alexander  to  Jerusalem,  just  recorded,  is 
known  to  us  only  by  the  testimony  of  Josephus,  and  as  in 
this  testimony  marvellous  circumstances  are  mingled  with 
natural  events,  the  whole  story  has  been  rejected  by  several 
writers.  Many  things,  however,  stated  by  Josephus  in  this 
connection,  fit  in  so  well  with  the  general  history  of  the  time 
that  his  narrative  must  be  admitted  as  grounded  on  fact 
(Antiquities  of  the  Jews,  book  xi,  chap.  8;  cfr.  also  Smuh, 
New  Testament  History,  p.  16,  sq.). 

2.  Rapid  Changes  of  Foreign  Rulers.  Upon  the 
death  of  Alexander  (323  B.  C),  his  vast  empire  was  divided 
among  his  generals  :  Egypt  was  assigned  to  Ptolemy  I,  son 
of  Lagus  (323-285  B.  C),  whilst  Palestine,  as  a  part  of 
Coele-Syria,  passed  into  the  possession  of  Laomedon. 
Between  these  two  rivals  a  war  soon  broke  out,  and  for  fif- 
teen years  the  Holy  Land  was  alternately  a  province  of 
Egypt,  or  a  province  of  Syria,  according  to  the  varying  for- 
tunes of  war.  At  the  beginning  of  this  conflict,  Onias  I,  the 
Jewish  high  priest,  having  refused  to  transfer  the  allegiance 
of  the  nation  to  the  ruler  of  Egypt,  saw  Jerusalem  taken  by 
a  large  Egyptian  army,  which  entered  it  under  the  pretence 
of  offering  sacrifice,  on  a  Sabbath-day,  when  religious  scruples 
prevented  the  Jews  from  offering  any  resistance  (320  B.  C). 
A  few  years  later,  Palestine  fell  into  the  hands  of  Antigonus, 
one  of  tlie  most  successful  generals  of  Alexander  (314  B.  C), 


326  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

but  two  years  later  it  became  again  a  possession  of  Egypt. 
Once  more  Palestine  was  reconquered  by  Antigonus,  who 
gave  orders  that  all  its  fortresses  should  be  dismantled,  but 
ultimately  in  301  B.  C,  after  the  decisive  battle  of  Ipsus,  in 
Phrygia,  whilst  Upper  Syria  was  adjudged  to  Seleucus  I, 
Judaea  and  Samaria  were  annexed  to  Egypt,  and  remained  s6 
during  a  whole  century  (301-202  B.  C). 

3.  Prosperous  Rule  of  Simon  the  Just  and 
Eleazar.  The  successor  of  Onias  I,  in  the  high  priest- 
hood, was  Simon,  surnamed  the  Just  (310-291  B.  C),  who 
is  the  last  of  "the  men  of  renown  "  praised  in  the  book  of 
Ecclesiasticus,  chapter  1.  From  this  inspired  book  we  learn 
that  Simon  I  repaired  and  fortified  Jerusalem  and  its  Temple 
with  strong  and  lofty  walls,  made  a  spacious  reservoir  of 
water,  and  maintained  the  Divine  service  in  the  greatest 
splendor  (1,  1-23).  Jewish  tradition  has  ever  regarded  this 
great  pontiff  as  the  last  member  of  the  Great  Synagogue, 
and  its  rule  as  "the  best  period  of  the  restored  theocracy" 
(Smith,  New  Testament  History,  page  20). 

Simon  I  was  succeeded  by  his  brother  Eleazar  11,  whose 
rule  from  291  to  276  B.  C.  seems  to  have  been  blessed  with 
profound  peace  under  the  mild  government  of  the  first  two 
Ptolemies,  Soter  (son  of  Lagus)  and  Philadelphus  (B.  C. 
285-247).  It  is  under  the  reign  of  this  latter  king  that  a 
portion  of  the  Hebrew  sacred  Scriptures  was  rendered  into 
Greek  for  the  first  time.  This  fact  is  made  known  to  us  by 
a  legend,  the  substance  of  which  is  briefly  as  follows  :  The 
King  of  Egypt,  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  we  are  told,  had 
recently  established  a  library  in  Alexandria,  his  capital,  and 
r.t  the  suggestion  of  his  head  librarian,  Dem,eirius  Phalereus, 
he  determined  to  enrich  it  with  a  copy  in  Greek  of  the 
Sacred  Writings  of  the  Jews.  Tiiercupon,  he  was  advised 
by  one  of  his  distinguished  officers,  Aristeas  by  name,  to 
set  free  the   thousands   of  Jewish   slaves   who   were  in  the 


RULE   OF    THE    HIGH    PRIESTS.  327 

various  parts  of  the  kingdom,  in  order  that  he  might 
thereby  secure  the  good-will  and  help  of  the  Jewish  authori- 
ties at  Jerusalem  to  carry  out  his  design.  This  he  did  with 
royal  liberality;  and  a  long  procession  of  these  freed  men 
started  for  the  Holy  City,  bearing  with  them  most  costly 
presents*  for  the  Temple,  together  with  a  letter  from  the 
king,  requesting  Eleazar,  the  high  priest,  to  send  a  copy  of 
the  Law,  and  Jewish  scholars  capable  of  translating  it. 

In  compliance  with  the  request,  Eleazar  sends  down  to 
Egypt  fine  parchment  manuscripts  of  the  Pentateuch  written 
in  golden  letters,  and  six  learned  men  out  of  each  tribe,  se-'- 
enty-iwo  in  all  (hence  the  version  received  the  name  of  the 
Septuagint,  which  is  a  round  figure  for  seventy-two),  to 
carry  out  the  great  work  of  the  translation.  During  seven 
days  the  interpreters  have  audiences  of  the  king  and  excite 
the  admiration  of  all  by  the  wisdom  with  which  they  answer 
seventy-two  questions,  after  which  lodgings  are  assigned  to 
them  in  the  island  of  Pharos,  away  from  the  bustle  of  the 
capital.  There  they  complete  their  work  in  seventy-two  days, 
and  it  obtains  the  formal  approval  of  the  Jews  of  Alexan- 
dria. Finally,  King  Ptolemy  receives  the  translation  of  the 
Law  with  great  rev^erence,  and  sends  the  interpreters  home 
laden  with  rich  gifts  for  themselves  and  for  the  high  priest. 

Whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  marvellous  details  of  this 
legend,  which  was  accepted  by  Josephus  (Antiquities  of  the 
Jews,  book  xii,  chapter  ii)  and  by  many  writers  after  him,  it 
seems  beyond  doubt  (i)  that  it  refers  to  a  time  when  the 
numerous  Jews,  who  had  settled  in  Egypt,  had  ceased  to  be 
familiar  with  the  Hebrew  language,  and  therefore  desired  a 
Greek  translation  of  the  Law  for  public  reading  in  the  syna- 
gogues ;  (2)  that  a  translation  of  the  Pentateuch  was  made 
in  Alexandria  about  the  middle  of  the  third  century  before 
Christ;  (3)  that  the  King  of  Egypt,  Ptolemy  Philadelphus, 
probably  showed  some  interest  in  the  work,  and  obtained  a 
copy  of  the  translation  for  his  royal  library  of  Alexandria; 


328  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

(4)  that  friendly  relations  existed  between  Ptolemy  Philadel- 
phus  and  the  Jewish  high  priest  Eleazar.  (For  fuller  infor- 
nnation,  see  article  "  The  Septuagint ''  in  American  Ecclesias- 
tical Review,  August,  1896,  by  the  present  writer.) 

4.  Rise  of  Hellenism.  It  is  to  the  vast  conquests  of 
Alexander  the  Great  that  we  must  refer  the  origin  of  those 
influences  which  are  designated  under  the  general  name  of 
Hellenism.  "  It  had  been  his  fond  dream  to  found  a  univer- 
sal empire  which  would  be  held  together  not  merely  by  the 
unity  of  government,  but  also  by  the  unity  of  language,  cus- 
toms and  civilization.  All  the  Oriental  nations  were  to 
be  saturated  with  Hellenic  (that  is  Greek)  culture,  and  to 
be  bound  together  with  one  great  whole  by  means  of  this 
intellectual  force.  He  therefore  took  care  that  always 
Greek  colonists  should  directly  follow  in  the  steps  of  his 
army.  New  cities  were  founded,  inhabited  only  by  Greeks, 
and  also  in  the  old  cities  Greek  colonists  were  settled.  Thus 
over  one-half  of  Asia  a  network  of  Greek  culture  was 
stretched,  which  had  as  its  object  the  reducing  under  its 
influence  of  the  whole  of  the  surrounding  regions.  The  suc- 
cessors of  Alexander  the  Great  continued  his  work  ;  and  it 
is  a  striking  testimony,  to  the  power  of  Greek  culture  that 
it  fulfilled  in  large  measure  the  mission  which  Alexander 
had  assigned  to  it.  All  Western  Asia,  in  fact,  if  not  among 
the  wide  masses  of  the  population,  yet  certainly  among  the 
hiigher  ranks  of  society,  became  thoroughly  Hellenized " 
(ScHURER,  The  Jewish  People  in  the  Time  of  Jesus  Christ, 
first  division,  vol.  i,  page  194,  sq.,  English  Translation). 
Of  course,  this  steady  advance  of  Greek  civilization  all 
through  Western  Asia  meant  the  spread  of  ideas  and  cus- 
toms, moral,  social  and  religious  antagonistic  to  the  religious 
and  national  traditions  and  customs  of  the  theocracy  but 
lately  restored  and  enforced  in  Israel.  It  is  therefore  im- 
portant to  notice   the  rise  and   early  developments  of  influ- 


RULE    OF    THE    HIGH    PRIESTS,  329 

ences  which  from  the  very  beginning  were  an  abiding  dan- 
ger for  the  Jews  who  resided  outside  Palestine  because  of 
their  daily  contact  with  Hellenic  culture,  and  which  very 
soon  constituted  a  real  danger  for  the  faith  and  morals  of  the 
Jews  of  the  Holy  Land,  because  many  cities  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Juda  and  Benjamin  offered  to  them,  together  with 
advantages  of  a  material  and  intellectual  kind,  numerous 
and  powerful  allurements  to  foreign  customs  and  pagan 
rites. 

§  2.    Onias  11  and  Simon  11. 

I.  Onias  II  (250-226  B.  C).  For  some  unknown  reason, 
Onias  H,  the  son  of  Simoa  the  Just,  entered  on  the  high 
priesthood  only  after  the  successive  rules  of  his  uncles 
Eleazar  and  Manasses.  He  proved  a  ruler  very  much  unlike 
his  father  of  glorious  memory.  Whilst  Simon  I  was  an  active 
and  liberal  prince,  ever  faithful  to  Egyptian  suzerainl),  Onias, 
on  the  contrary,  showed  himself  an  indolent  ruler  who  prob- 
ably through  avarice  atid  through  compliance  with  Syrian  in- 
fluence withheld  for  several  years  from  Ptolemy  HI,  Euergftes 
(247-222  B.  C),  the  annual  tribute  of  twenty  talents.  Not- 
withstanding his  well-known  good-will  towards  the  Jews,  the 
King  of  Egypt  threatened  Palestine  with  invasion  should 
Onias  refuse  longer  to  obey  the  summons  to  answer  for  his 
conduct.  The  threatened  invasion  was  however  averted  ow- 
ing to  the  singular  cleverness  of  the  high-priest's  nephew, 
Joseph,  "  the  son  of  Tobias  "  as  he  is  called,  who  paid  the 
arrears,  and  so  ingratiated  himself  with  the  Egyptian  monarch 
that  for  twenty-two  years  he  held  the  ofhce  of  collector  of  the 
tribute  of  Phenicia,  Palestine  and  Coele-Syria.  Unfortu- 
nately, the  power  which  the  son  of  Tobias  had  started  in  the 
Holy  Land  was  soon  to  prove  "  a  source  of  evils  as  great  as 
the  danger  from  which  he  had  delivered  it "  (Smith,  New 
Testamei.t  History,  p.  22  ;  cfr.  Josephus,  Antiq.  of  the  Jews, 
book  xii,  chap,  iv,  §  1-6). 


330  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

2.  Simon  II  (226-198  B.  C).  The  son  and  successor 
of  Onias  II  was  Simon  II,  who  became  high  priest  four  years 
before  Ptolemy  IV,  Philopator  (222-204  B.  C),  ascended 
the  throne  of  Egypt,  and  five  years  before  Antiochus  III, 
the  Great^  ascended  that  of  Syria.  Between  these  two  great 
rivals,  Judaea  was  indeed  in  a  precarious  condition  ;  yet,  it 
clung  at  first  to  its  allegiance  to  Egypt,  and  after  his  gfeat 
victory  at  Raphia,  near  Gaza  (B.  C.  217),  Philopator  paid  a 
friendly  visit  to  Jerusalem,  offered  sacrifices  and  made  rich 
presents  to  the  Temple.  Impelled,  however,  by  curiosity,  the 
Egyptian  king  wished  to  enter  the  sanctuary  and  penetrate 
into  the  Most  Holy  Place,  as  indeed  he  would  have  been  at 
perfect  liberty  to  do  in  any  Egyptian  temple.  To  this  the 
high  priest  objected  with  great  courage  and  firmness,  but  ap- 
parently in  vain,  until  a  preternatural  terror  seized  the  king 
and  prevented  him  from  violating  the  innermost  sanctuary  of 
the  living  God. 

This  mortifying  event  seems  to  have  marked  the  end  of 
the  kind  disposition  of  the  Egyptian  ruler  towards  the  Jews, 
and  we  are  told,  that  upon  his  return  to  Alexandria  he  started 
a  violent  persecution  against  the  Jewish  element  of  that  city. 
At  his  death,  his  son  and  successor  Ptolemy  V,  Epiphanes, 
was  but  a  child  five  years  old,  and  Antiochus  III  availed 
himself  of  this  opportunity  for  attacking  the  Egyptian  domin- 
ions. In  203  B.  C.  the  Syrian  monarch  seized  Coele-Syria 
and  Judaea,  but  in  199  B.  C.  Scopas,  the  Egyptian  general, 
recovered  Judaea,  garrisoned  Jerusalem  and  ruled  over  it 
with  an  iron  hand.  Finally,  in  the  following  year,  Antiochus 
defeated  the  Egyptian  forces  in  a  decisive  battle  at  the  foot 
of  Mount  Panium  —  thus  named  after  a  cave  sacred  to  Pan 
—  near  the  sources  of  the  Jordan,  and  obtained  thereby  full 
mastery  over  the  territory  of  Coele-Syria  and  Judaea.  The 
Syrian  conqueror  was  welcomed  as  a  deliverer  into  the  Holy 
City,  and  he,  on  his  part,  anxious  to  attach  the  Jews  to  his 
cause,  issued  a  decree  whereby  he  granted  them  full  freedom 


RULE    OF    THE    HIGH    PRIESTS.  33I 

of  worship,  "forbade  the  intrusion  of  strangers  into  the  Tem- 
ple and  contributed  liberally  towards  the  regular  celebration 
of  its  services.  At  the  same  time,  imitating  the  examples  of 
Alexander  and  Seleucus,  he  gave  orders  to  Zeuxis,  the  gen- 
eral of  his  forces,  to  remove  2,000  Jewish  families  from  Baby- 
lon into  Fhrygia  and  Lydia,  where  they  were  to  be  permitted 
to  qse  their  own  laws,  to  have  lands  assigned  to  them,  and 
tj  be  exempted  from  all  tribute  for  ten  years"  (Maclear, 
New  Testament  History,  p.  15;  cfr.  Josephus,  Antiq.  of  the 
Jews,  book  xii,  chap,  iii,  §§  3,  4). 

55  J.    0/i/<is  ///,  Jason  and  Menelaits. 

I.  Onias  III.  The  same  year  in  which  Antiochus  III 
'siiovved  himself  so  favorable  to  the  Jewish  people  and  reli- 
gion, the  son  of  Simon  II  succeeded  his  father  in  the  high 
priesthood  under  the  title  of  Onias  III  (198-175  B.  C).  Of 
the  beginning  of  this  new  pontificate,  the  second  book  of 
Machabees  (iii,  1-3)  gives  us  a  short  but  laudatory  descrip- 
t  on  :  peace  and  order  prevailed  in  the  Holy  City,  and  royal 
gifts  were  bestowed  in  abundance  upon  the  Temple  of  Jeho- 
vah, and  in  particular,  King  Seleucus  IV,  Philopator  (1S7- 
175  B.  C),  the  successor  of  Antiochus  the  Great,  defrayed 
liberally  all  the  expenses  entailed  by  the  offering  of  the  Jew- 
ish sacrifices. 

The  peace  and  prosperity  of  Onias's  godly  rule  were  soon 
disturbed,  however,  by  the  disgraceful  contests  among  the 
members  of  the  family  of  Joseph,  the  successful  collector  of 
revenue  already  spoken  of  under  a  preceding  high  priest. 
However  just,  the  intervention  of  Onias  III  simply  resulted 
in  arousing  against  him  the  revengeful  feelings  of  Simon, 
apparently  a  member  of  that  powerful  family  and  now  gov- 
ernor of  the  Temple  and  collector  of  the  royal  revenue  for 
Seleucus  IV.  In  consequence,  Simon  fled  to  ApoUonius,  the 
royal  governor   of   Ccele-Syria,  and   told    him    of    enormous 


332  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

treasures  laid  up  in  the  Jewish  temple.  Upon  this  unex- 
pected but  most  welcome  news  for  the  thoroughly  exhausted 
treasury  of  the  Syrian  king,  Heliodorus  the  royal  treas- 
urer was  immediately  dispatched  to  Jerusalem  to  seize  this 
most  alluring  treasure.  The  inspired  writer  of  the  second 
book  of  Machabees  has  left  a  most  graphic  account  of  the 
interview  between  the  Syrian  envoy  and  the  Jewish  high 
priest ;  of  the  intense  agony  of  both  priest  and  people  when 
Heliodorus,  on  the  very  day  he  had  fixed  for  the  purpose, 
advanced  to  pillage  the  Temple  of  Jehovah;  of  the  terrible 
manner  in  which  the  royal  officer  was  prevented  by  heavenly 
messengers  from  carrying  out  his  work  of  profanation  and 
plunder,  and  finally  of  the  manner  in  which  he  was  restored 
to  health  and  vigor  by  the  prayers  of  Onias  in  his  behalf,  and 
then  withdrew  to  Seleucus  testifying  openly  to  his  master  that 
"  He  who  hath  His  dwelling  in  the  heavens,  is  the  Visitor 
^  and  Protector  of  that  place"  (H  Mach.  iii,  4-40). 

Naturally  enough,  Simon  was  enraged  at  this  ill-success  of 
Heliodorus's  expedition,  and  he  openly  accused  Onias  of  im- 
posture, whilst  his  partisans  in  Jerusalem  felt  so  sure  of  his 
influence  with  the  governor  of  Ccele-Syria  that  they  did  not 
hesitate  to  defy  the  authority  of  the  High  priest  by  committing 
several  murders  in  the  Holy  City  itself.  Under  such  cir- 
cumstances, Onias  understood  that  the  only  means  to  set  all 
things  right  was  to  go  up  to  Antioch,  and  to  request  the  direct 
interposition  of  the  sovereign,  and  he  therefore  repaired  to 
the  great  capital  of  the  Syrian  empire  (H  Mach.  iv,  1-6). 

2.  Jason  and  Menelaus.  Not  long  after  the  arrival 
of  the  Jewish  high  priest  at  Antioch,  Seleucus  was  succeeded 
on  the  throne  of  Syria  by  his  brother  Antiochus  IV,  sur- 
named  Epiphams  "  the  Illustrious,"  or  Epimanes  "  the  Mad- 
man," from  whom,  instead  of  the  vindication  he  had  come  to 
claim,  Onias  soon  met  with  deposition  from  the  high  priest- 
hoodo     This  deposition  purchased  at  very  great  price  by  an 


RULE    OF    THE    HIGH    PRIESTS.  333 

unworthy  brother  of  Onias,  who  became  high  priest,  was  th©^^t^^.*^.,_^ 
real  triumph  of  Hellenism  in  Jerusalem.  Long  before  this,"*"*"''*-**^'**^ 
Greek  customs  and  manners  had  gradually  crept  into  the 
Holy  City  from  the  surrounding  Greek  cities,  and  had  been 
favored  by  leading  men  among  the  Jews  ;  but  the  accession  to 
the  high  priesthood  of  a  man  wiiose  very  name  —  he  had 
changed  his  Hebrew  name  oi  Jouie  into  the  Greek  name  of 
Jason  —  was  a  pledge  to  Hellenism,  was  an  event  of  great  sig- 
nificance in  Israel  (I  Mach.  i,  12,  sq.  ;  H  Mach,  iv,  13).  In 
point  of  fact,  the  new  high  priest  had  hardly  entered  on  his 
government  when  his  true  character  became  manifest  to  all. 
Nothing  was  omitted  by  him  to  wean  the  Jewish  population 
from  all  the  customs  and  religious  views  and  practices  of 
their  fathers  ;  and  during  the  three  years  of  his  rule,  he  suc- 
ceeded but  too  well  in  corrupting  the  faith  and  morals  of  the 
youth  of  Jerusalem.  (For  details  see  H  Mach.  iv,  9-22  ; 
cfr.  also  ScHURER,  vol.  i,  p.  202,  sq.) 

His  successor  was  another  Hellenizing  leader,  who  pur- 
chased the  deposition  of  the  incumbent  high  priest  by  offer- 
ing to  the  crown  of  Syria  300  talents  of  silver  over  and 
above  the  amount  already  paid  by  Jason.  Of  this  new  high 
priest  —  who  also  exchanged  his  Hebrew  name  of  Onias^ 
for  a  Greek  name,  namely,  that  of  Menelaus — Holy  Writ 
speaks  as  "having  the  mind  of  a  cruel  tyrant,  and  the  rage 
of  a  wild  beast  "  (II  Mach.  iv,  25).  In  fact,  all  that  we  know 
of  him,  points  to  one  of  the  worst  tyrants  that  ever  lived. 
To  pay  the  enormous  sum  of  money  he  had  promised  to 
Antiochus,  he  stole  several  sacred  vessels  of  gold,  and  when 
rebuked  for  this  crime  by  the  venerable  Onias  IH,  "  his  gold 
all  powerful  among  the  offi'xrs  of  the  Syrian  court "  (Mil- 
man)  secured  the  murder  of  the  old  man.  Nor  was  his  gold 
less  powerful  on  another  occasion,  when  the  most  serious 
charges  against  his  cruel  rule  were  brought  by  Jewish 
ambassadors  before  King  Antiochus  who  was  then  in  Tyre; 
for  as  we  are  told  by  the  sacred  text  ''  Menelaus  who  was 


334  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

guilty  of  all  the  evil,  was  acquitted  by  the  king  of  the  accu- 
sations, <md  those  poor  men,  who,  if  they  had  pleaded  their 
cause  even  before  Scythians  (the  most  barbarous  nation  in 
the  estimation  of  the  time),  should  have  been  judged  inno- 
cent, were  condemned  to  death"  (II  Mach.  iv,  23-50). 

Meantime,  Jason  had  not  given  up  all  hope  of  recovering 
the  high  priesthood,  and  when  the  following  year  the  false 
rumor  that  Antiochus  IV  had  perished  in  his  expedition 
against  Egypt,  reached  Palestine,  he  rebelled  against  Mene- 
laus,  his  brother,  took  the  Holy  City  and  exercised  the  most 
frightful  revenge  against  his  opponents.  He  did  not,  how- 
ever, succeed  in  securing  again  the  high  dignity  he  so 
ardently  coveted,  for  his  extreme  cruelties  caused  a  power- 
ful reaction  which  compelled  him  to  fly  beyond  the  Jordan. 
At  the  news  of  the  insurrection,  which  was  probably  reported 
to  Antiochus  as  a  deliberate  revolt  of  the  whole  nation,  the 
Syrian  monarch  most  successful  against  Egypt,  "  left  that 
country  with  a  furious  mind,  and  took  Jerusalem  by  force  of 
arms."  A  three  days'  massacre  followed,  during  which 
40,000  inhabitants  were  slaughtered  and  as  many  more  sold 
as  slaves.  To  complete  the  humiliation  of  the  Jews,  Antio- 
chus next  entered  every  part  of  the  Temple  under  the  guid- 
ance of  Menelaus  "that  traitor  to  the  laws  and  to  his  coun- 
try," took  possession  of  all  the  sacred  vessels  and  hidden 
treasures  which  he  found,  after  which  he  departed  into  His 
own  country  leaving  Menelaus  in  charge  of  the  high  priest- 
hood, whilst  two  foreign  officers,  Phillip  and  Andronicus, 
became  governors  of  Jerusalem  and  Samaria  respectively 
(170  B.  C.  ;  cfr.  I  Mach.  i,  17-29  ;  II  Mach.  v,  1-23). 


SYNOPSIS    OF    CHAPTER   XXVIII. 
The  National  Indepexdexce  Recoxquered. 
(168-135  B.C.) 


-f'      Revolt 


AGAINST 


Syria 


VT.  Dreadful  I'ersecution  of  the  Jews  hy\    J^cidents 


Ant  toe  hits 


Motive. 


Results. 


\T  /A  /A  •         I    ^*^  retreat  at  Modin  ;  His  five  sons. 
Matnatntas     1    Revolt  against  Antiochus  Epiphanes. 
{167-166  B.  C  ):  f  j^j^  ^-.at,,^^  and  death. 


II. 
Religious 

AND 

Political 
Restora- 
tion : 


f  His    name  of    Machabee;    Ills   victo- 
1^  I     •  ries. 

X.Judas  Mack-  \  Rededication  of  the  Temple. 
abeus  (166-      \  The    War  of    Independence     pursued 
161  B.  C.) :  with  varying  success. 

Alliance  with    Rome  secured ;    defeat 
[      and  death  of  Judas. 


His  election  as  the  successor  of  Judas 
Machabeus. 

Decline  of   the 


2.  Jonathan 
(161-143B.  C):  ^ 


Hellenistic 
party. 
Prestige  of 
[onathan  at 


XJradual   restoration    .       j 

of  the  Jewish  State  :  '       home  and 
abroad. 


Alliance   with 
Rome  and 
Sparta. 


f  Fhe  captivity  of  Jonathan. 


HI. 

JUD/EA   AN 

Indepen- 
dent 

Kingdom : 


(   I.  Election  and  First  Acts  of  Simon  Machabeus. 

2.  National  /nde/>endence  Secured  (Beginning  of  a  new  era). 

3.  Prosperous  Administration  of  Simon:  He  becomes  hered- 

itary sovereign  of  the  Jews. 

4.  Successful  War  against  Antiochus   VII :   Tragic  end  of 

Simon  (135  B.  C.). 


[335] 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

THE    NATIONAL    INDEPENDENCE    RECONQUERED. 
§  I.  Revolt  against  Syria. 

I.  Dreadful  Persecution  of  the  Jews  by  Antio- 
'^  chus  Epiphanes.  Two  years  after  his  victorious  expe- 
dition against  Egypt  spoken  of  in  the  preceding  chapter, 
Antiochus  IV,  bent  on  taking  Alexandria  the  sole  Egyptian 
city  which  had  withstood  successfully  the  power  of  his  arms, 
reappeared  before  its  walls  with  a  large  army.  There,  how- 
ever, he  was  soon  confronted  with  the  Roman  envoys  who 
commanded  him  to  leave  Egypt.  This  positive  injunction, 
with  which  Antiochus  Epiphanes  had  to  comply  at  once, 
threw  him  into  a  paroxysm  of  rage  which  he  vented  upon  the 
Jews  whilst  returning  to  his  States  through  Palestine.  He 
dispatched  Apollonius,  one  of  his  generals,  with  a  body  of 
22,000  men  to  inflict  upon  Jerusalem  the  treatment  he  had 
intended  for  Alexandria,  and  his  orders  were  but  too  faith- 
fully complied  with  (cfr.  I  Mach.  i,  30-42  ;  II  Mach.  v,  24- 
26).  It  seems,  however,  that  in  thus  acting,  Antiochus  had 
;^  a  further  purpose.  He  wished  "  to  Hellenize  Jerusalem 
;."'  thoroughly.  The  Jewish  population  which  would  not  yield, 
was  treated  with  great  barbarity ;  the  men  were  killed,  and 
the  women  and  children  sold  into  slavery.  Whoever  was 
able  escaped  from  the  city.  In  place  of  the  Jewish  popula- 
tion thus  destroyed,  strangers  were  brought  in  as  colonists. 
Jerusalem  was  henceforth  to  be  a  Greek  city.  In  order  that 
such  measures  might  have  enduring  effect,  the  walls  of  the 
city  were  thrown  down,  but  the   old  city  of  David  was  forti- 

[336] 


THE    NATIONAL    INDEPENDENCE    RECONQUERED.  337 

fied  anew  and  made  into  a  powerful  stronghold,  in  which  a 
Syrian  garrison  was  placed  "  and  from  which  the  pagan  sol- 
diers could  effectively  prevent  any  one  from  stealing  into 
Jerusalem  and  offering  sacrifice  in  the  Temple  (Schurer,  The 
Jewish  People  in  the  Time  of  Christ,  division  i,  vol.  i,  p. 
206,  English  Translation). 

It  was  this  Ilellenizing  policy  which  soon  afterwards  caused 
Antiochus,  the  fervent  worshipper  of  Zeus  Olympius,  to  issue 
from  Antioch  a  decree  enjoining  upon  all  his  subjects  the 
worship  of  his  gods  and  of  no  other.  This  decree  was  readily 
complied  with  by  the  nations  around  Palestine,  but  not  so 
with  the  bulk  of  the  Jewish  population  (I  Mach.  i,  43,  sq.) ; 
whereupon,  royal  letters  were  sent  by  messengers  to  Jerusa- 
lem and  to  all  the  cities  of  Juda  ordering  explicitly  the  utter 
destruction  of  juciaism  ^and  the  introduction  ofufWKKloT^ 
atry.  This  strict  prohibition  of  whatever  was  peculiar  to  or 
characteristic  of  Jewish  civilization  and  religion,  was  extended 
to  all  the  cities  of  the  Syrian  dominions  and  special  commis- 
sioners were  sent  in  every  direction  to  enforce  the  will  of  the 
persecutor  (I  Mach.  i,  53). 

The  royal  commissioner  sent  to  Samaria  and  Judaea  was 
an  old  man  named  Atheiineus,  who  neglected  nothing  to  root 
out  Jewish  worship  from  Jerusalem  and  the  country  around. 
The  Temple  of  Jehovah  became  the  Temple  of  Zeus  Olympius. 
An  altar  to  that  god  was  erected  on  the  Jewish  Altar  of  Holo- 
causts, swine's  flesh  sacrificed  on  it,  and  the  most  impure 
practices  of  heathen  worship  carried  on  in  the  sanctuary  of 
the  living  God.  In  like  manner,  in  all  the  cities  of  Juda 
pagan  altars  were  set  up  and  heathen  sacrifices  offered.  The 
observance  of  all  Jewish  rites,  notably  of  circumcision  and  of 
the  Sabbath,  was  punishable  with  death.  Once  a  month,  a 
rigorous  search  was  made,  and  if  a  copy  of  the  law  was  dis- 
covered in  the  possession  of  any  one,  the  copy  was  torn  to 
pieces  or  burnt  and  the  owner  put  to  death.  Every  month, 
also,  in  honor  of  the  king's  birthday,  the  people  all  had  to 


X 


338  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

offer  sacrifices  and  eat  swine's  flesh,  and  in  the  annual  cele- 
brations in  honor  of  Bacchus  they  were  compelled  to  crown 
themselves  with  ivy  and  join  in  the  procession  (I  Mach.  i, 
54-64  ;  II  Mach.  vi,  1-9). 

During  this  dreadful  persecution  many  fled  from  the  cities 
and  hid  themselves  in  the  numerous  caves  of  the  country,  or 
in  the  wilderness^  "  where  they  lived  amongst  wild  beasts." 
Of  those  who  remained  in  the  towns  of  Juda,  a  large  number 
^apostatized  through  fear  or  ambition,  whilst  many  endured 
martyrdom  with  heroic  courage.  Of  this  last  category  only 
a  few  samples  were  put  down  on  record,  or  at  least  have  been 
preserved  to  us.^  Two  women  who  were  accused  of  having  cir- 
cumcised their  children  were  led  about  through  the  city  with 
the  infants  hanging  to  their  breasts,  and  then  thrown  down 
headlong  from  the  walls.  ^A  gathering  of  worshippers  were 
burned  alive  in  a  cave,  to  which  they  had  fled  to  keep  the 
\  Sabbath.  -^  Eleazar,  an  old  man  ninety  years  of  age,  and  "  one 

of  the  chief  of  the  scribes,"  chose  to  be  beaten  to  death  rather 
than  to  let  it  be  believed  that  he  had  eaten  swine's  flesh,  and 
ft  mother  with  her  seven  sons  underwent  for  the  same  offence 
a  death  preceded  by  the  most  revolting  and  most  excruciating 
torments  (I  Mach.  i,  65-67  ;  II  Mach.  vi,  10  ;  vii). 

,This  cruel  and  systematic  persecution  —  like  every  subse- 
uent  persecution  of  the  true  religion — was  a  fearful  ordeal 
in  which  the  chosen  people  were  searched  and  their  unworthy 
elements  cast  away,  whilst  many  waverers  between  Judaism 
and  Hellenism  compelled  to  declare  themselves  selected  death 
with  the  faith  of  Jehovah  rather  than  life  with  the  pollutions 
of  heathenism.  But  under  the  circumstances  of  the  time, 
this  persecution  had  a  further  result.  It  prevented  the  Jews, 
as  a  nation,  from  passing  quietly,  and,  as  it  were,  impercep. 
tibly  from  their  national  customs  and  religion  to  those  of 
their  masters,  for  it  put  a  stop  to  the  insidious  manner  in 
which  Hellenism  \\as  being  gradually  introduced  by  unworthy 
high  priests  into  the  Jewish  State.    ■ 


THE    NATIONAL    INDEPENDENCE    RECONQUERED.  339 

2.  Mat^athiaR  (167-166  B.  C).  Whilst  Antiochus  and 
his  officers  were  thus  doing  their  utmost  to  stamp  all  trace  of 
Judaism  out  of  Palestine,  Divine  Providence  was  preparing 
in  Mathathias  and  his  family  the  religious  and  political 
restoration  of  Israel.  In  the  beginning  of  the  persecution, 
this  a_ged  priest  had  removed  with  his  live  sons^  John.  Simon, 
Judas,  Eleazar  and  Jonathan,  from  Jerusalem  to  the  moun- 
tain town  of  Modin,  some  twenty  miles  distant.  There  he 
had  watched  with  religious  and  patriotic  anxiety  the  fearful 
inroads  of  persecution  into  his  country,  and  every  new  out- 
rage against  Jehovah's  religion  and  people  was  a  cause  of 
renewed  mourning  for  him  and  his  sons.  At  length,  the 
royal  envoy  reached  the  out-of-the-way  town  of  Modin,  and, 
having  succeeded  in  winning  over  to  idolatry  several  of  its 
Jewish  inhabitants,  urged  on  Mathathias  as  "  the  great  man^^ 
in  that  city  "  to  set  the  example  of  compliance  with  the  royal 
decree,  and  promised  to  him  and  his  sons  the  king's  favor 
together  "with  gold  and  silver  and  many  presents." 

Of  course,  the  venerable  priest  rejected  every  offer  for  him 
and  his  family,  and  when  "  a  certain  Jew  came  in  the  sight 
of  all  to  sacrifice  to  the  idols  upon  the  altar  of  Modin,"  in  a 
moment  of  holy  zeal,  he  slew  him  upon  the  altar  together 
with  the  royal  envoy,  and  pulled  down  the  altar.  Then  with 
religious  and  patriotic  enthusiasm  he  invited  all  to  shake  off 
the  heathen  yoke,  saying,  "  Every  one  that  hath  zeal  for  the 
law  and  maintainelh  the  Testament,  let  him  follow  me."  He 
then  fled  with  his  sons  into  the  mountains  south  of  Jerusalem, 
whither  he  was  soon  followed  by  numerous  Israelites  zealous  ^.j^^f^rtr^' 
for  the  worship  of  Jehovah.  The  news  of  this  growing  revolt  '"^ 
soon  reached  the  heathen  authorities  of  Jerusalem,  and  they 
at  once  resolved  to  crush  it  by  attacking  the  rebels  on  the 
Sabbath,  when  the  Jews,  through  religious  scruple,  would  not 
offer  any  resistance.  This  plan  at  first  succeeded  but  too  well, 
and  on  one  single  occasion  i,ooo  Jews  were  thus  slaughtered 
on  a  Sabbath  day,  but  at  the  news  of  this  butchery,  Matha- 


J^ 


340  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

thias  and  his  friends  wisely  resolved  that  henceforth  they 
should  defend  themselves  on  the  Sabbath,  "lest  they  should 
be  quickly  rooted  out  of  the  earth  "  (I  Math,  ii,  1-41). 

Soon  the  Jewish  patriots  were  joined  by  "  the  congregation 
of  \.\\^.Assideans''  (that  is  most  likely  that  party  which  had 
been  long  organized  among  the  Jews  to  oppose  and  defeat 
the  efforts  of  the  partisans  of  idolatry),  and  also  by  a  number 
of  persecuted  worshippers  of  Jehovah.  Thus  an  army  was 
formed,  and  under  the  leadership  of  Mathathias  it  carried  on 
a  guerilla  warfare  with  the  greatest  success  (I  Mach.  ii,  42- 
48).  Soon,  however,  the  fatigues  of  an  active  campaign 
proved  too  severe  a  task  for  the  physical  strength  of  the  ven- 
erable Jewish  priest,  and  he  succumbed,  exhorting  his  sons  to 
pursue  the  great  work  of  liberation  under  Judas  as  their  mili- 
tary leader,  and  Simon  as  their  prudent  adviser  (I  Mach.  ii, 

49-70). 

§  2.    Religions  and  Political  Res/oration. 

I.  Judas  Machabeus  (167^1161  B.  C).  Judas,  the  new 
Jewish  commander,  proved  worthy  of  the  leadership  to  which 
he  had  been  appointed  by  his  dying  father.  Bo'.d  and  valiant 
in  action,  yet  prudent  and  discreet  in  counsel,  he  soon  struck 
with  terror  the  enemies  of  Israel,  and  thereby  deserved  the 
surname  of  Machabeus,  the  more  probable  meaning  of 
which  is  the  Hg.jnme.r^  like  that  of  Charles  Martel^  the  hero 
of  the  Francs.  Confident  in  the  help  of  Jehovah  and  the 
valor  of  his  followers,  he  first  surprised  by  night  many  towns 
which  held  out  for  the  enemies  of  Israel,  and  set  them  on 
fire  ;  and'^vhen  next  regular  armies  advanced  to  put  a  stop 
to  his  ravages,  he  did  not  refuse  to  meet  them  in  the  field 
(II  Mach.  viii,  1-7).  The  sacred  writer  details  with  manifest 
delight  the  manner  in  which  Judas  imparted  to  his  warriors 
his  own  confidence  in  Tdiovah  and  his  hope  of  victory,  and 
also  the  manner  in  which  he  proved  himself  a  skilful  tactician 
in    presence  of   outnumbering  enemies.     He   tells   us   how 


THE    NATIONAL    INDEPENDENCE    RECONQUERED.  34I 

Apollonius,  the  late  plunderer  of  Jerusalem,  having  been  de- 
feated and  slain  by  Judas,  the  deputy-governor  of  Syria,  a 
man  named  Seron,  and  extremely  anxious  to  acquire  military 
renown,  was  ignominiously  routed  at  Bethoron,  a  place 
already  famous  by  the  victory  of  Josue  over  the  southern 
Chanaanites  (I  Mach.  iii,  10-24 ;  cfr.  in  the  present  work,  pp. 
138,  139).  He  record^also  how  Judas  was  victorious  in  his 
encounters  with  large  armies  headed  by  the  best  Syrian  gen- 
erals of  the  time  :  Gorgias  and  Nicanor,  and  Timotheus,  and 
Bacchides  and  Lysias  (I  Mach.  iii,  lo-iv,  35  ;  II  Mach.  viii, 

9-36). 

After  these  glorious  exploits,  Judas  and  his  fellow-warriors 
profited  by  a  moment  of  respite  to  enter  the  ruined  city  of 
Jerusalem.  The  wretched  condition  of  the  Temple  of 
Jehovah  especially  claimed  their  attention  :  "  the  sanctuary 
was  desolate  and  the  altar  profaned,  and  the  gates  burned, 
and  shrubs  growing  up  in  the  courts  as  in  a  forest  or  on  the 
mountains,  and  the  chambers  joining  the  Temple  thrown 
down."  A f te c_ I.a me n t a t i o n  and  pr a}' e r ,  the  military  leader 
appointed  a  body  of  armed  men  to  keep  in  check  the  Syrian 
garrison  in  the  citadel,  and  then  the  work  of  cleansing^  began. 
With  the  help  of  priests  perfectly  faithful  to  Jehovah,  the 
holy  places  were  purified,  the  great  altar  of  burnt-offering 
which  had  been  profaned  was  demolished  and  gave  place  to 
another  worthy  of  God's  worship,  new  vessels  and  new 
furniture  were  brought  into  the  purified  sanctuary,  the  lamps 
lighted  up,  and  finally  the  offering  of  sacrifice  was  resumed 
on  the  25th  day  of  the  nituh  month  (Casleu ;  165  B.C.). 
The  fpa^st  nf  thp  rf-.flMHirafinn  incfpri  eight  days,  and  it  was 
decreed  that  an  annual  festival,  also  of  eight  days,  should 
henceforth  commemorate  this  great  event  (I  Mach.  iv,  36-59  ; 
II  Mach.  X,  1-8  ;  John  x,  22). 

To  consolidate  this  work  of  restoration,  there  remained  to 
Judas  a  twofoJd  work.  The  first,  which  he  carried  through 
with   great   vigor  and    success,  \\.^  the  submission   of  the 


342  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

neighboring  tribes,  which,  alarmed  at  the  progress  of  the  Jews, 
had  taken  arms  against  them  (164  B.  C).     The  second  one. 
of  course  much  more  difficult,  was  the  bringing  to  a  success- 
ful   issue  of  the  war  of   independence  against    Syria.     For 
three  years   Judas   pursued    this    patriotic   work   with    rare 
,      energy  and  perseverance,  though  with   varying  success,  as 
V^'^     might  naturally  be  expected  on  the  part  of  a  general  who 
had  constantly  to  meet  such  outnumbering  enemies.     The 
• '"    st^first  year  (163  B.  C.)  was  marked  by  a  treaty  which  granted 
\,^    /       to  the  Jews  the  free  use  of  their  own  laws  and  religion  under 
^  ^  Syrian  supremacy,  and    by   the    recognition    of   Judas    "  as 

governor  of  Palestine ;  and  from  this  year,  his  accession  to 
the  principality  is  usually  dated  "  (Maclear,  New  Testament 
History,  p.  39). 

The  next  year  was  less  fortunate  ;  hostilities  were  resumed 
by  the  Syrians,  and  the  Assideans  in  large  numbers,  deceived 
by  a  certain  Alcimus,  who  had  secured  an  appointment  to 
the  high  priesthood  from  the  Syrian  authorities,  separated 
from  Judas  Machabeus.  The  position  of  the  latter  was 
therefore  very  precarious  in  presence  of  the  large  army  which 
had  invaded  the  Jewish  territory.  Soon,  however,  after  his 
instalment  as  high  priest,  Alcimus  revealed  his  true  charac- 
ter and  showed  himself  the  leader  of  the  Hellenizing  party; 
whereupon  the  Assideans  joined  again  the  cause  of  Judas. 
p!^  This  re-enforcement  allowed  the  Jewish  commander  to  take 

'yiA^*^'    the  field  again  against  the  Syrian  general  Nicanor,  whom  he 
utterly  defeated  at_Bethoron,  early  in  161  B.  C. 

It  is  at  this  juncture  that  Judas,  anxious  to  secure  the  pro- 

xj^'^j-y     tection  of  the  Romans  against  the   ill-will  of   the  kings  of 

-  >r  Syria,  sent  messengers  to  Rome.     The  Jewish  ambassadors 

'^  were  well  received,  ^iL_alIiailC(e  offensive  and  defensive  was 

rnprlnded^  and  a  letter  sent  by  the  Roman  Senate  to  the 

King  of  Syria,  that  he  should  desist  from  all  attacks  upon 

the   Jews.     Before,    however,    these    transactions    could  be 

^i^h^         known  in  the  East,  Judas  had  been  defeated  and  slain  on 


THE    NATIONAL    INDEPENDENCE    RECONQUERED.  343 

the  battlefield  at  Laisa,  and  his  few  faithful  soldiers  routed 
(B.  C.  161  ;  cfr.  I  Mach.  iv,  60-ix,  18;  II  Mach.  x-xv). 

2.  Jonathan  (161-14.^  B.  C).  The  much  lamented 
death  of  Judas  Machabeus  left  the  Nationalist  or  Macha- 
bean  party  in  a  very  precarious  condition.  Throughout  the 
land  "  the  wicked  men,"  that  is,  the  Hellenists,  showed 
themselves  again,  were  appointed  to  posts  of  honor  and 
power,  and  betrayed  the  partisans  of  Judas  into  the  hands 
of  the  Syrian  general  Bacchides.  At  length,  the  partisans  of 
Judas  understood  that  their  salvation  required  absolutely 
the  choice  of  a  skilful  leader,  and  in  consequence  they 
selected  Jonathan  as  their  "  prince  and  cap*^ain."  It  is  evi- 
dence to  the  weakness  of  the  Machabean  party  at  that  time, 
that  its  valiant  commander  and  his  followers  found  it  neces- 
sary to  withdraw  at  once  east  of  the  Jordan  ;  but  fortunately, 
upon  the  death  of  the  unworthy  high  priest  Alcimus,  Bac- 
chides returned  to  Syria  and  gave  to  the  Jews  a  respite  of 
two  years. 

After  this  truce,  the  Syrian  general  reappeared  in  the  field 
upon  the  promise  of  the  Hellenistic  leaders  of  an  easy  vic- 
tory; the  reverse  took  place,  however,  to  the  confusion  and 
destruction  of  these  wicked  men,  and  the  outcome  of  a  short  J*^*'^-*'^ 
campaign  skilfully  conducted  by  Jonathan  was  a  treaty  of^ 
peace  which  left  Jonathan  practically  master  of  Judrea,  "al- 
though Jerusalem  and  many  of  the  stronger  towns  occupied 
by  garrisons,  either  of  Syrians  or  apostate  Jews,  defied  his 
authority"  (Milman  ;  cfr.  I  Mach.  ix,  19-73).  ,^   . 

This  state  of  things  lasted  for  six  years,  during  which  the 
Hellenistic  party  became  steadily  less  influential,  whilst  on  '/^ 

the  contrary,  the  Machabeans  grew  so  powerful  that  at  t^e;^^ 
end  of  this  period  their  alliance  was  most  carefully  courted         A*^ 
by  Alexander  Bales  and  Demetrius,  the  two  competitors  for 
the    Syrian  throne.     Of  the  offers  of   Demetrius,  Jonathan 
accepted  the  power  of  entering,  repairing  and  fortifying  the 


/ 


344  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

Holy  City ;  of  those  of  Alexander,  in  favor  of  whom  he  de- 
^  clared  himself,  he  accepted  the  title  of  High  Priest.  Alex- 
ander came  victorious  out  of  the  conflict  for  the  Syrian 
throne,  and  granted  to  the  Jewish  high  priest  the  title  of 
Strategus  of  his  country  and  that  of  Ruler  of  apart  of  the 
Syrian  empire  {\  Mach.  x,  1-66). 
v/'^y  Jonathan  in  return  "remained  faithful  to  his  patron  even 

Jf^_/      against  a  new  claimant  to   the  crown  of  Syria.     And  such 
was  his  influence  that  the  latter,  on  gaining  possession    of 
the  throne,  not  only  forgave  the  resistance  of  Jonathan,  but 
confirmed  him  in  the  Pontificate  and  even  remitted  the  taxa- 
tion of  Palestine  on  a  tribute  (probably  annual)  of  300  tal- 
ents.    But  the  faithlessness   and  ingratitude  of  the  Syrian 
king  (Demetrius  II)  led  Jonathan  soon  afterwards   to  take 
the  side  of  another  Syrian  pretender,  an  infant  whose  claims 
were  ostensibly  defended  by  his  general,  Tryphon  "  (Eder- 
SHEiM,   Life  and  Times  of  Jesus  the   Messiah,  vol.  ii,  pp 
572,  573),  and  who  was  crowned   in  Antioch  under  the  title 
pf  Antiochus  VI  (I  Mach.  x,  67-xi,  58). 
,  ^-*^    Soon  after  this  event  and  several  military  exploits  (I  Mach. 
"^^  "^fe^xi,  59-74)  Jonathan  sent  ambassadors  to  Rome,  who  renewed 
'  ^     the  former  treaty  between  Judas  and  the  Roman  Senate;  he 
.    '  •    entered  also  into  alliance  with   the  ..Spartans  (I   Mach.  xii, 
i^  1-23).     New  victories  crowned  his  arms,  and   it  seemed   at 

the  time  as  if  he  was  destined  to  restore  his  country  to  com- 
—  plete  independence.  Soon,  however,  Tryphon,  who  was 
anxious  to  procure  for  himself  the  throne  of  Syria,  considered 
Jonathan  as  the  chief  obstacle  to  his  ambition,  secured 
through  treachery  his  person  in  Ptolemais  and  consigned 
him  to  a  dungeon  (I  Mach.  xii,  24-54). 

§  J.  Judcea^  an  Independent  Kingdom. 

I.     Election  and  First  Acts  of  Simon  Machabeus. 
There  was  but  one  voice  in  the  assembly  which  gathered  in 


THE    NATIONAL    INDEPENDENCE    RECONQUERED.  345 

Jerusalem  al  the  invitation  of  Simon  Machabeus,  to  nomi- 
nate him  as  the  military  leader  of  the  nation,  and  vow  to 
him  perfect  compliance  with  his  orders.  Simon,  therefore, 
lost  no  time  in  completing  the  fortifications  of  Jerusalem, 
and  in  taking  possession  of  Joppe,  the  principal  harbor  on 
the  coast  of  Palestine.  Then  he  advanced  in  person  with 
a  large  army  against  Tryphon,  who  had  invaded  the  Holy 
Land.  Thereupon,  the  crafty  Tryphon  opened  negotiations : 
"Jonathan  was  detained  for  a  sum  of  money  he  owed  to  the 
king;  if  one  hundred  talents  of  silver  were  sent  and  his  two 
sons  as  hostages  for  his  peaceable  conduct,  he  would  be 
released."  Simon  knew  that  Tryphon's  words  were  not  to  ,/ , .  _^ 
be  trusted  ;  yet  to  make  it  evident  to  all  he  sent  the  money^  (t^**^ 
and  the  hostages,  and  Tryphon,  as  Simon  had  foreseen,  did 
not  surrender  Jonathan.  He  even  soon  put  him  to  death, 
and  did  the  same  with  the  young  king  Antiochus,  after 
which  he  seized  the  throne  (I  Mach.  xiii,  1-32). 

Whilst  Tryphon  made  himself  very  unpopular  by  his  cruelty, 
Simon  strengthened  his  fortresses  for  fear  of  a  further  attack 
and  then  sent  to  Demetrius  H  an  offer  to  recognize  him  as 
king,  provided  he  exempted  Judaea  from  all  taxation.     De,  ^^ 

metrius  granted  this  with  the  greatest  readiness,  and  from  ,  ^^' 
this  moment  a  new  era  began  in  Israel,  that  of  national  in-  ^ 
dependence,  so  long  unknown  to  the  Jewish  people.  This 
great  work  was  soon  afterwards  completed  by  the  capture  of 
the  citadel  of  Jerusalem,  that  great  symbol  and  stronghold 
of  foreign  domination ;  after  which  Simon  organized  fully 
the  Jewish  army,  placing  at  its  head  "John,  his  son,  a  valiant 
man  for  war"  (I  Mach.  xiii,  32-54). 

Under  the  wise  rule  of  this  great  high  priest^  the  Holy  Land  ^ 
enjoyed  all  the  advantages  of  peace  and  security.  Heje25£-- 
cuted  the  law  with  great  vigor  and  impartiality;  he  repaired 
the  Temple  and  multiplied  its  sacred  vessels ;  he  kept  the 
fortresses  of  the  land  well  supplied  with  provisions  and  am- 
munitions, and  under  his  prudent  administration  the  wasted 


34^  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

country  soon  recovered  its  ancient  fertility.  The  writer  of 
the  first  book  of  Machabees  speaks  with  enthusiasm  of 
this  prosperous  period,  the  fame  of  which  reached  Sparta 
and  Rome,  and  which  secured  to  Simon  such  gratitude  from 
the  nation  at  large,  that  "the  Jews  and  their  priests  con- 
V-sented  that  he  should  be  their  prince  and  high  priest  for- 
ever," with  this  significant  restriction,  however,  "  till  there 
should  arise  a  faithful  prophet."  Thus  had  Simon  Macha- 
beus  become  by  popular  choice  the  hereditary  sovereign  of 
the  Jews,  and  to  all  this  power,  Antiochus  Sidetes,  eager  to 
secure  the  favor  of  Simon  in  his  attempt  at  recovering  his 
father's  dominions,  added  the  "leave  to  coin  money  of  his 
own,"  promising  him  at  the  same  time  further  favors  when 
he  would  have  reached  the  Syrian  throne  (I  Mach.  xiv-xv,  9). 

Despite,  however,  the  generous  manner  in  which  the  Jew- 
ish prince  helped  Antiochus  to  overcome  Tryphon,  the. Syrian 
manar-ch  proved jiritrue  to  his  word,  and  this  entailed  a  war 
between  Syria  and  Judasa  which  resulted  in  the  defeat  of  the 
Syrian  troops  (I  Mach.  xv,  lo-xvi,  10). 

Simon  did  not  Jive  long  after  this  victory  of  his  arms,  for 
during  a  tour  of  inspection  through  the  country,  Ptolemy,  his 
son-in-law,  and  governor  of  Jericho,  caused  him  to  be  mur- 
dered with  his  two  younger  sons  towards  the  close  of  a  splen- 
did banquet  to  which  he  had  treacherously  invited  them  (I 
Mach.  xvi,  14-17)- 


SYNOPSIS    OF   CHAPTER   XXIX. 

The  Last  Jewish   Dynasty. 
(135-37  i^-C.) 


I. 

JUD-EA 
BEFORK 

THF.  Ah 

NF.N  I 

I'OMrLiV  : 


I.  Ouhvard  Re- 
la  tio7ts  : 


timt 


1.  Friendly  intercourse  with  Rome  care- 

fully kept  up. 

2.  Samaritan    hatred    increaseil    bv   the 

destruction  of  the  Temple  on  Mount 
Garizim. 

3.  Wars    with    Syria    and    surrounding 

natic:; 


I   I.  Literary  activity  ot  the  pcri()d(}'salms; 
i  historical    writings;    the    Book   of 


1.  Jewi> 


sects 


Pharisees. 

Sadducees. 

Essenes. 


gin  and 
manifold 
portance. 


1  Origi 
\  mar 
J     imp 


3.  Political    and    judicial    organization 
(the  Sanhedrim). 


Adve.nt 


OF 


POMPEY 


I   Lengthened  striic  Dttwccu  iivnanus  II 

"   dus  II. 
I    1  iitii  appeals  to  Scaurus. 
\  The  policy  of  Pompey. 


I     i^cii^iiiciic^-i  Slim. 

A.  How  brought  j  and  Aristobul 

"'^'"'/'  •  ,  Their  appeals  to  S 


15.  Action  of         r  Conduct  of  Aristobulus  at  this  juncture. 
Pompey  in    \    Siege  and  profanation  of  the  Temple. 
Jerusalem :     {  Judaea  tributary  to  Rome. 


III.         f  I.  Origin  and  Rapid  Fortune  of  the  Herod ian  Family, 


THE 

Great  : 


3.  Herod,  King  of  Judcea :    End  of  the  Asmonean  dynasty 
(B.  C.  37). 


1.347] 


CHAPTER    XXIX. 

THE    LAST    JEWISH    DYNASTY. 

For  the  interval  between  the  death  of  Simon  Machabeus 
and  the  time  of  Herod  the  Great  the  authentic  records  of  events 
hitherto  found  in  the  Bible  fail  us  altogether,  for  the  last  fact 
mentioned  in  the  books  of  Machabees  is  the  accession  of 
John,  surnamed  Hyrcanus,  the  sole  surviving  son  of  Simon 
Machabeus  (I  Mach.  xvi,  18-24).  Out  main,  not  to  say  our 
exclusive,  source  of  information  about  this  important  period 
of  Jewish  history  consists  in  the  extant  writings  of  Josephus, 
which  betray  too  often  a  lack  of  discrimination  between  mere 
legend  and  actual  fact.  From  his  writings,  however,  and 
from  traditions  preserved  elsewhere,  it  is  possible  to  draw  a 
sufficiently  reliable  sketch  of  the  principal  events  of  the  period 
which  preceded  immediately  the  coming  of  Our  Lord. 

§  /.  Jiidcsa  before  the  Advent  of  Po?npey. 

I.  Outward  Relations.  The  successors  of  Simon  Mac- 
habeus who  ruled  over  Judaea  before  the  intervention  of  Pom- 
pey  in  Jewish  affairs  were  (i)  his  son  John  Hyrcanus,  whose 
rule  lasted  thirty  years  (135-105  B.  C);  (2)  Aristobulus  I 
(whose  Hebrew  name  was  Judas),  who  was  the  first  Macha- 
bean  ruler  who  assumed  the  royal  title  and  who  reigned  but 
one  year;  (3)  Alexander  Jannaeus  (Hebrew  name,  Jonathan), 
the  brother  of  Aristobulus  I  (104-78  B.  C.) ;  and  (4)  Alexan- 
dra (Hebrew  name,  Salome),  the  widow  of  the  late  king  (78- 
69  B.  C). 

[348] 


THE    LAST   JEWISH    DYNASTY.  349 

These  various  princes,  whatever  their  differences  of  char- 
acter, seem  to  have  followed  the  same  line  of  policy  in  their 
outward  relations.  In  Rome,  they  saw  a  powerful  ally  whose 
friendship  was  to  be  carefully  kept  up  and  skilfully  made  use 
of.  It  appears,  for  instance,  that  after  a  very  disadvantage- 
ous treaty  between  John  Hyrcanus  and  Antiochus  VII,  Si'defes^ 
the  Jewish  high  priest,  "  was  desirous  to  renew  that  league 
of  friendship  which  the  Jews  had  with  the  Romans  "  and 
that  through  his  ambassadors,  he  asked  from  the  Senate  a 
declaration  to  the  effect  that  the  treaty  was  null  and  void,  as 
a  violation  of  the  freedom  guaranteed  by  Rome  to  the  Jewish 
nation  (Josephus,  Antiq.  of  the  Jews,  book  xiii,  chaps,  viii,  ix). 
It  is  under  the  same  Machabean  prince  that  Samaria  was 
invaded  by  Jewish  forces,  Sichem  captured  and  the  temple 
on  Mount  Garizim  levelled  to  the  ground  (128  B.  C),  an  event 
which  was,  of  course,  very  gratifying  to  his  nation,  but  which 
intensified  the  long  standing  hatred  of  the  Samaritans  against 
the  Jews.  Twenty  years  later,  Samaria  itself  was  taken  and 
entirely  demolished  (Josephus,  book  xiii,  chap,  x,  §§  2,  3). 

The  most  powerful,  if  not  the  most  hateful,  enemy  of  Judaea 
was  Syria,  which  in  the  early  part  of  the  rule  of  Hyrcanus 
succeeded  in  obtaining  a  tribute  from  him  for  the  fortresses 
he  held  outside  Judcea,  and  in  having  the  walls  of  Jerusalem 
demolished.  It  is  true  that  a  little  later  the  Syrian  armies 
which  came  to  the  rescue  of  Samaria  were  twice  defeated  by 
the  Jews,  but  it  is  most  likely  that  if  they  had  not  feared  the 
armed  intervention  of  Rome  and  had  not  been  hampered  by 
the  distracted  state  of  their  affairs  at  home,  the  Syrian  mon- 
archs  would  have  easily  recovered  their  supremacy  over  the 
Jewish  people.  Be  this  as  it  may,  it  is  certain  that  the  princes 
of  Juda  took  advantage  of  the  disordered  condition  of  Syria 
to  turn  tiieir  arms  against  their  neighboring  enemies:  Moab, 
Galaad,  Ammon,  Arabia  Petraea,  etc.  Prominent  among  these 
expeditions  was  that  of  John  Hyrcanus  against  the  Idumeans» 
who  for  more  than  four  centuries  had  been  masters  of  the 


350  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

southern  part  of  Juda.  He  defeated  them  and  ordered  them 
either  to  become  Jews  or  to  be  driven  out  of  their  country. 
They  chose  the  former  alternative,  received  circumcision  and 
submitted  so  thoroughly  to  the  Jewish  laws  that  they  became 
completely  identified  with  their  conquerors  and  never  after 
reappeared  as  an  independent  nation  (Josephus,  Antiq.  of 
the  Jews,  book  xiii,  chap,  ix,  §  i). 

2.  Inner  Condition.  It  has  been  aiBrined  by  several 
contemporary  writers  that  whilst  the  rule  of  the  Machabees 
gave  back  to  the  Holy  Land  peace  and  securit)-,  industry  and 
fertility,  new  hymns  were  con>posed  and  added  to  the  book 
of  Psalms,  the  date  of  which  as  a  final  collection  of  inspired 
hymns  should  be  brought  down  to  the  reign  of  John  Hyr- 
canus  or  Alexander  Jannaeus  (cfr.  II  Mach.  ii,  14;  I  Mach. 
xiii,  51).  Whilst  admitting  the  possibility  of  this  view,  it 
seems  better  to  appeal  to  less  questionable  arguments  in 
favor  of  Jewish  literary  activity  during  the  rule  of  the  first 
Machabean  princes.  It  is  beyond  doubt,  for  instance,  that 
public  records  were  then  kept  of  the  deeds  of  the  high  priests 
(cfr.  I  Mach.  xiii,  42)  and  that  our  first  book  of  Machabees 
was  compiled  from  them  towards  or  soon  after  the  close  of 
the  Pontificate  of  John  Hyrcanus  (I  Mach.  xvi,  23,  24). 
Again,  as  evidence  in  favor  of  the  literary  activity  of  that 
same  period,  we  may  appeal  to  the  large  historical  work 
written  by  a  certain  Jason  of  Cyrene,  and  of  which  our 
second  book  of  Machabees  professes  to  be  an  abridg- 
ment (II  Mach.  ii,  24,  27),  for  both  the  work  of  Jason  and 
that  of  the  inspired  writer  of  the  second  book  of  Macha- 
bees were  most  likely  composed  in  the  first  half  of  the  second 
century  before  Christ.  To  the  same  conclusion  points  that 
fragmentary  survival  of  an  entire  literature  which  once  circu- 
lated under  the  name  of  the  Book  of  Efioch^  and  the  various 
parts  of  which  date  back  to  the  period  between  170  and  95  B.C. 

Of  much  more  importance  than  these  literary  compositions 


THE    LAST    JEWISH    DYNASTY  35  I 

in  the  inner  history  of  this  period  is  the  definite  appearance 
of  two  Jewish  sects  which  henceforth  played  a  great  part  in 
the  political  and  religious  history  of  their  nation.  These  were 
the  Pharisees  and  the  Sadducees.  These  sects  were  the  slow 
outcome^  of  the  twofold  movement  noticed  several  times 
already,  the  one  against,  the  other  in  favor  of,  Hellenism,  and 
this  is  why  it  is  impossible  now  to  assign  their  origin  to  any 
particular  individual  or  date  in  Jewish  history.  The  Pharisees 
continued^  although  of  course  in  a  modified  form,  after  the 
triumph  of  the  Machabees,  the  traditions  of  the  Assideans  (I 
Mach.  ii,  42)  or  strenuous  opponents  of  all  leanings  towards 
Greek  customs  and  modes  of  thought.  As  their  name  indi- 
cates, the  Pharisees  were  champions  of  the  separateiiess  of  the 
Jewish  people  from  other  nations;  ^nd,  in  point  of  fact,  under 
their  influence,  as  early  as  the  beginning  of  John  Hyrcanus's 
rule,  popular  feeling  ran  high  against  *' associating  with  for- 
eigners or  conversing  with  tliem  "  (Josephus,  Antiq.  of  the 
Jews,  book  xiii,  chap,  viii,  §  3).  As  the  public  inheritors  and 
defenders  of  traditions  which  they  deemed  necessary  for  the 
perfect  fulfilment  of  the  Mosaic  law,  they  had  steadily  urged 
on  the  Jewish  rulers  and  finally  secured  the  passage  and  en- 
forcement of  several  laws.  They  actually  wielded  such  a 
power  in  the  State  that  John  Hyrcanus  felt  it  necessary  to 
set  himself  against  them  and  join  their  opponents,  the  Sad- 
ducees (Josephus,  ibid,  chap,  x,  §  6).  The  time  soon  came, 
however,  when  the  Macliabean  princes  Alexander  and  Alex- 
andra realized  how  far  the  bulk  of  the  nation  was  alienated 
from  them  through  tlie  opposition  of  the  Pharisaic  party,  and 
in  consequence  found  it  necessary  to  give  them  ample  share 
in  the  government  of  the  country  (Josephus,  ibid,  chap,  xv, 
§  5  ;  xvi,  §1,  sq.).  After  these  concessions  on  the  part  of  the 
royal  power,  the  Pharisees  developed  freely  the  tenets  and 
customs  peculiar  to  their  party,  and  impressed  them  power- 
fully upon  the  nation  at  large.  They  contributed  greatly  to  /^^^^.^ 
keep  alive  among  the  Jews  in  the    century  which  preceded 


352  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

the  coming  of  Our  Lord  the  distinctive  beliefs  of  the  Jewish 
race,  as,  for  instance,  the  hope  of  a  great  national  deliverer 
in  the  person  of  a  Messias,  the  doctrine  of  the  immortality 
of  the  soul,  of  a  Divine  Providence,  of  an  (?/'<^/ tradition  at 
least  equal  in  authority  with  the  written  law.     Nor  were  they 
less  successful  in  imparting  to  the  Jewish  multitudes  their 
zeal  in  carrying  out  the  external  observances  of  their  ances- 
tors, such  as  fasts,  prayers,  tithes,  washings,  sacrifices,  etc. 
Ardent  patriots  themselves,  they  made  of  their  followers  men 
ever  willing  to  lay  down  their  lives  for  the  national  faith  and 
independence,  and  as  the  bulk  of  the  nation  adhered  zeal- 
ously to  a  party  so  intensely  national  in  politics  and  orthodox 
in  religion,  the  Sadducees  themselves  in  their  public  acts  found 
,^  it  necessary  "  to  conform  to  the  notions  of  the  Pharisees" 
v-^^/*^ (JosEPHUS,  Antiq.  of  the  Jews,  book  xviii,  chap,  i,  §  4). 
f^  \)^^       ^    The  Sadducees  were  in  reality  opposed  to  the  Pharisees 
^/^  almost   in   every   thing.     They   were   the   inheritors  of  the 

Hellenistic  tendencies,  for  which,  as  we  have  seen,  the  high 
priests  were  so  largely  responsible  among  the  Jews.  As  a 
party,  the  Sadducees  seem  ever  to  have  possessed  in  the 
Jewish  commonwealth  a  fair  amount  of  influence,  but  this 
was  much  more  because  of  their  wealth  or  high  station  in 
society  than  because  of  the  number  and  enthusiasm  of  their 
followers.  Contact  with  pagan  thought  and  culture  did  not 
excite  in  them  anything  like  the  horror  it  produced  in  the 
Pharisees  and  their  partisans,  and  whilst  they  wished  to  main- 
tain their  priestly  position  on  the  basis  of  the  Mosaic  law, 
they  unhesitatingly  rejected  customs  and  traditions  that 
would  have  interfered  materially  with  the  worldly  spirit 
which  animated  them.  Their  tenets  were  chiefly  of  a  nega- 
tive kind :  they  denied,  among  other  points  of  the  Pharisaic 
belief,  the  existence  of  angels  and  the  immortality  of  the 
soul.  In  politics,  the  Sadducees  were  ever  in  close  alliance 
with  the  ruling  power. 

Besides  the  two  great  sects  of  the  Pharisees  and  the  Sad- 


THE    LAST    JEWISH    DYNASTY.  353 

ducees,  Josephus  mentioned  a  third  one,  namely,  that  of  the 
Essenes,  whose  origin  has  been  connected  on  more  or  less 
plausible  grounds  with  the  separatist  tendencies  of  the 
Pharisees.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  their  later  organization 
into  small  coloraes  or  villages  at  long  distances  from  the 
towns  was  due  to  their  desire  of  a  greater  separation  from 
whatever  might  have  interfered  with  the  perfect  purity  of 
soul  which  was  the  main  object  of  their  lives,  and  it  seems 
well  established  that  the  "differences  between  them  and 
the  Pharisees  lay  mainly  in  rigor  of  practice  and  not  in  arti- 
cles of  belief"  (Westcott,  in  Smith,  Bible  Dictionary, 
art.  Essenes  ;  cfr.  also  the  description  of  the  life  of  the 
Essenes  by  Josephus,  Antiquities  of  the  Jews,  book  xviii, 
chap,  i,  §  5). 

A  last  feature  to  be  noticed  in  connection  with  the  inner 
condition  of  Judaea  under  the  first  Machabean  (called  the 
Asfnoneafi,  from  one  of  the  ancestors  of  Mathathias,  named 
Hasmon)  rulers  regards  the  political  and  judicial  organiza- 
tion of  the  country.  It  seems  that  the  power  of  the  Macha- 
beans  became  stronger  and  more  absolute  only  gradually 
in  the  Jewish  State,  and  that  at  first,  whilst  recognized  as 
high  priests  and  even  princes^  they  had  to  reckon  consider- 
ably with  the  elders  of  the  nation.  In  fact,  the  occasion  of 
the  rupture  between  John  Hyrcanus  and  the  Pharisees 
already  mentioned  was  their  well-known  opposition  to  his 
tendency  to  concentrate  all  public  powers  in  his  hands.  It 
was  only  the  second  successor  of  Simon  Machabeus  who 
ventured  to  assume  the  royal  title,  because  he  felt  strongly 
upheld  by  the  Sadducees  ;  and  even  then,  it  is  not  unlikely 
that  his  conduct  was  disapproved  of  by  a  large  part  of  the 
nation  which  spoke  of  him  as  "  a  lover  of  the  Greeks." 
Ultimately,  however,  the  royal  power  got  the  better  of  the 
opposition,  "and  during  the  last  period  of  Alexander  Jan- 
naeus's  reign  the  eldership  ceased  as  a  ruling  power,  and  be- 
came transformed  into  a  Sanhedrim,  or  ecclesiastical  author- 


354  OUTLINES    OF    JKWISH    HISTORY. 

ity,  although  the  latter  endeavored,  with  more  or  less  suc- 
cess, to  exercise  civil  jurisdiction,  at  least  in  ecclesiastical 
matters  "  (Edersheim,  Life  and  Times  of  Jesus,  the  Mes- 
siah, vol.  ii,  p.  677). 

Such  is  most  likely  the  origin  of  the  Sanhedrim  or  high- 
est council  of  the  Jews,  made  up  of  chief  priests,  elders  and 
scribes  presided  over  by  the  high  priest.  It  counted  sev- 
enty-one members,  perhaps  in  remembrance  of  the  seventy 
elders  who  assisted  Moses  in  the  administration  of  justice 
and  to  whom  Jewish  rabbis  delight  to  trace  back  the  origin 
of  the  Sanhedrim.  The  members  were  to  be  of  pure 
Israelite  descent  and  were  governed  by  a  president  and  two 
vice-presidents ;  besides,  there  were  secretaries  and  other 
oflficers.  Of  course,  the  powers  possessed  by  the  Sanhe- 
drim at  its  origin  cannot  be  defined  in  the  present  day  ;  but 
there  is  no  doubt  that  it  took  advantage  of  the  rapid  decline 
of  the  Macbabean  dynasty  to  increase  its  jurisdiction,  and 
that  immediately  before  Our  Lord's  time  it  superintended 
the  ritual  of  public  worship,  regulated  the  Jewish  calendar, 
enforced  the  exact  fulfilment  of  the  law,  punished  false 
prophets  and  even  exercised  judicial  control  over  the  high 
priests  (cfr.  Schurer,  division  ii,  vol.  ii,  pp.  165-195). 

§  2.    The  Advent  of  Pompey. 

I.  How  Brought  About?  At  the  death  of  Queen 
Alexandra  (B.  C.  69),  the  party  of  the  Pharisees,  who  had 
been  all  powerful  in  the  State  under  her  name,  immediately 
placed  Hyrcanus  II,  her  elder  son,  on  the  Jewish  throne, 
although  the  late  queen  had  destined  the  royal  dignity  for 
Aristobulus,  her  younger  son.  Thereupon,  Aristobulus,  at 
the  head  of  the  Sadducees  and  of  the  army,  compelled  his 
brother  to  resign,  and  took  the  title  of  Aristobulus  II. 

Here  would  have  ended  the  strife  between  the  two  broth- 
ers, had  it  not  been  for  the.  ambition  of  a  man  who  then 


THE    LASr   JEWISH    DYNASTV.  355 

appeared  upon  the  scene.  This  man  was  Antipater  (the 
father  of  Herod  the  Great),  an  Idumean  by  birth,  but  a  Jew 
by  religion.  Antipater,  brought  up  in  the  court,  had  con- 
tracted a  close  friendship  with  Hyrcanus,  the  heir-apparent 
to  the  throne.  The  withdrawal  of  the  latter  to  private  life 
defeated  his  ambitious  schemes ;  he  therefore  persuaded 
Hyrcanus  that  his  life  was  in  danger  and  ultimately  pre- 
vailed on  him  to  fly  to  Aretas,  King  of  Arabia  Petrcea,  who, 
on  condition  of  receiving  large  grants  of  territory,  under- 
took to  reinstate  Hyrcanus.  Aristobulus  II  was  first  de- 
feated by  Aretas  and  the  partisans  of  Hyrcanus,  and  next  be- 
sieged in  the  Temple-fortress  of  Jerusalem. 

Meanwhile,  the  great  Pompey  had  been  pursuing  his  con- 
quests in  Asia,  and  had  just  detached  his  lieutenant  Scaurus 
with  instructions  to  submit  Syria.  Soon  after  his  arrival  at 
Damascus,  Scaurus  hastened  to  Judaea,  on  the  borders  of 
which  messengers  from  both  Hyrcanus  and  Aristobulus 
offered  him  sums  of  money  in  return  for  his  assistance. 
The  offers  of  Aristobulus  were  accepted  because  he  was  in 
possession  of  the  Temple  treasury,  and  Aretas  received 
orders  to  break  up  the  siege  of  the  Temple-fortress. 

Before  long,  however,  Pompey  arrived  in  person  at  Damas- 
cus, where  he  was  met  by  three  ambassies  from  Judaea,  namely, 
those  of  the  two  brothers,  and  one  sent  by  the  Jewish 
nation.  Hyrcanus  appealed  to  his  birthright ;  Aristobulus 
urged  the  incompetency  of  Hyrcanus,  and  the  deputies  of 
the  Jewish  nation  expressed  the  wish  to  get  rid  of  the 
monarcliical  form  of  government  altogether,  and  to  have 
their  ancient  priestly  constitution  restored.  The  request  of 
the  Jewish  deputies  found  no  response,  and  the  examination 
of  the  rival  cLiims  of  the  Asmonean  princes  was  postponed 
bv  the  wary  imperator  till  after  he  had  submitted  Aretas  and 
his  country  to  Rome,  although  he  had  practically  settled 
the  question  in  his  mind  in  favor  of  the  weak  Hyrcanus,  who 
would  present  fewer  obstacles  to  the  prospective  annexion  of 


35^  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

Judaea  to  the   Roman  empire  (Josephus,  Antiquities    of  the 
Jews,  book  xiv,  chaps,  i-iii,  §  3). 

2.  Action  of  Pompey  in  Jerusalem.  Apprehensive 
of  the  fate  that  threatened  him,  Aristobulus  did  not  wait 
quietly  for  Pompey's  decision  ;  whereupon  the  latter  marched 
at  once  against  him,  and  laid  siege  to  Jerusalem.  Then  it 
was  that  Aristobulus's  courage  failed  him  altogether,  and 
that  having  gone  to  the  Roman  camp,  he  agreed  to  surren- 
der the  Jewish  capital.  The  gates  of  the  city  were  indeed 
thrown  open  to  the  Roman  legions,  but  the  Temple-fortress 
withstood  three  montlis  the  efforts  of  the  troops  of  Pompey. 
At  length,  on  a  Sabbath-day,  the  sacred  precincts  were  taken 
by  storm,  and  a  fearful  carnage  followed.  The  great  con- 
queror penetrated  into  every  part  of  the  Temple  of  Jehovah, 
but  through  policy,  he  left  untouched  the  treasures  it  con- 
tained, and  even  gave  orders  for  the  resumption  of  the  Tem- 
ple services. 

With  this  finished  the  short  era  of  independence  which  the 
Machabees  had  secured  to  their  country  (B.  C.  63).  Hyr- 
canus  II  was  appointed  high  priest  and  ethna7rh,  that  is  ruler 
of  the  country;  he  was  not  allowed  to  wear  the  royal  dia- 
dem, and  his  jurisdiction  was  limited  to  Judaea,  which  became 
tributary  to  Rome,  as  a  part  of  the  government  of  Syria. 
All  the  surrounding  Hellenistic  cities  and  Samaria  were  with- 
drawn from  Jewish  allegiance  and  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  were 
demolished  ;  after  which  Pompey  proceeded  homewards,  tak- 
ing with  him  to  grace  his  triumphal  entry  Aristobulus,  and 
his  two  sons  and  two  daughters,  together  with  numerous 
Jewish  captives.  The  captives  then  brought  to  Rome  in- 
creased considerably,  if  indeed  they  did  not  begin,  the 
Jewish  community  in  the  capital  of  the  Roman  empire 
(Josephus,  Antiquities  of  the  Jews,  book  xiv,  chap,  iii,  §  4 ; 
chap,  iv) 


THE    LAST    JEWISH    DYNASTY.  357 

§  j>.     Herod  the  Great. 

1.  Origin  and  Rapid  Fortune  of  the  Herodian 
Family.  The  Herodian  family  took  its  rise  in  Idumsea,  a 
district,  the  conquest  and  conversion  of  which  by  John 
Ilyrcanus  has  already  been  noticed.  The  founder  of  this 
family  was  Antipas,  who  was  made  governor  of  Idumaea  by 
Alexander  Jannaeus,  and  who  was  succeeded  in  this  office 
by  his  son  Antipater,  the  father  of  Herod  the  Great.  The 
ambitious  Antipater  successfully  interfered  in  the  unhappy 
strife  between  Hyrcanus  \\  and  Aristobulus  II,  and  on  the 
taking  of  Jerusalem  by  Pompey  and  the  appointment  of 
Hyrcanus  as  high  priest  and  ethnarch  of  Judcea  proper^  he 
became  the  virtual  ruler  of  the  land  with  Hyrcanus  as  a 
mere  puppet  in  his  hands. 

When  Pompey  was  finally  defeated  by  Julius  Caesar  at 
Pharsalia  (48  B.  C),  the  prospects  of  Antipater  and  Hyr- 
canus, who  naturally  enough  had  held  out  for  the  great  con- 
queror of  Jerusalem,  seemed  rather  dark.  But  they  quickly 
changed  sides,  and  timely  help  in  men  and  personal  influence 
given  to  Cassar  in  Egypt  secured  to  Antipater  the  title  of 
Procurator  of  Judnea,  which  was  then  restored  to  its  former 
extent,  and  to  Hyrcanus  the  permission  of  rebuilding  the 
walls  of  the  Holy  City  (B.  C.  47,  cfr.  Josephus,  Antiquities 
of  the  Jews,  book  xiv,  chap.  viii). 

2.  Early  Relations  of  Herod  with  the  Romans  and 
the  Asmoneans.  To  be  better  able  to  control  the  whole 
extent  of  territory  now  so  immediately  and  openly  intrusted 
to  him  by  Rome,  Antipater  appointed  his  two  sons  governors  : 
the  elder,  Phasaelus,  of  Jerusalem  ;  the  younger,  Herod, 
only  twenty-five  years  old,  of  Galilee.  Herod  was  a  man  of 
keen  intellect,  strong  will  and  ruthless  ambition.  He  was 
noted  as  a  fearless  rider,  and  no  one  threw  the  spear  so 
straight  to  the  mark  or  shot  his   arrow  so  constantly  into  the 


358  OUTLINES    OF    JKWISH    HISTORY. 

centre.  It  was  most  likely  because  of  these  strong  features 
of  Herod's  character,  in  striking  contrast  with  those  of  Hyr- 
canus,  that  the  latter  loved  the  new  governor  of  Galilee  "  as 
his  own  son  "  (R.  W.  Moss,  From  Malachi  to  Matthew,  p. 
193). 

In  Galilee  Herod  soon  displayed  the  energy  which  ever 
characterized  him.  He  crushed  a  guerilla  warfare,  put  to 
death  its  leader  and  nearly  all  his  associates.  This  aroused 
the  indignation  of  the  patriots  of  Jerusalem,  and  Herod,  as 
professing  the  Jewish  religion,  was  summoned  to  appear 
before  the  great  Sanhedrim,  for  having  arrogated  to  himself 
the  power  of  life  and  death.  He  appeared,  but  escaped 
condemnation  through  the  interference  of  Hyrcanus,  and 
took  refuge  near  Sextus  Caesar,  the  president  of  Syria. 

On  the  murder  of  Julius  Caesar  (B.  C.  44),  and  the  pos- 
session of  Syria  by  Cassius,  Antipater  and  Herod  again 
changed  sides,  and  in  return  for  substantial  services  Herod 
was  recognized  as  governor  of  Coele-Syria.  When  the  bat- 
tle of  Philippi  (B.  C.  41)  placed  the  Roman  world  in  the 
hands  of  Antony  and  Octavius,  the  former  obtained  Asia. 
Once  more  Herod  knew  how  to  gain  the  new  ruler,  and  he 
became  Tetrarch  of  Judsea,  with  the  promise  of  the  crown, 
if  all  went  well  (Josephus,  Antiquities  of  the  Jews,  book 
xiv,  chaps,  ix-xiii,  2). 

3.  Herod  becomes  King  of  Judsea.  Forced,  the  fol- 
lowing year  (B.  C.  40),  by  an  irruption  of  the  Parthians,  who 
had  espoused  the  cause  of  his  rival,  Antigonus  (the  son  of 
Aristobulus  II),  to  abandon  Jerusalem,  Herod  first  betook 
himself  to  Egypt,  and  then  to  Rome.  There,  owing  chiefly 
to  the  influence  of  Antony,  he  was  declared  King  of  Judaea 
by  the  Roman  Senate,  and,  preceded  by  the  consuls  and  the 
magistrates,  he  walked  in  procession  between  Antony  and 
Octavius  to  the  Capitol,  wfliere  the  usual  sacriflces  were 
offered  and  the  decree  formally  laid  up  in  the  archives. 


THE    LAST   JEWISH    DYNASTY.  359 

After  an  absence  of  barely  three  months,  Herod  was  again 
in  Palestine,  where  at  the  head  of  an  army  he  soon  made  him- 
self master  of  Galilee.  He  next  set  himself  at  work  to  take 
the  Holy  City.  But  before  investing  it  —  which  he  did  in 
the  early  spring  of  B.  C.  37  —  he  repaired  to  Samaria  to  wed 
the  unfortunate  Machabean  princess,  Marianne,  betrothed 
to  him  five  years  before.  The  uncle  of  that  ill-fated  queen 
was  Antigonus,  whom  Herod  now  besieged  in  Jerusalem. 
After  a  siege  of  six  months  Jerusalem  fell,  and  a  fearful 
scene  of  carnage  ensued.  At  length  Herod,  by  rich  pres- 
ents, induced  the  Romans  to  leave  Jerusalem,  carrying 
Antigonus  with  Ihem  (June,  37  B.  C.  (cfr.  Josephus,  ibid., 
book  xiv,  chaps,  xiv-xvi).  Herod,  the  Idumean,  now 
ascended  the  throne  of  Judnea,  and  thereby  put  an  end  to 
the  last  Jewish  dynasty.  As  Our  Lord  vas  born  "in  the 
days  of  Herod,  the  King  of  Judaea"  (Luke  i,  5),  the  reign 
of  this  prince  forms  a  real  part  of  Our  Lord's  time  :  we  will 
therefore  reserve  the  narrative  of  its  events  for  our  study  of 
the  Life  of  Christ. 


SYNOPSIS    OF   CHAPTER   XXX. 

The  Jews  of  the  Dispersion. 


V 


I.  Its  Origin  and  Principal  Settlements. 


I. 

Eastern 

OR  \   2.  Social  Condition  and  Political  Infliieuce. 

Aramaic 


Section  : 


3.  Religions  and  Patriotic  Relations  with  Palestine. 


J,            \  I.  Its  Origin  and  Rapid  spread  [  Northern  Africa 

^^-  through              ^        ^           -^  Syria  and  Asia  Minor. 

I  *                                       [  Greece  and  Italy. 
Western    i 


OR 

Greek 
Section 


2.  Principal  Centre:  f  Situation  and  description. 
Alexandria;        \   Commerce  and  civilization. 
[  Position  of  Jews. 


3.  Social  Intercourse  with  Heathens : 


Mutual  aversion 
Mutual  influence. 


r  Faithfulness  to  Jehovah  and  His 

^.  Religious  Condition  :\  ^,^^^^*     .         .  ,   ^  ,      .      .^     , 
I  Close  union  with  Palestine  (Books 
[      of  Wisdom  and  Ecclesiasticus). 


III. 


Results 
of  the 
Disper- 
sion: 


I.  Establishmettt  of  Synagogues  Everywheri 


2.   Change  0/  language. 

''3.  Spread  of  Monotheistic  Belief  and  Messiatiic  Hopes. 
[360] 


CHAPTER   XXX. 

THE   JEWS    OF    THE    DISPERSION. 

To  complete  our  rapid  survey  of  Jewish  hi&tory,  there  re- 
mains to  speak  of  the  countless  Jews  who,  even  before  Our 
Lord's  time,  were  scattered  through  pagan  lands,  and  who, 
for  this  reason,  were  called  the  Jews  of  **  The  Dispersion  " 
(cfr.  II  Mach.  i,  27  ;  Jas.  i,  i;  I  Peter  i,  i).  They  considered 
themselves  as  a  portion  of  God's  chosen  people,  looked  upon 
Jerusalem  as  their  metropolis,  and  carrying  about  with  them 
the  monotheistic  belief,  and  the  sacred  Scriptures  of  their 
nation,  they  effectively  concurred  in  preparing  the  world  for 
the  coming  of  the  Messias  and  for  the  spread  of  His  doctrine. 
They  fall  naturally  under  two  great  heads :  (i)  the  Jews 
speaking  Aramaic,  like  those  of  the  mother  country,  and 
scattered  through  the  East,  formed  the  Eastern  or  Aramaic 
section  of  the  Dispersion ;  (2)  the  Jews  speaking  Greek  and 
settled  in  the  West  were  the  IVestern  or  Greek  section,  or 
*'the  Dispersion  of  the  Greeks,"  as  they  are  called  in  St.  John 
vii,  35  (in  the  Greek). 

§  /.    Eastern  or  Aramaic  Section  of  the  Dispersion. 

I.  Origin  and  Principal  Settlements.  The  Ara- 
maic Dispersion  owes  its  origin  to  the  two  great  captivities 
which  befell  Israel  and  Juda  in  B.  C.  721  and  588  respectively, 
and  from  which  only  small  detachments  of  the  Jews  ever  re- 
turned to  the  Holy  Land.  Its  principal  seats  were  the  coun- 
tries beyond  the  Euphrates,  namely,  Babylonia,  Media,  As- 
syria and  Mesopotamia,  in  which  the  Jews,  as  Josephus  says, 

[361] 


362  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

'"were  an  immense  muliitude"  (Antiq.  of  the  Jews,  book  xi> 
chap.  V,  §  2).  Important  settlements  existed  also  about  the 
middle  of  the  fourth  century  B.  C.  in  H)rcania  on  the  Cas- 
pian Sea.  On  this  side  of  the  Euphrates  tliere  was  a  con- 
siderable "Jewish  population  in  many  places,  notably  in  Pal- 
myra, and  in  the  province  of  Yemen  in  Arabia  Felix  "  (Seidel, 
In  the  Time  of  Jesus,  p.  164,  cfr.  also  Schurer,  The  Jewish 
People  in  the  Time  of  Jesus  Christ,  division  ii,  vol.  ii,  p.  220, 
sq.,  English  Translation). 

2.  Social  Condition  and  Political  Influence.  Only 
scanty  details  concerning  the  history  of  the  Eastern  or  Ara- 
maic section  of  the  Dispersion  have  come  down  to  us,  so  that 
it  is  very  difficult  in  the  present  day  to  draw  anything  like  a 
faithful  picture  of  the  social  condition  and  political  influence 
of  the  Jews  settled  in  the  great  countries  of  southwestern 
Asia.  It  may  be  said,  however,  that  the  insight  allowed  us 
by  the  books  of  Tobias,  Esther,  Daniel  and  Nehemias,  and 
by  the  writings  of  Josephus,  into  the  condition  of  the  Aramaic- 
speaking  Jews  leads  us  to  believe  that  they  were  both  pros- 
perous and  influential.  In  the  large  Eastern  cities  they  were 
very  successful  in  the  pursuit  of  trade  and  industry,  whilst  in 
the  low  countries  of  the  Euphrates  they  carried  on  with  no 
less  success  agriculture  and  cattle  farming  (cfr.  Josephus, 
Antiq.  of  the  Jews,  book  xviii,  chap.  ix).  "  In  some  of  these 
countries  they  kept  quite  aloof  from  connection  by  marriage 
with  the  other  inhabitants,  but  in  other  cases  they  were  not 
so  strict,  and  this  gave  rise  to  various  epithets,  intended  to 
mark  the  degree  of  purity  of  the  Jewish  blood"  (Blaikie, 
Manual  of  Bible  History,  p.  405).  Under  their  political  and 
social  influence,  many  heathens  became  proselytes  to  the 
Jewish  faith  (Tobias  i,  7),  and  there  is  hardly  any  doubt  that 
their  financial  and  social  prosperity  go  a  great  length  towards 
accounting  for  the  fearful  persecution  which  they  underwent 
about  the  time  of  Our  Lord,  and  in  which  upwards  of  50,000 


THE    JKWS    OF    THE    DISPERSION.  363 

Jews  were  put  to  death  in  Mesopotamia,  and  for  similar  per- 
secutions  of  which  they  often  were  the  object  in  other  dis- 
tricts of  Asia. 

3.  Religious  and  Patriotic  Relations  with  Pales- 
tine. Between  the  Jews  dispersed  in  the  East  and  those  of 
Palestine  a  close  and  heartfelt  union  was  ever  maintained. 
This  was  due  to  a  large  extent  to  their  community  of  lan- 
guage and  probably  also  to  the  influence  ot  the  faithful 
priests  who  had  remained  in  foreign  lands.  They  had  only 
synagogues  as  religious  meeting-places,  so  that  they  naturally 
looked  up  to  Jerusalem  and  its  Temple  as  the  centre  of  their 
national  worship.  It  was  to  the  Great  Sanhedrim  of  Jeru- 
salem, as  to  their  supreme  national  and  religious  tribunal, 
that  they  looked  for  legal  decisions,  and  every  year  sacred 
processions  of  Babylonian  Jews,  bearing  their  tribute  and 
first-fruits  to  the  Temple,  regularly  travelled  by  thousands  to 
offer  sacrifices  in  the  Holy  City  and  worship  Jehovah  in  His 
Holy  Place  (cfr.  Tobias  i,  6). 

Sincere  patriots  they  ever  were  towards  the  mother  coun- 
try, and  their  position  on  "  the  eastern  borders  of  the  Roman 
Empire,  till  Trajan  —  as  subjects  of  the  Parthians  and  sub- 
sequently of  those  eastern  provinces  which  could  never  be 
kept  under  subjection  by  the  Romans  —  made  their  attitude 
always  of  political  importance  to  the  Empire.  P.  Petronius, 
legate  of  Syria,  esteemed  it  dangerous  in  the  year  40  B.  C.  to 
excite  in  them  a  hostile  disposition  towards  Rome,  and  a  little 
later,  during  the  Vespasian  war,  the  insurgents  sought  to  in- 
cite their  co-religionists  beyond  the  Euphrates  to  hostilities 
against  Rome"  (Schurer,  loc.  cit.,  p.  224). 

§  2.    Western  or  Greek  Section  of  the  Dispersion. 

I.  Origin  and  Rapid  Spread.  It  is  not  improbable 
that  long  before  the  time  of  Alexander  the  Great  there  was 


364  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

a  fair  sprinkling  of  Hebrew  settlers  among  the  mixed  popu- 
lation of  Lower  Egypt.  It  is  only,  however,  to  this  great 
conqueror  of  Persia  and  Egypt  that  the  Western  or  Greek 
Dispersion  may  be  said  to  owe  its  origin.  He  it  was,  as  we 
saw  in  a  preceding  chapter,  who  attracted  to  the  new  Egyp- 
tian capital  he  had  built  to  perpetuate  his  name  a  large  num- 
ber of  Jews  by  granting  to  them  equal  civic  rights  with  his 
Macedonian  colonists.  Thus  did  he  set  an  example  which 
his  successors  on  the  throne  of  the  Pharaos,  notably  Ptolemy 
I,  son  of  Lagus,  and  Ptolemy  U,  Philadelphus,  were  not  slow 
to  imitate.  The  Greek  Dispersion  thus  powerfully  started, 
spread  rapidly  westward  along  the  coast  of  Africa  to  Gyrene 
and  the  towns  of  the  Pentapolis,  and  inland  southward  to  the 
territory  of  Ethiopia  (cfr.  H  Mach.  ii,  24;  i,  i  ;  Acts  ii,  10; 
viii,  27  ;  Matt,  xxvii,  32,  etc.). 

Nor  were  the  successors  of  Alexander  in  Western  Asia 
less  desirous  than  the  Ptolemies  of  Egypt  to  establish  Jew- 
ish colonies  in  their  dominions.  Seleucus  I,  who  was  fully 
aware  of  the  aptitude  of  the  Jews  as  colonists,  invited  them 
to  come  and  dwell  in  the  city  of  Antioch  he  had  but  recently 
founded,  and  his  invitation  was  gladly  responded  to  by  many 
who  on  their  settling  there  were  governed  by  an  ethnarch  of 
their  own  and  admitted  to  the  same  advantages  as  the 
Greeks.  We  also  learn  from  Josephus  that  Antiochus  the 
Great  settled  2,000  Jewish  families  from  Mesopotamia  and 
Babylonia  in  Lydia  and  Phrygia,  two  important  provinces  of 
Asia  Minor,  granting  to  them  at  the  same  time  the  use  of 
their  own  laws,  extensive  territorial  possessions  and  exemp- 
tion from  all  tribute  for  ten  years  (Antiquities  of  the  Jews, 
book  xii,  chap,  iii,  §  4).  As  Antiochus  had  foreseen,  this 
part  of  his  dominions  became  very  prosperous,  and  the  Jews 
soon  multiplied  in  all  the  commercial  centres  of  Asia  Minor, 
such  as  Ephesus,  Pergamus,  Miletus,  Sardis,  etc.  From  Asia 
Minor  they  also  found  their  way  into  Greece  and  other  parts 
of  Europe,  the  Archipelago,  where  they  settled  in  no  small 


THE    JEWS    OF    THE    DISPERSION.  365 

numbers,  supplying  them  with  a  natural  bridge  between  the 
Asiatic  and  P^uropean  continents.  The  decree  of  the  Roman 
consul  Lucius,  recorded  in  I  Mach.  xv,  gives  us  a  vivid 
impression  of  the  extent  to  which  they  spread  themselves  in 
every  direction  not  long  after  the  death  of  Antiochus  the 
Great,  and  the  book  of  the  Acts  speaks  of  their  important 
and  old  settlements  in  Philippi,  Berea,  Thessalonica,  Athens 
and  Corinth.  The  same  book  of  the  Acts  makes  also  men- 
tion of  a  Jewish  community  in  the  capital  of  the  Roman 
Empire.  If  the  Jews  appeared  in  Rome  for  the  first  time  in 
the  train  of  the  captives  of  Pompey,  their  captivity  was  not 
of  long  duration,  and  under  the  protection  of  Julius  Ccesar, 
who  granted  to  them  the  same  privileges  as  the  Ptolemies 
and  the  Seleucidae  in  Egypt  and  Syria,  they  rapidly  multi- 
plied in  the  capital  and  thence  spread  into  several  towns  of 
Italy. 

2.  Principal  Centre  of  the  Greek  Dispersion.  Of 
the  Greek  Dispersion,  Alexandria  was  unquestionably  the 
metropolis  because  of  the  number,  wealth  and  influence  of 
its  Jewish  population.  Founded  by  Alexander  the  Great, 
whence  it  derived  its  name,  the  city  was  situated  on  a  nar- 
row neck  of  land  between  the  Mediterranean  Sea  and  the 
Lake  Alareotis.  It  was  built  in  the  form  of  the  outspread 
cloak  of  a  Macedonian  warrior,  and  measured  about  four 
miles  from  east  to  west,  and  about  one  mile  from  north  to 
south.  Far  different  from  the  modern  Egyptian  Alexandria, 
it  was  laid  out  in  straight,  parallel  streets  cutting  each  other 
at  right  angles,  and  had  four  principal  gates  at  the  cardinal 
points.  Its  two  principal  streets,  about  200  feet  wide,  were 
lined  with  magnificent  houses,  temples  and  public  buildings, 
and  at  their  intersection  there  was  a  spacious  square  from 
the  centre  of  which  vessels  sailing  either  on  the  Mediter- 
ranean to  the  north,  or  on  the  lake  to  the  south,  could  be 
seen  coming:  in    under    full    sail.     The    fleets   of  Asia  and 


366  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

Europe  could  easily  meet  in  the  commodious  and  safe  har- 
bor of  Alexandria,  and  a  magnificent  light-house  had  been 
built  for  the  guidance  of  sailors  at  the  eastern  point  of  the 
Island  of  Pharos  about  one  mile  off  at  sea.  The  climate  of 
the  city  was  healthy,  and  it  was  well  supplied  with  fresh 
water  by  a  subterranean  aqueduct. 

Alexandria  had  excellent  commercial  connections  with 
Arabia  and  India,  the  tribes  living  in  the  deserts  west  and 
south,  and  the  nations  or  cities  along  the  coasts  of  the 
Mediterranean,  and  in  consequence,  it  had  become  in  the 
time  of  Strabo  "the  greatest  emporium  in  the  world." 
Apart  from  its  architectural  splendor  and  commercial  pros- 
perity, the  Egyptian  capital  was  celebrated  for  its  stirring- 
intellectual  life.  The  famous  Museum  founded  by  Ptolemy 
I  contained  a  magnificent  royal  library  together  with  dwellings 
for  scholars,  poets  and  artists  who  came  hither  from  all  parts 
of  the  world  to  live  in  this  great  centre  of  Greek  and  Eastern 
literature  and  art,  and  to  listen  to  the  greatest  masters  of  the 
time. 

The  three  sections  into  which  Alexandria  was  divided  cor- 
responded to  the  three  great  classes  of  its  inhabitants : 
Greeks,  Egyptians  and  Jews.  From  the  very  beginning  of 
the  city  the  Jewish  element  was  considerable  for  its  number 
and  political  privileges,  and  under  the  Ptolemies'  it  grew  so 
steadily  tliat  in  the  time  of  Philo  it  occupied  more  than  two 
out  of  the  five  districts  of  Alexandria.  The  Jews  formed  a 
large  independent  municipal  community  within  or  co-ordinate 
with  the  rest  of  the  city,  and  governed  themselves  under  the 
presidency  of  an  ethnarch.  Their  wealth  was  very  consider- 
able, and  some  among  them  occupied  important  positions  in 
the  Egyptian  army.  They  had  a  magnificent  synagogue,  and 
their  Sanhedrim  was  second  only  to  that  of  Jerusalem. 

3.     Social     Intercourse    w^ith    Heathen     Nations. 

Whilst  the  Jews  of  Palestine  and   especially  those  of  Jeru- 


THE    JEWS    OF    THE    DISPERSION.  367 

salem  could,  under  the  powerful  influence  of  the  Pharisees, 
succeed  pretty  well  in  avoiding  contact  and  exchange  of  ideas 
and  customs  with  the  pagans,  those  of  the  Greek  Dispersion, 
whether  in  Alexandria,  in  Antioch  or  in  the  other  cities  and 
towns  of  the  Greco-Roman  world,  could  not  help  being 
brought  in  daily  contact  with  (ireek  culture  and  civilization. 
This  unavoidable  intercourse  between  Jews  and  Gentiles 
soon  presented  a  twofold  aspect :  the  one  of  mutual  aversion, 
and  the  other  of  mutual  influence,  w^hich  can  easily  be  traced 
to  the  striking  peculiarities  of  either  party. 

Nothing,  for  instance,  appeared  more  ridiculous  to  the 
Gentiles  than  the  practice  of  circujncision,  the  abstinence 
from  swine's  flesh  and  a  strict  Sabbatarianism.  A  religion, 
like  that  of  the  Jews,  without  images  and  pictures,  was  natu- 
rally regarded  as  barbarous  or  even  treated  as  atheistic, 
whilst  many  of  its  rites  were  called  absurd  or  contemptible. 
Again,  in  the  name  of  their  religion,  the  Jews  claimed  so 
many  privileges  in  addition  to  those  they  already  possessed 
as  citizens  of  a  particular  city  or  as  citizens  of  the  empire, 
they  sent  so  much  money  to  their  Temple  in  Palestine,  and 
showed  themselve  so  exclusive  of  the  pagans  on  many  pub- 
he  occasions,  that  they  naturally  excited  a  deep  aversion  on 
the  part  of  the  heathen  statesmen  and  multitudes.  Add  to 
this  the  great  self-esteem  of  the  Jews  which,  in  the  eyes  of 
Greeks  and  Romans,  rested  on  nothing  but  glories  which 
belonged  to  bygone  centuries,  an  unconcealed  antipathy  of 
foreign  races  and  religions,  a  commercial  success  not  perhaps 
always  due  to  the  exclusive  use  of  lawful  means,  and  finally 
slanderous  reports  circulating  freely  about  the  Jewish  race, 
and  it  will  be  easy  to  understand  the  terms  of  contempt  and 
aversion  constantly  met  with  about  the  Jews  in  heathen 
writers,  and  the  occasional  outbreaks  of  violence  on  the  part 
of  pagan  muliiuides  against  the  dispersed  children  of  Israel 
(cfr.  II  Mach.  i,  27  ;  Schurer,  The  Jewish  People  in  the  Time 
of  Jesus  Christ,  division  ii,  vol.  ii,  p.  291,  sq). 


368  OUTLINES    OF   JEWISH    HISTORY. 

Thus  then,  the  Gentiles  found  in  the  peculiarities  of  the 
Jewish  race  much  which  was  calculated  to  foster  their  con- 
tempt and  aversion  towards  the  Jews  of  the  Western  Disper- 
sion, and  naturally  enough  this  very  contempt  and  aversion 
were  keenly  resented  by  the  Jews,  who  considered  themselves 
as  the  chosen  people  of  God  and  the  inheritors  of  the  Divine 
blessings  promised  to  their  forefathers.  The  Gentiles  ap- 
peared also  contemptible  and  hateful  to  the  Greek-speaking 
Jews  because  of  their  idols,  of  their  superstitious  and  immoral 
practices,  especially,  as  it  oftentimes  happened,  when  the 
pagan  populations  or  authorities  did  everything  in  their  power 
to  compel  them  to  apostatize  from  the  pure  and  ennobling 
worship  of  the  living  God. 

These  and  other  such  peculiarities  of  either  Jew  or  Gentile 
explain  their  mutual  aversion,  which  of  course  varied  in  in- 
tensity according  to  circumstances  of  time  and  place.  But 
there  were  other  features  of  Jewish  as  well  as  of  Greek  life 
which  were  calculated  to  counteract,  to  some  extent,  this 
mutual  antipathy. 

It  is  beyond  doubt,  for  instance,  that  under  the  efforts  of 
the  Jews  in  apologetic  works,  in  daily  intercourse,  etc.,  the 
superiority  of  monotheistic  belief  and  of  public  and  private 
morality  as  inculated  in  the  sacred  books  of  the  Jewish  na- 
tion appeared  manifest  to  many  men  and  women  of  the  Gen- 
tile world,  and  effectively  led  many  of  them  to  embrace  Juda- 
ism. Women,  in  particular,  felt  especially  attracted  by  the 
mystery  of  the  synagogue,  by  the  superior  condition  assigned 
to  their  sex  in  the  Jewish  religion  ;  hence  they  became  pros- 
elytes of  Judaism  in  large  numbers,  and  naturally  drew  the 
attention  of  the  domestic  circle  to  the  belief  they  had  adopted. 
Further,  the  Jews  of  the  Greek  Dispersion  were  careful  not 
to  enforce  too  strictly  upon  those  whom  they  saw  inclined 
towards  the  pure  worship  of  Jehovah  the  ritualistic  features 
of  their  religion  which  were  most  objected  to  by  pagans  at 
large,  and  this,  together  with  the  brotherly  love  exhibited  by 


THE    JEWS    OF    THE    DISPERSION.  369 

the  members  of  the  Jewish  communities  towards  one  another, 
contributed  powerfully  to  dispel  the  prejudices  and  even  to 
win  the  admiration  of  the  heathens. 

Whilst  the  Jews  exerted  such  deep  and  widespread  influ- 
ence upon  the  Greco-Roman  world,  they  themselves  under- 
went, to  a  considerable  extent,  the  influence  of  Greek  thought 
and  culture.  In  the  Dispersion,  the  cultured  Jew  was  not 
simply  a  Jew,  he  was  also  a  Greek  in  respect  of  language,  of 
education  and  social  manners  and  customs,  by  the  sheer  force 
of  his  surroundings,  and  in  many  points,  particularly  of  a 
ritualistic  nature,  he  gradually  became  more  or  less  relaxed. 
Again,  the  close  study  of  pagan  authors  and  notably  of  Greek 
classics,  even  when  pursued  with  a  view  to  defend  or  propa- 
gate the  Jewish  creed,  was  not  without  some  influence  upon 
the  manner  in  which  this  same  Jewish  creed  was  conceived 
of  by  the  Jews,  or  presented  by  them  to  the  acceptance  of 
the  pagans.  Indeed,  this  Hellenistic  influence,  imperceptible 
at  first,  led  ultimately  to  that  form  of  Alexandrine  religious 
thought  which  has  been  called  syncretism  (that  is,  the  blend- 
ing into  one  system  of  Jewish  belief  with  Greek  speculation), 
which  we  find  fully  developed  in  the  writings  of  Philo,  and 
which  from  Alexandria  spread  far  and  wide  (cfr.  Fouard,  St 
Peter,  chap.  iii). 

4.    Religious  Condition  of  the  Greek-speaking  Jews.    ~/— 

Of  course,  the  influence  just  described  of  Greek  thought, 
forms  of  expression  and  philosophical  speculation  upon  the 
Greek-speaking  Jews  never  extended  much  beyond  a  com- 
paratively narrow  circle  of  Jewish  thinkers  and  apologists. 
The  great  bulk  of  the  dispersed  Jews  in  Egypt,  as  well  as  in  f^M^u.^^ 
the  other  countries  of  the  Greco-Roman  world,  ever  remained Z*^-*^"^^' 
under  the  full  power  of  the  early  training  received  at  home 
and  completed  in  the  synagogues  erected  almost  everywhere 
by  the  dispersed  Jews,  and  this  was  distinctively  Jewish  in 
tendency,  belief  and  practice.     We  must  picture  them  to  us 


Syo  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

as  perfectly  regular  in  their  attendance  at  the  Divine  worship 
in  the  synagogues  such  as  it  was  conducted  there,  that  is 
limited  to  prayer  in  common,  public  reading  and  exposition 
of  the  Sacred  Books;  They  were  also  faithful  in  carrying 
out  as  much  of  the  Mosaic  observances  as  was  compatible 
with  their  condition  far  from  Jerusalem  and  its  Temple. 
Like  their  brethren  dispersed  in  the  Eastern  countries,  they 
sent  rich  offerings  to  the  Holy  City,  appealed  to  the  Great 
Sanhedrim  of  Jerusalem  for  final  legal  decisions,  and  received 
with  joy  mingled  with  reverence  the  exhortations  and  instruc- 
tions of  those  scribes  who  from  time  to  time  came  to  them 
from  Jerusalem,  the  acknowledged  metropolis  of  all  the  Jews. 
Finally,  to  go  up  to  offer  sacrifices  in  the  Temple  of  Jerusalem 
annually  on  the  great  Paschal  festival,  or,  if  he  lived  too  far 
off  for  that  purpose,  to  make  a  pilgrimage  there  once  or  more 
in  his  lifetime,  was  held  by  every  Jew  to  be  an  essential  part 
of  his  religion. 

This  close  union  between  the  Jews  of  the  Western  Disper- 
sion and  Palestine  as  the  centre  of  their  religion  is   particu- 

■  '  larly  remarkable  in  connection  with  the  Jews  of  Egypt,  who 
having  a  temple  of  their  own  at  LeontopoHs^  a  few  miles 
northeast  of  Cairo,  conducted  there  the  worship  of  Jehovah 
on  the  same  lines  as  in  Jerusalem,  since  the  middle  of  the 
second  century  before  our  era. 

Two  facts  more  deserve  special  notice  in  connection  with 
the  religious  life  of  the  Jews  of  Alexandria,  (i)  the  composi- 

uv'  tion  of  the  inspired  book  of  Wisdo7n  in  their  language  and 
'In  their  midst,  about  the  middle  of  the  second  century  before 
s^  Christ,  (2)  the  translation  into  Greek,  made  in  Egypt  about 
130  B.  C,  of  the  inspired  book  of  Ecdesiasticus^  which  the 
Egyptian  Jews  had  probably  received  from  those  of  Jerusa- 
lem some  time  after  its  composition,  and  very  large  fragments 
of  which  in  the  original  Hebrew  have  been  recently  discov- 
ered (cfr.  Revue  Biblique,  October  i,  1897,  p.  573,  footnote  2). 


THE    JEWS    OF    THE    DISPERSION.  37  I 

§  J.     Results  of  the  Dispersion. 

1.  Establishment  of  Synagogues  Everywhere. 
When  after  this  rapid  survey  of  the  Eastern  and  Western 
Dispersion  we  try  to  sum  up  its  principal  results,  we  tind 
that  the  first  is  the  establishment  o^  Jewish  synagogues 
through  the  various  districts  of  the  Ronian  Empire.  These 
places  of  religious  worship  in  which  Moses  and  the  Prophets 
were  read,  tended,  of  course,  to  diffuse  the  expectation  of  the 
Kingdom  of  Heaven,  but  more  particularly  they  were  places 
into  which  the  Apostles  and  early  preachers  of  Christianity 
were  free  to  penetrate,  and  in  which  they  were  naturally 
invited  as  strangers  to  address  an  exhortation  to  the  assem- 
bled brethren.  This  was  a  splendid  opportunity  for  them  to 
preach  the  Gospel,  and  they  naturally  availed  themselves  of 
it.  Starting  from  the  passages  of  Holy  Writ  which  had  just 
been  read,  they  announced  boldly  the  fulfilment  of  the  Law 
and  the.  Prophets  in  the  Person  and  Mission  of  Our  Lord 
and  Savior  Jesus  Christ. 

2.  Change  of  Language.  A  second  important  result 
of  the  Dispersion  is  the  change  which  took  place  among  the 
Jews  scattered  in  the  Greco-Roman  world.  It  can  readily  be 
seen  that  their  adoption  of  the  Greek  language  as  their  ver- 
nacular, and  more  particularly  as  the  language  of  their  litera- 
ture and  of  their  liturgy  placed  many  religious  truths  within 
the  reach  of  the  heathen.  It  introduced  also  into  the  Greek 
language  numerous  words  and  modes  of  expression  required 
by  Hebrew  thought,  and  gradually  moulded  it  into  that  Hel- 
/em's/ic  Greek,  as  it  has  been  called,  which  the  early  preachers 
of  the  Gospel  and  inspired  New  Testament  writers  were  to 
use  as  a  language  almost  entirely  fitted  already  to  convey  the 
great  truths  they  had  to  announce. 


K 


372  OUTLINES    OF    JEWISH    HISTORY. 

3.  Spread  of  Monotheistic  Belief  and  Messianic 
Hopes.  The  third  and  most  important  (result,  of  the  Dis- 
persion,^ was  such  a  spread  of  the  monotheistic  belief  and 
Messianic  hopes  of  Israel  as  to  prepare  effectively  the  Gen- 
tiles for  Christianity.  Had  all  the  Jews  of  the  Captivities 
returned  to  the  Holy  Land  and  re-established  there  Judaism 
in  its  strictest  form,  the  heads  of  the  Jewish  commonwealth 
would  never  have  realized  the  necessity  of  divesting  their 
religion  of  what  were,  after  all,  only  its  transient  features. 
They  would  never  have  felt  compelled,  for  instance,  to  dis- 
pense the  pagans  who  wished' to  become  worshippers  of  the 
true  God,  from  the  hateful  rite  of  circumcision  and  other  such 
practices  of  the  law  however  utterly  incompatible  with  sur- 
roundings different  from  those  of  Palestine.  As  a  necessary 
consequence,  the  belief  and  worship  of  the  sole  true  God  as 
we  see  it  spread  by  the  Dispersion,  namely,  unfettered  by 
the  complicated  and  burdensome  system  of  legal  enact- 
ments, would  never  have  existed  as  a  transition  from  Judaism 
to  Christianity,  as  a  preparation  of  the  Gentile  world  for  the 
universal  religion  in  which  "  the  Father  must  be  adored  in 
spirit  and  in  truth"  (John  iv,  21-24), 

In  like  manner,  without  the  Dispersion,  the  expectation  of 
the  Messias  would  have  been  practically  confined  to  the  lim- 
its of  the  Holy  Land ;  whereas  the  dispersed  Jews  carrying 
everywhere  their  prophetical  books,  spread  far  and  wide  the 
hope  of  a  great  Deliverer,  and  thus  directed  the  eyes  of  all 
peoples  towards  the  One  who  was  soon  to  appear  as  the 
Teacher  and  Redeemer  of  all  nations. 


INDEX 


Aaron,  spokesman  of  Moses,  6i, 
103;  death  of,  120. 

Abdias,  280. 

Abiathar,  194,  203,  207,  214. 

Abimelech,  12,  153,  160. 

Abner,  197. 

Abraham,  i  ;  ancestor  of  the  Jews, 
7;  call  of,  8;  wanderings  of,  8; 
relations  with  (^Ihanaanites,  10;  re- 
lations with  Egypt,  10,  II ;  domes- 
tic life  of,  13,  sq. ;  burial-place  of, 
15;  life  of  faith  of,  23-26;  bless- 
ings bestowed  upon  him,  24;  char- 
acter of,  24,  35 ;  father  of  the  faith- 
ful, 25;  ancestor  of  the  Chris- 
tians, 25,  26. 

Absalom,  207. 

Achab,  245,  sq.;  idolatry  under,  246, 

259- 

Achaz,  194,  253,  262;  frightful  idol- 
atry of,  262. 

Achiniclech,  193. 

Acre,  114;  plain  of,  115,  23S. 

Adonias,  207,  213,  214. 

Agar,  13,  14. 

Aggeus,  2S2,  315. 

Akabah,  Gulf  of,  102,  105,  119. 

Alcimus,  342,  sq. 

Alexander,  Bales,  343 ;  Jannaeus, 
34S,  350,  sq.,  353;  the  Great,  324. 

33'.  364- 

Alexandra,  34S,  351,  354. 


Alexandria,  326,  330,  336;  founda- 
tion of,  325;  description  of,  365; 
commerce  of,  366;  Jews  in,  366. 

Altar  of  Holocausts,  84,  86,  97  ;  of 
incense,  84. 

Amalec,  Amalecites,  104;  their  at- 
tacks on  Israel,  72,  157,  159;  at- 
tacks on  Saul,  186,  194. 

Ammon,  Ammonites,  119,   12 


131. 


104. 


132,  sq.,  157, 

Amorrhites,  9,  104,  122,  sq.,  175,  204. 

Amos,  252,  279. 

Amri,  244,  sq. 

Angel  of  Jehovah,  13;  belief  in  an- 
gels developed,  308. 

Animals,  why  offered  to  Jehovah, 
92;  clean  and  unclean,  94. 

Anna,  172. 

"Anointed  of  Jehovah,"  applied  to 
kings,  179. 

Antigonus,  General  of  Alexander, 
325,  sq. ;    son  of  Aristobulus   II, 

358,  359- 
Anti-Lebanon,  1 10. 
Antioch,  332,  337. 
Antiochus   III,  330,  364;    IV,  332, 

sq.;  persecutes  Jews,  336,  sq. ;  VI, 

345;  VII,  349. 
Antipater,  355,  357,  sq. 
Antony,  358. 
Aod,  157. 
Aphec,  173. 


[y73] 


374 


INDEX. 


Apis,  bull,  76. 

Apollonius,  331,  336,  341. 

Arabah,  the,  105,  119. 

Arabia,  1 10,  216,  355. 

Aretas,  355. 

Aristobulus  I,  348  ;  11,  354,  356,  sq. 

Ark  of  the  Covenant,  description  of, 
84,  sq.;  like  to  Egyptian  Naos,  85; 
preceding  Israel,  loi,  224;  capture 
of,  168;  on  Mount  Sion,  202. 

Arnon,  River,  no,  112,  120,  sq. 

Artaxerxes  I,  316,  318,  320;  II,  320. 

Asa,  242,  256,  257. 

Asaph,  203. 

Asarhaddon,  266;  II,  298. 

Aser,  142. 

Asiongaber,  217. 

Asmonean,  353,  355. 

Assideans,  340,  342,  351. 

Assuerus,  316. 

Assurbanipal,  266. 

Assyria,  238,  250,  254,  263,  361.      ' 

Astarthe,  134,  sq,,  245,  265. 

Athalia,  259,  260,  261. 

Atonement,  the  day  of,  88,  98. 

Azarias,  King,  261. 

Baal,  123,  134,  sq.,  159,  260. 

Baasa,  256. 

Babylon,  8,  description  of,  298 ;  cap- 
ture of,  300,  306. 

Babylonia,  8,  238,  254,  297,  324;  his- 
tory of,  298,  sq. 

—  civilization  of,  300,  sq. 

religion  of,  303,  sq. 

captivity  in,  304,  sq. 

Balaam,  124,  125. 

Baltassar,  300. 

Banias,  201,  220, 

Barac,  158. 

Baruch,  279. 

Basan,  121. 


Bedouin,  9,  108,  149, 

Bel  or  Belus,  298,  303. 

Benadad,  248,  257. 

Benjamin,  34,  38,  43;  tribe  of,  141, 

169,  321. 
Bersabee,  10,  53,  176. 
Bethel,  9,  34,  175. 
Bethlehem,  34,  169,  190,  194. 
Bethoron,  138,  139,  341,  342. 
Bethsabee,  206,  208,  212,  213. 
Birthright,  28,  30. 
Borsippa,  297,  299. 
Breastplate  of  high  priest,  87. 
Brick-making  in  Egypt,  56,  57,  62. 
Burnt-offerings,  99. 

Cades,  10,  102,  103,  106,  118,  134. 
Caesar,  Julius,  357,  358,  365;  Sextus, 

358. 

Caleb,  104,  142. 

Calf,  golden,  at  Sinai,  72;  at  Dan 
and  Bethel,  243. 

Candlestick,  golden,  84,  86. 

Captivity  of  Israel,  254;  of  Juda, 
269;  of  Babylon,  297,  sq.,  304,  sq.; 
end  of,  311. 

Cariathiarim,  174,  202. 

Carmel,  Mount,  113,  247. 

Castes,  how  prevented  in   Israel,  99. 

Cedron,  199. 

Census,  at  Sinai,  loi  ;  under  David, 
207  ;  of  Zorobabel  and  Nehemias, 
.318. 

Ceremonial  law,  90,  sq. 

Chaldaea,  7,  267. 

Chaldean,  8,  286,  297,  298;  account 
of  Genesis,  303. 

ChampoUion,  48,  257. 

Chanaan,  land  of,  8,  9,  25,  34;  ad- 
vance to,  118,  sq. 

inhabitants  of,  131,  sq. ;  parti- 
tion of,  140,  sq. 


INDEX. 


375 


Chanaanites,  relations  of,  with  Abra- 
ham, 10;  descendants  of  Cham, 
131;  civilization  of,  133,  sq.;  re- 
ligion of,  134,  sq. ;  remains  of,  in 
Palestine,  1 50. 

Character,  of  Abraham,  24,  35;  of 
Isaac,  35;  of  Jacob,  35,  sq. ;  of 
Esau,  36;  human  character  of  Mo- 
saic law,  81  ;  of  Moses,  128,  sq. ; 
of  David,  208,  sq. 

Cherubim,  85,  224. 

Chronology  of  royal  period,  271. 

Circumcision,  14,  25,  26. 

Cison  River,  116. 

Cities  of  refuge,  143. 

City,  Holy  (see  Jerusalem). 

Civilization,  1  ;  of  Egypt,  49,  sq. ;  of 
Chanaan,  133,  134;  of  Babylonia, 
300,  sq. ;  Greek,  328. 

Clean  and  unclean,  animals,  things, 
conditions,  94,  sq. ;   in  Babylonia, 

304- 

Contract  tablets,  301,  sq. 

Courses  of  priests,  203. 

Courts  of  Tabernacle,  97 ;  of  Tem- 
ple, 224,  sq.,  316. 

Covenant,  i,  25,  77  ;  renewal  of,  319; 
angel  of  the,  283. 

Cuneiform,  1 1,  302. 

Cyrus,  300;  liberator  of  Jews,  311; 
decree  of,  311,  315. 

Damascus,  9,  141,  251,  312,  355. 

Dan,  tribe  of,  141,  168. 

Daniel,  281,  sq.,  324,  299,  305,  362. 

Darius,  315. 

David,  170,  iSS;  origin  and  early 
life,  189,  sq. ;  first  introduction  to 
Saul,  191  ;  relations  with  Saul, 
192,  sq.;  wanderings  of,  193,  sq. ; 
king  in  Hebron,  197 ;  king  over 
all    Israel,    19S,  sq. ;    capital    and 


court  of,  199;  city  uf,  199;  politi- 
cal administration  of,  200,  sq. ;  ec- 
clesiastical arrangements,  202 ;  a 
prophet,'  202  ;  outward  relations, 
203;  barbarity  of  his  wars,  204, 
sq. ;  extension  and  prosperity  of 
his  empire,  205 ;  fall  and  punish- 
ment, 206;  death  of,  208;  Psalms 
of,  209  ;  a  type  of  Christ,  209. 

Dead  Sea,  15,  footnote  i  ;  no. 

Debbora,  152,  sq.,  I57,sq. 

Dedication  of  Solomon's  Temple, 
225;  of  Zorobabel's  Temple,  315. 

Delta,  the,  47. 

Demand  for  a  king,  177. 

Demetrius  II,  343,  sq. 

Departure  from  Egypt,  64,  sq. ;  from 
Sinai,  101  ;  from  Babylonia,  first, 
311,  sq.;  second,  320. 

Deuteronomy,  126,  sq.,  267. 

Dispersion,  the,  361  ;  Eastern,  361, 
sq. ;  Western,  363,  sq.;  intercourse 
with  pagans,  366,  sq. 

Disruption  of  Solomon's  kingdom, 
causes,  consequences  of,  235,  sq. 

Divination,  heathen,  contrasted  with 
prophetical  inspiration,  275. 

Dothain,  39,  159. 

Dreams  of  Joseph,  38  ;  of  Joseph's 
co-prisoners,  42  ;  of  Pharao,  42. 

Drink-offerings,  92. 

Dynasties,  principal  Egyptian,  49. 

Ebal,  Mount,  84,  115. 

Ecclesiasticus,  326,  370. 

Edom,  119,  121. 

Edomites,  26,  313. 

Egypt,  9,  270;  physical  description 
of,  47  ;  history  of,  48,  sq. ;  civiliza- 
tion of,  49,  sq. ;  length  of  star  in, 
66. 

Elders,  61,  103,  198,  353. 


376 


INDEX. 


Eleazar,     14;     son     of     Aaron,    87, 

154 
Eleazar  II,  326. 
Elias,  246  ;  slays  priests  of  Baal,  247  ; 

miracles  of,  247,  sq. 
Eiiasib,  319,320. 
Elim  (Wady  Gharandel),  71. 
Eliseus,  249. 
Endor,  witch  of,  189. 
Enoch,  book  of,  350. 
Ephod,  Sj. 
Ephraim,  son  of  Joseph,  55 ;  tribe  of, 

141,  142,  235;    rivalry    with    tribe 

of  Juda,  235. 
Esau,  28,  sq. ;  character  of,  36. 
Esdraelon,  plain   of,    114,    115,    142, 

189. 


Esdi 


works  ascribed  to  him, 


312,  317,  sq.,  321,  sq. 
Essenes,  353. 
Esther,  book  of,  317,  362. 
Elhnarch,  356,  sq. 
Et  Tih,  104,  sq. 
Euphrates,  8,  9,  2},  297,  320. 
E.xile   of   Babylon,  304,   sq  ;  return 

from,  311,  sq. 
Exodus    from    Egypt,    59,    sq. ;    the 

new,  312. 
Expiatory  sacrifices,  91. 
Ezechias,  263. 
Ezechiel,  281,  sq.,  304. 

Famine  in  Chanaan,  9 ;   in  Egypt, 

43,  4'S. 

F'eiiahin,  57. 

Festivals,  Mosaic,  95,  sq. 

First-born  of  Egyptians  smitten,  64. 

First-fruits,  92,  363;  why  offered  to 
Jehovah,  93. 

Forty  years'  wandering,  why  im- 
posed, 106. 

Future  life,  E2yptian  belief  in,  52  ; 


not  mentioned  in  Pentateuch,  83  ; 
Babylonian  belief  in,  304. 

Gad,  141,  203. 

Gabaa,  169,  203,  215. 

Gabaon,  138,  215. 

Galaad,  33,  113,  161. 

Galgal,  138,  139,  175,  178,  181. 

Galilee,  114,  358,  359. 

Garizim,  Mount,  138,  320,  349. 

Garments  of  priests,  86;  of  high 
priests,  87. 

Gedeon,  i  52,  159,  sq. 

Gelboe,  188,  sq.,  194,  197. 

Genesareth,  115;  Lake  of,  116. 

Gergesites,  133. 

Gessen,  land  of,  54. 

Geth,  David  in,  194, 

Gifts  obtained  from  Egyptians  by 
Israelites,  66. 

Godolias,  270. 

Golan,  112. 

Goliath,  191. 

Greek  language  adopted  by  West- 
ern Dispersion,  369,  sq. 

Habacuc,  280. 

Haran,  8,  30,  sq.,  297,  312. 

Ilauran,  112. 

Hazeroth,  103. 

Hebrew,  Abraham,  the,  15. 

Hebron,  9,  16,  34;  a  pjace  of  wor- 
ship, 94,  114,  I39,-I97»  313- 

Heli,  152;  of  the  line  of  Ithamar, 
154  ;  his  judgeship,  167,  sq. ;  death 

of,  173- 
Heliodorus,  332. 
Heliopaiis,  43. 
Hellenism,  meaning  of,  328  ;  rise  of, 

328;   growth  of,  333,  336,  sq.,  343. 
Hermon,    Mount,   121,   140;    Little, 

114,  188. 


INDEX. 


377 


Herod  the  Great,  34S,  355,  357. 
Ilethites    (Hittites),    131,    133,    215, 

312. 
Hieroglyphics    deciphered,    48,    49, 

134. 

High  Priest,  sacred  character  of,  87; 
special  garments  of,  87  ;  privileges 
of,  87,  88;  rule  of  high  priests, 
324,  sq. 

Hiram,  199,  sq.,  216. 

History,  Jewish,  introduction  to,  i- 
5;  of  Egypt,  48,  sq. ;  of  Baby- 
lonia, 298,  sq. 

Hittites  (see  Hethites). 

Holidays,  Mosaic,  95,  sq. 

Holiness  of  Jewish  people,  79;  how 
promoted  by  sacrifices,  90,  sq. 

Holocausts,  91  ;  special  meaning  of, 

93- 
Holy  Place,  84,  86;  Holy  of  Holies, 
84,88,99,224;   Most  Holy  Place, 

330- 
Ilor,  Mount,  119,  sq. 
Iloreb,  Mount,  61  ;  probably  Mount 

Serbal,  72. 
Hospitality,  Eastern,  21,  22. 
Human  sacrifices,  were  they  offered 

to  Jehovah  ?  163. 
Hyksos,  53,  56. 
Hyrcanus,  John,  348,  349,  sq.,  351 ; 

1.353;  II.  354.  sq.,  357. 

Idolatry,  why  punished  by  Mosaic 
law,  81  ;  why  a  great  danger  to 
Israel,  135,  sq. ;  under  Judges, 
154,  sq. ;  under  Solomon,  231,  sq.; 
in  kingdom  of  Juda,  257,  sq.  ;  of 
Manasses,  265,  sq. ;  etc. 

Idumaea,  357. 

Idumean,  349,  359. 

Incense,  altar  of,  84 ;  why  offered, 
93- 


Inspiration  of  prophets  contrasted 
with  divination,  275. 

Ipsus,  battle  of,  326. 

Isaac,  14;  of  secondary  importance 
in  Jewish  history,  28;  burial  of, 
34;  character  of,  35,  36. 

Isaias,  262,  264,  280. 

Isboseth,  197,  235. 

Ismael,  Ismaelites,  13,  39,  etc. 

Israel,  Jacob,  so  named,  ;^2f  kingdom 
of,  237 ;  political  and  religious  or- 
ganization, 242,  sq. ;  Israel  and 
Juda,  kingdoms  of,  compared,  238, 
S([. ;    destruction    of   kingdom    of, 

253. 
Israelites,  prosperity  in    Egypt,  55, 

sq. ;  persecution  in  Egypt,  56,60; 

life   of,    in   the    Wilderness,    107, 

108. 
Issachar,  tribe  of,  142. 
Ithamar,  154. 

Jabes  Galaad,  180. 

Jabin,  140,  158. 

Jaboc  33,  112,  121,  sq. 

Jacob,  importance  in  Jewish  history, 
28;  secures  last  blessing,  30;  at 
Bethel,  31  ;  in  Haran,  31,  sq.; 
vows  exclusive  worship  to  Je- 
hovah, 31  ;  character  of,  35,  sq.; 
grief  of,  40;  in  Egypt,  53,  sq.; 
blesses  Juda,  54  ;  burial  of,  54,  sq. 

Jaddus,  324. 

Jahel,  158. 

Jasa  (Jahaz),  battle  of,  122. 

Jason,  232,  sq. ;  of  Cyrene,  350. 

Jebel  Musa,  74,  sq. 

Jebusites,  131,  133,  199. 

Jechonias,  282. 

Jehu,  249,  sq. 

Jephte,  162 ;  questions  connected 
with  his  vow,  162,  sq. 


378 


INDEX. 


Jeremias,  267,  268,  270,  280,  304. 

Jericho,  123,  245,  346;  captured  by 
Josue,  137,  138. 

Jeroboam,  233,  236 ;  aim,  on  the 
throne,  241  ;  connects  religious  in- 
novations with  history  of  the  past, 
242,  sq. 

Jeroboam  II,  251,  sq. 

Jerusalem  (Uru'  Salim),  12;  in  time 
of  David,  199;  destroyed  by  Na- 
buchodonosor,  269,  sq. 

Jethro,  60,  sq. 

Jezabel,  245. 

Jezrael,  159,  245,  250. 

Joab,  199,  201,  207,  214. 

Joachaz,  251,  268. 

Joakim,  268. 

Joas,  251,  260. 

Joatham,  261. 

Job,  219. 

Joel,  280. 

Joiada,  220,  260,  261,  320. 

Jonas,  251,  279. 

Jonathan,  son  of  Saul,  185,  188,  198 ; 
son  of  Mathathias,  339 ;  Macha- 
beus,  343,  sq.  ;  renews  treaty  with 
Rome,  344. 

Joppe,  238,  345. 

Joram,  of  Israel,  250;  of  Juda,  259. 

Jordan,  valley,  115;  river,  115,  116; 
fords  of,  159;  miraculous  crossing 

of,  137- 

Josaphat,  248,  258. 

Joseph,  34 ;  life  in  Chanaan,  illus- 
trated, 38,  39  ;  in  Putiphar's  house, 
40,  41;  in  prison,  41,  42;  inter- 
prets dreams,  42;  elevation  of,  43; 
kindness  to  his  brothers,  44;  char- 
acter of,  44;  type  of  Christ,  45; 
death  of,  55. 

Josephus,  325,  327,  348,  361,  364. 

Josias,  267. 


Josue,  successor  of  Moses,  136 ;  con- 
quers Palestine,  137,  sq. ;  stopping 
of  the  sun  by,  139;  special  terri- 
tory of,  142;  death  and  burial- 
place  of,  143,  144. 

Jubilee,  96. 

Juda,  Jacob's  son,  39,  53;  blessed 
by  Jacob,  54;  tribe  of,  141,  235, 
321 ;  kingdom  of,  237,  256,  sq.;  de- 
struction of  kingdom  of,  269,  sq. 

Juda  and  Israel,  kingdoms  of,  com- 
pared, 238,  sq. 

Judaea,  114;  tributary  to  Persia,  311, 
sq. ;  to  Macedonia,  324  ;  to  Egypt, 
326,  329;  to  Syria,  329,  sq. ;  a  part 
of  Syria,  356;  to  Rome,  365. 

Judas  Machabeus,  339,  340  ;  makes 
alliance  with  Rome,  342. 

Judges,  I  ;  qualities  required  in,  by 
Mosaic  law,  82  ;  time  of  the,  T46, 
sq  ;  meaning  of  title  of,  148,  i  ^i  ; 
social  condition  during  time  of, 
148,  sq. ;  domestic  life  under,  14,9; 
limited  power  of  the,  152;  how 
appointed,  151,  sq. ;  religious  or- 
ganization under  the,  153,  sq. 

Judith,  book  of,  266. 

Karnak,  134,  257. 

King,  popular  demand  for  a,  lyC. 

Laban,  31,  sq. 

Lachis,  139,  264. 

Lamb,  paschal,  97. 

Land,  Mosaic  laws  regarding,  96 ; 
of  Chanaan,  of  Promise  (see  Cha- 
naan, Palestine). 

Language,  change  of,  in  Western 
Dispersion,  371. 

Laomedon,  325. 

Laver  (or  "  sea  ")  of  brass,  225- 

Law,  book  of  the,  discovered,  267. 


INDEX. 


379 


Law  Mosaic,  main  purposes  of,  79 ; 
general  features  of,  80 ;  public 
reading  of,  98,  170,  258,  319;  "a 
prophecy,"  278,  321,  352. 

civil,  80,81  ;  constitutional,  80; 

criminal,  81. 

Lebanon,  no. 

Length  of  stay  in  Egypt,  66;  in 
Babylon,  307,  etc. 

Leprosy,  94. 

Levi,  tribe  of,  85,  143. 

Levites,  85;  cities  of,  143;  under 
the  Judges,  154,  201,  203. 

Life  of  the  Israelites  in  the  Wilder- 
ness, 107,  sq. 

Jews  in  Babylonia,  304,  sq. 

Loaves  of  proposition,  84,  86. 

Lot,  9,  15. 

Lysias,  regent  of  Syria,  341. 

Maacha,  258. 

Machabee  (Machabeus)  name  of, 
340,   343;    books   of   Machabees, 

350- 

Machabean,  359,  etc. 

Machpelah,  cave  of,  15,  55. 

Madian,  60,  7^,  122,  sq.,  160. 

Mageddo,  158,  226,  250,  268. 

Mahanain,  33,  197. 

Malachias,  282. 

Mambre,  9,  34. 

Manasses,  son  of  Joseph,  55;  half- 
tribe,  east  of  Jordan,  125,  sq.,  141 ; 
west  of  Jordan,  142,  1 59  ;  king,  265, 
sq. ;  the  high  priest,  329. 

Manna,  not  a  mere  natural  product, 
73'  loS. 

Mara,  71. 

Marriage,  Eastern  customs,  31,  301. 

Mary,  sister  of  Moses,  59,  103, 
118. 

Masphath,  174,  175,  179. 


Mathan,  261. 

Mathathias,  339,  353. 

Medes  (Media),  324. 

Melchisedech,  11,  12. 

Menelaus,  333,  sq. 

Meneptah  I,  60,  65. 

Menes,  49. 

Mercy-seat,  84,  99. 

Merom,  lake  of,  116,  140. 

Merodach  Baladan,  265. 

Mesa,  King,  248. 

Mesopotamia,  33,  157,  312,  etc. 

Messias,  202,  283,  372;  predicted  by 
prophets,  288 ;  belief  in,  devel- 
oped in  Babylon,  307,  sq. ;  belief 
in,  kept  up  by  Pharisees,  352. 

Michas  and  the  Danites,  154,  168. 

Micheas,  280. 

Mighty  men  of  David,  201. 

Miphiboseth,  198. 

Miracles  in  Egypt,  61,  sq. ;  of  Klias, 
247,  sq. 

Moab,  119,  122,  sq.,  259. 

Moabite  stone,  248. 

Mod  in,  339. 

Monarchy,  beginning  of  the,  172, 
sq.;  first  opponents  of,  179,  181, 
200;  restoration    of,    after    exile, 

3'4. 
Monotheism,    absolute,    in    Mosaic 

law,  82,  83. 
Jewish  monarchy,  a  danger  to, 

278. 

not  the  religion  of  Cyrus,  31 1. 

Moon  (new),  95. 
Moria,  199,  223. 
Moses,  birth,  early  life,  59,  60  ;  flight 

to  Madian,  60;  sent  to  Pharao,  61, 

sq. ;  last  discourses   of,    126,  sq. ; 

successor  of,  126;  death  of,  127; 

character  of,  128,  sq. 
Mugheir  (Ur),  7. 


38o 


INDEX. 


Nabonahid,  300. 

Nabopolassar,  269,  298. 

Naboth,  248. 

Nabuchodonosor,  invasions  of,  268, 
sq.,  297,  304;  gigantic  works  of, 
299;  Lycanthropy  of,  300,  302, 
312. 

Nachor,  8. 

Nahum,  280. 

Nathan,  202,  208,  213. 

Nazarite,  165,  172. 

Nelio,  Mount,  127. 

Nechao,  268. 

Negeb,  9,  105. 

Nehemias,  317,  320,  322  ;  first  mission 
of,  318,  362. 

Nephtali,  tribe  of,  142,  246. 

New  moon,  festival  of,  95, 

Nile,  river,  47  ;  its  water,  48;  plague 
of,  62,  sq. 

Nineveh  (Ninive),  251,  264,  298,  300, 
307,  312. 

Nisan,  month,  97. 

Nomad  life,  in  general,  iS ;  particu- 
lars of,  19-23. 

Ob  ED,  169. 

Ochoziq^,  248,  sq.,  250. 

Octavius,  35S.  . 

Odollam,  cave  of,  194. 

Offerings,  meat   and    drink,  92;  for 

sin,  99;  burnt,  99. 
Og,  King,  122,  125. 
Olives,  Mount  of,  231. 
Onias  I,  325;  II,  329;  III,  331. 
Ophir,  217,  218. 
Osee,    252;    King    of    Israel,    253; 

prophet,  279. 
Othoniel,  157, 
Oza,  202. 

Pacific  sacrifices,  91. 


Palestine,  names  of,  no;  geography 
of,  no,  sq. 

Eastern,    described,    in,    113; 

political    divisions    of,    121,    sq. ; 
conquest  of,  122-125. 

Western,   described,    in,   sq. ; 

conquered,  125,  130,  sq.,  136,  140; 
inhabitants  of,  131,  sq. 

Palmyra  (Tadmor),  226. 

Panium,  Mount,  battle  of,  330. 

Parthians,  358. 

Paschal,  festival,  96,  sq. ;  an  agri- 
cultural feast,  97, 

lamb,  97. 

Passage  of  Red  Sea,  6y  ;  miraculous 
character  of,  68;  traditions  about, 
69. 

Passover,  64,  sq.,  97  ;  at  Sinai,  loi, 
316. 

Patriarchal  age,  5,  7,  etc. 

Pentecost,  97. 

Phacee,  ?53. 

Phaceia,  253. 

Phanuel,  33,  241. 

Pharao,  9;  power  in  Egypt,  50;  op- 
poses Moses,  60,  sq. ;  father-in-law 
to  Solomon,  214. 

Pharan,  102,  105. 

Pharisees,  351,  sq. ;  tenets  of,  351,  sq. 

Phenicia,  no,  114,  etc. 

Pherezites,  131,  133,  etc. 

Phihahiroth,  67. 

Philistia,  115. 

Philistines,  119,  174,  176,  185,  etc. ; 
and  Samson,  165,  sq. 

Phinees,  124,  sq. 

Phi  thorn,  56. 

Phwl  (Teglathphalasar),  253. 

Plagues  of  Egypt,  62  ;  analogous 
with,  yet  different  from  natural 
scourges,  63;  derisive  of  Egyptian 
gods,  64. 


INDEX. 


38' 


Plains  in  Palestine,  114,  sq. 

Polygamy,  22,  32,  51,  172,  199,  sq., 
230,  245,  301. 

Tompey,  348,  355,  sq.,  365. 

Predictions  (see  Prophets). 

Priests,  Egyptian,  50,  sq. ;  not  a 
caste  in  Israel,  80;  high,  84,  sq. ; 
simple,  84,  sq.;  function  of  high, 
on  clay  of  atonement,  98,  sq. 

of  Baal  and  Astarthe,  246. 

in  liabylonia,  303,  sq. 

Prophecy,  meaning  of  word,  273; 
the  Ivaw  "  a  Prophecy,"  278. 

Prophetical  order,  273,  sq. ;  history 
of,  277,  sq. ;  general  results  of,  294, 
sq. 

Prophets,  schools  of,  175,  276; 
prophets,  200;  meaning  of  name, 
273;  mission  of,  273,  sq.;  inspira- 
tion of,  274;  sons  of  the  prophets, 
276;  Moses  a  prophet,  277  ;  before 
captivity,  279,  sq.-,  writings  of,  279L; 
after  the  exile,  281,  sq. ;  opposi- 
tion of,  to  calf  worship,  281;  to 
Jewish  law  and  priesthood,  281 ;  to 
idolatry,  281,  295;  predictions  of, 
supernatural  character  of,  285,  sq. ; 
objects  of  predictions,  287,  sq.; 
characteristics  of  predictions,  289; 
influence  of  prophets,  291,  sq.;  ob- 
stacles to,  291,  sq. ;  means  of  suc- 
cess of,  293,  sq. 

Proselytes,  362. 

Proverbs,  219. 

Psalms,  209,  350. 

Ptolemais,  344. 

Ptolemy  I,  325,  364;  Soter,  326; 
II,  Philadelphus,  326,  364;  III, 
329;  IV,  330;  V,  330. 

Punishments  in  Mosaic  law,  81,  82. 

Purim,  festival  of,  317. 

Purity,  laws  about  legal,  94. 


Putiphar,  meaning  of,  40. 
Pyramids,  49. 

Quails  sent  to  Israel,  ^2,^  103. 

Rachel,  31,  sq.,  38. 

Kama,  242,  256. 

Ramesses,  city  of,  56;  Ramesses  II, 

56,  57. 
Ramoth  Galaad,  249. 
Raphidim  (Wady  Feiran),  72. 
Ras  Sufsafeh,  74,  75. 
Rebecca,  15,  29. 
Red  Sea,  passage  of,  67,  102. 
Refuge,  cities  of,  143. 
Religion,    i;   of   Egypt,   51,    52;   of 

Chanaan,  134,  sq.;  of   Babylonia, 

303,  sq. ;   of  Jews  in   Babylonia, 

306,  sq. 
Resurrection  of  dead,  307. 
Revolt  of  ten  tribes,  236,  sq. 
River  of  Egypt,  104,  no. 
Roboam,  236,  256,  sq. 
Rome,  342,  349.  356,  365. 
Romans,  342,  356,  sq.,  359. 
Ruben,  tribe  of.  t  in,  <n. 
Ruth,  169,  sq. 

Sabbath,  95,  etc.;  festivals  con- 
nected with,  95;  Sabbatic  year,  96, 
98. 

Sacrifice,  of  Isaac,  14;  expression  of 
religious  worship,  90;  bloody  and 
unbloody,  90,  sq. ;  chief  objects  of, 
91,  sq. ;  common  features  to  all 
bloody,  91;  place  of,  93;  human,  in 
honor  of  Jehovah  1  163. 

Sadducees,  351,  sq.,  354. 

Sadoc,  203. 

Salem,  252. 

Salmanasar  II,  black  obelisk  of,  251. 

IV,  253. 


382 


INDEX. 


Samaria,  kingdom  of,  238,  sq.,  349, 
369  ;  city  of,  239,  250  ;  foundation 
of  city  of,  244;  destruction  of,  254, 

313- 
Samaritans,   320;    hatred   of   Jews, 
31 5,  sq. ;  temple  of  Mount  Garizim, 
320. 

Samgar,  157. 

Samson,  152;  how  a  judge,  164; 
strength  of,  165;  historical  char- 
acter of  exploits,  166. 

Samuel,  152,  278;  early  life  and 
judgeship  of,  172, sq.;  offers  sacri- 
fice to  Jehovah,  175,  footnote  i ; 
resents  demand  for  a  king,  177  ; 
withdraws,  181 ;  anoints  David, 
190;  founder  of  schools  of  proph- 
ets, 276. 

Sanaballat,  318,  320. 

Sanhedrim,  103;  origin  and  powers 
of>  353.  sq.,  358,  363. 

Sarai  (Sara),  11,12;  character  of,  14. 

Saron,  115. 

Sasabassar,  312. 

Saul,  election  of,  177;  meeting  with 
Samuel,  178;  anointing  of,  as  king, 
178;  victory  over  Ammonites,  179, 
sq,;  military  achievements  of, 
184;  rejected  by  God,  185,  sq. ; 
character  of,  186,  sq.;  death  of, 
189. 

Schools  of  the  prophets,  175,  276. 

vScribes,  289,  321,  338. 

Scripture,  Holy,  and  Esdras,  321, 
sq. 

Sea,  Red,  14 ;  Great  or  Mediterra- 
nean, no,  sq. ;  coast,  113,  sq. 

Seba,  207. 

Sects,  Jewish,  351,  sq. 

Sedecias,  209. 

Sehon,  122. 

Seir,  Mount,  34,  102. 


Seleucus  I,  326,  331,  364;  IV,  331. 

Sennacherib,  264;  army  of,  de- 
stroyed, 265. 

Septuagint,  translation  of  Old  Testa- 
ment, 66,  191. 

origin  of,  326,  sq. 

Serbal,  Mount,  72. 

Serpent,  brazen,  121,  264. 

Sesac,  257. 

Shepherd,  life  of,  32,  190. 

Shibboleth,  164. 

Sichem,  9,  34,  160,  239,  241,  349. 

Side  (Shekel),  194,  319. 

Sidon,  245. 

Silo,  153,  168. 

Simeon,  tribe  of,  141. 

Simon  I,  the  Just,  326,  329;  II,  330; 
Simon  Machabeus,  339,  340,  344, 

sq-,  348,  353- 

Sinai,  journey  to,  71  ;  description  of, 
74;  fitness  for  giving  of  the  law, 
74;  from  Sinai  to  Cades,  loi,  sq. 

Sion,  125,  199. 

Sisara,  158,  sq. 

Slaves,  39;  among  nomads,  22;  in 
Mosaic  law,  8r,  etc. 

Socoth,  34. 

Sodom,  destruction  of,  15,  footnote  i. 

Solomon,  208,  251  ;  how  brought  up, 
212,  213;  inaugurated  king,  213; 
first  acts  of,  213,  sq. ;  commerce 
by  land,  with  Egypt,  215;  with 
Arabia,  216;  with  Phenicia,  216; 
commerce  by  sea,  216,  sq. ;  temple 
of,  216,  222,  sq. ;  intellectual  life 
of,  218,  sq.;  wisdom  of,  218; 
proverbs  of,  219;  military  and 
political  organization,  220;  exten- 
sion and  peace  of  his  States,  221; 
public  works  in  Jerusalem  and 
provinces,  222-227  ;  palace  of,  226; 
decline  and  disruption  of  kingdom 


INDEX. 


383 


of,  229,  sq.;  despotism,  230;  po- 
lygamy of,  230;  idolatry  of,  231, 
232;  end  of,  234. 

Sophonias,  280. 

Spices,  39. 

Spies,  sending  of  the  twelve,  104. 

Stations  in  the  wilderness,  106,  sq. 

Suez,  105 ;  extent  of  gulf  of  in  Moses' 
time,  67. 

Sur,  wilderness  of,  13. 

Susa,  297,  317. 

Suzanna,  306. 

Synagogue,  the  Great,  321,  326. 

Synagogues,  local,  origin  of,  308, 322, 

369- 
Syria,  250,  299,  325. 
Coele-Syria,  322,  325,  358. 

Tabernacle,  description  of  the,  84  ; 
ministers  of,  85,  sq. ;  how  far  sole 
place  of  sacrifice,  93,  94,  97;  con- 
struction of,  loi,  215. 

Tabernacles,  Feast  of,  98,  243,  314, 

319. 
Tabor,  Mount,  114,  142. 
Tanis,  54. 

Teglathphalasar,  253,  263. 
Tel  el-Amarna,  tablets,  11. 
Temple,    construction  of,  projected 

by  David,  202;  of  Solomon,  216, 

222,  sq.;  of  Zorobabel,  314,  316. 
Chaldean,  8;  on  Garizim,  320, 

349;   rededicated  by  Judas,   341, 

356. 
Tents,  19 ;  arrangement  of,  20. 
Thare,  8. 
Tharsis,  216. 

Theocracy,  2,  ']'j,  80,  308,  326,  328. 
Thersa,  239,  244,  252. 
Tigris,  7,  297,  312. 
Tithes,  assigned  to  priests  and  Le- 

vites,  86,  319. 


Tobias,  book  of,  246,  308,  362 ;  son 

of  Tobias,  329. 
Traditions,  Jewish,  321. 
Treasury,  temple,  320,  355. 
Triads  in  Egyptian  religion,  52,  83, 

footnote  I. 

in  Babylonian  religion,  303. 

Tribes,  jealousy  amojig,  235. 

Trumpets,  Feast  of,  96. 

Tryphon,  344,  sq. 

Twelve,  tribes,  loi,  313;  divisions  of 

land  under  Solomon,  220. 
Two  brothers,  Egyptian  tale  of  the, 

11,41. 
Tyre,  216,  245,  324,  :i,:^y 
Tyropoeon  valley,  199. 

Uncleanness,   laws   regarding,  94, 

sq. 
Unity  of    Sanctuary,  93,  94;  under 

the  Judges,  153. 
Unleavened  bread,  97, 
Ur  of  the  Chaldees,  7. 
Urim  and  Thummim,"87,  316. 

Victims  for  sacrifice,  91,  92. 
Visions  of  Abraham,  9,  24;  of  Jacob, 
30, 33 ;  of  Samuel,  1 73  ;  of  prophets 

275- 
Volcanoes,  extinct,  east  of  Jordan, 

112. 
Vow  of  Jephte,  162,  sq. 

Wady,  el  Arabah,  119;  Feiran  (Ra- 
phidim)    72;    Gharandel   (Elim), 

71- 
Wandering,  life,  19,  sq. ;  forty  years', 

106,  sq. 
Wells  in  the  East,  13. 
W^ilderness,  of  Sin,  72,  105;  of  the 

Wandering    104,  121;  of  Pharan, 

14,  102,  105;  of  Judaea,  114. 


384 


INDEX. 


Wisdom,  Book  of,  370. 

Women,  condition  of,  in  Egypt,  41  ; 

in  Babylonia,  301  ;  among  nomads, 

22. 

Xerxes  I,  316,  sq. 
Yarmuk,  river,  112. 


Year,  Sabbatical,  96,  98  ;  of  Jubilee, 
96. 

Zabulon,  tribe  of,  142. 

Zacharias,  King,  252  ;  son  of  Joiada, 

261 ;  the  prophet,  282,  315. 
Zerka,  river,  116. 
Zorobabel,  312,  314,  322. 


